A total of 311 statements were produced during the generation step of data collection. Refining the statement list led to removing of duplicate statements (n=18) and merging of similar statements (n=65). The final list of brainstorming statements included 228 unique aspects of cyberbullying.
During the sorting procedure, participants sorted the statements into individual groups, the number of groups ranged between 4 and 30 individual groups (mean 12.9, SD 6.1, median 11).
The stress value for the fit of the MDS solution to the structuring data was 0.3 for the 9 cluster solution, indicating adequate fit. Overall, the 9 cluster solution presented in Figure 1 was found to represent the best fit for the data after assessing a total of 10 unique cluster solutions, ranging between 2 and 12 clusters. The 9 clusters depicted on the Cyberbullying Concept Map are described in Table 2 .
Cyberbullying concept map developed by stakeholders including adolescents and young adults, parents, community members such as educators, clinicians and attorneys. Each number represents a single item proposed by participants, and the clusters represents how participants sorted items into groups of alike concepts.
Cyberbullying concept map clusters.
Cluster number | Proposed name | Example items |
1 | Characteristics of perpetrators and targets | Lack of empathy, afraid to go back to school, and “small minds” |
2 | Consequences for perpetrators and targets | Alienating, crippling, and devastating |
3 | Characteristics of the bullying experience | Aggressive, intent to harm, disrespect, and hostile |
4 and 8 | Bullying techniques | Ostracize, antagonize, and “mean girls” |
5 | Characteristics of the cyberbullying experience | Anonymous, constant, and perceived lack of consequences |
6 | Cyberbullying techniques | Making unwanted posts go viral, excessive messaging |
7 | Cyberbullying cases | Sending rude messages from someone else’s account to get people mad at the person |
9 | Perceived vulnerabilities | Negative statements about clothes, family situation, intelligence, social status, appearance, and sexuality |
The interpretation step first involved reviewing the concept map and discussing participant perceptions of that map. Discussions by participants consistently centered on how to describe cyberbullying as a phenomenon that was perceived as both similar to and distinct from traditional bullying. Common topics of discussion included that many characteristics and motivations for bullying were considered to be similar and sometimes identical for both cyberbullying and traditional bullying. However, participants felt strongly that there were unique aspects to cyberbullying, including novel methods or situations in which bullying could arise, as well as providing new tools for bullying perpetrators. For example, participants described that a unique aspect of cyberbullying was that cyberbullying situations could arise from innocuous comments on the Web that are taken out of context or jokes that go too far. These messages can be virally spread, such that they then represent bullying. As an example, an adolescent described how compliments posted on the Web can be twisted to become “backlash compliments, like oh your hair looks great [emphasis added].” The adolescent further described that these sarcastic comments were more likely to be “liked” or “shared,” allowing them to be seen and disseminated by others. Another example described by a parent was learning that her son’s school was having a Web-based “draft,” described as follows: “they are actually, like, doing a draft, a first round draft, about which girls they want to take to the prom and ranking them, it is all done online.” It was described that this scenario may not be considered a traditional bullying situation but that it could have similar negative impacts on youth who were the targets. In these scenarios, the initial communication or situation may not have been unwanted or aggressively hurtful, but the situation could devolve into bullying because of the format of Web-based communication. Another area in which participants noted unique aspects of cyberbullying was how the Web-based environment provides tools so that a target of bullying can “turn the tables” to become a perpetrator. A quote from an adolescent described the following:
...cause when you’re in person you can see the physical build of the person and if they’re bigger than you, you don’t usually want to pick a fight with them. But on the internet, it’s just a screen in front of you with a username and they’re all the same that way.
This quote describes participants’ views of how a target of bullying can achieve power by using a “screen in front of you” to bully his/her perpetrator. Participants frequently discussed their perceptions of heightened fluidity of the roles of perpetrator and target in cyberbullying situations. The interconnectedness of traditional in-person bullying and cyberbullying was also a common topic. One example quote from an adolescent described the following:
Umm so the people I know that, or the people that I’ve known that have been cyberbullied usually they’re the targets from like bullying at school and they go and try to pass the pain on the internet to someone else, so it’s kind of like a circle going around like that cause they can’t like, they’re not like, the smaller guy can’t beat up the bigger guy, so he goes on the internet and destroys him on the internet, and the bigger guy comes back and destroys the little guy at school, so it’s just like a circle between the two.
A notable trend in participant contributions to the topic is that so many spoke from personal experiences with cyberbullying scenarios. Adolescents spoke about situations they or their peers had experienced. Parents often shared situations their children had experienced. A parent described the following:
I wrote down some based on, um, experience one of our daughters had about a year ago. Uh, repeated contacts that were unwanted, so, just continuous contacting, right, um, when not asked for, attempt to push beliefs on to the recipient that are not those of the recipient, uh, profane language if, of course it’s not wanted, uh, yelling in the electronic message if that’s not the, ya know, normal tone of the message, and just threats or blackmail.
On the basis of participant input, the conceptual model of cyberbullying included the relationship between cyberbullying and bullying ( Figure 2 ). Key aspects of the conceptual model included the overlap in bullying perpetrators and targets, which includes clusters 1 and 9 from the concept map. Important characteristics of bullying perpetrators suggested by participants included bullying as “a way to deal with insecurities,” which was suggested by a teacher. A characteristic of bullying targets nominated by a legal professional was “afraid to go back to school.” Within the circle describing bullying targets were specific characteristics that were nominated as denoting particular risk for bullying, including being of racial or sexual minority groups. Some shared characteristics of both perpetrators and targets included “depression risk,” suggested by several participants, including adults and adolescents. The conceptual model also included 2 overlapping boxes, with the larger describing characteristics of the bullying experience; these included descriptors, such as disrespectful, mean, and aggressive. Overlapping this box was a smaller box representing unique characteristics of cyberbullying proposed by participants, such as “hides behind screen” (adult, parent). Similarly, a larger box described bullying techniques, including false information, public shaming, or belittling. Overlapping this box was a smaller box representing techniques that were specific to cyberbullying, including “displaying negative images” (adult, health professional) “covering with false names” (adult, social worker), and “virtual clique” (adult, administrator). Nestled within this box was a smaller box in which specific examples of cyberbullying cases were described, including “photo-sharing without consent” (adult, parent). The construct describing consequences to bullying perpetrator and targets was a shared construct. Participants reflected that they did not perceive specific differences between cyberbullying and traditional bullying for this construct. An area of discussion in which there was a lack of consensus was whether the concept map or conceptual model appropriately represented the role of bystanders. A quote from an older adolescent was, “I feel like this entire thing is just focused on the bully and the victim and not just, it’s just on them, and not the bystanders.” However, other youth discussed viewing cluster 4 on the concept map as adequately representing the role of bystanders.
Conceptual model of cyberbullying and its relationship with bullying. Cluster numbers on the diagram are from cyberbullying concept map in parentheses.
This study used a concept mapping approach to gain insights and perspectives from stakeholders toward a concept map and a stakeholder-driven conceptual model of cyberbullying. During the brainstorming step, stakeholders generated a diverse and expansive list of statements describing cyberbullying. The sorting procedure yielded a robust concept map of 9 clusters that comprised characteristics of the people involved, actions, and consequences that define bullying and cyberbullying. After our concept mapping process, we utilized stakeholder insights to develop a conceptual model that illustrates areas in which cyberbullying is similar to and unique from traditional bullying. This conceptual model represents participants’ perception of cyberbullying and suggests that cyberbullying can be best understood within the context of all bullying behavior, with recognition of the unique challenges it presents.
A major finding of this study is the several ways in which bullying and cyberbullying were aligned. This finding is aligned with emerging literature supporting strong connections between bullying and cyberbullying. Recently studies have illustrated that individuals involved in bullying often experience different types of bullying within a given situation, which may include verbal, physical, and cyber experiences [ 18 , 20 ]. Similarly, we found that a key area of overlap between cyberbullying and traditional bullying includes characteristics of the individuals involved. This study’s participants described characteristics of both bullying perpetrators and targets that applied to traditional bullying and cyberbullying, including describing bullying as a way to address insecurities. Participants emphasized the fluidity of roles between perpetrator and targets for both cyberbullying and bullying. They noted that an adolescent’s ability to engage in cyberbullying would not be limited by physical or social power; thus, cyberbullying may augment the fluidity of roles between perpetrator and target. This fluidity in roles is supported by Olweus’ descriptions of “the bullying circle” in which targets may become perpetrators (and vice versa) depending on situations and circumstances [ 21 ]. The Uniform Definition of bullying describes that bullying behavior involves an actual or perceived power imbalance. In this study, the fluidity in roles of perpetrator and target does not seem to represent a shift in the actual power of the individual, but it could represent power derived from the tool that is used to bully: the internet. Another area of similarity between cyberbullying and traditional bullying was that the consequences of both were described in a single construct in the interpretation diagram. This single construct implies that our diverse stakeholders, including educators, legal experts, health professionals, as well as teens themselves, perceive that significant and similar negative consequences result from both cyberbullying and traditional bullying. A second critical finding is the areas in which stakeholders elucidated their perceptions of differences between cyberbullying and traditional bullying. These included characteristics of the bullying experience, including the capacity for anonymity by “hiding behind screens” in cyberbullying. The role of anonymity in cyberbullying has been noted in previous studies [ 2 ]. However, traditional bullying is not without the capacity for anonymous actions, including sending threatening notes anonymously or damaging property secretly. Even so, the perceptions of participants about anonymous bullying via the internet was a topic of concern and even alarm for many participants. Finally, the concept map and accompanying conceptual model serve as data-driven visual representations of the complexity of bullying. This complexity is illustrated in our concept map, and it includes shared characteristics among perpetrators and targets, a variety of tools and approaches to consider, and negative consequences for both actors. Our findings support a need for research that considers mechanisms or processes that can explain how an individual may experience bullying and its consequences differently, depending on the context of that bullying event or situation. A “person by situation by context” interaction has been applied to research in other areas, and the recent National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine report supports integration of these frameworks into research on bullying [ 21 ]. This study’s findings provide a conceptual model to understand an individual’s journey through these experiences, but further work is needed to understand how context plays a role in determining outcomes of a bullying event or experience.
Several limitations to this study should be considered. Traditional concept mapping methodology provides guidelines for small numbers of participants at each stage. To provide additional depth to this process, we included a larger number of participants than is typically involved in concept mapping to represent the various stakeholders who are involved in cyberbullying. As we used a purposeful sample, this study’s participants are not generalizable, and they may have had similar perspectives. However, this study’s findings that many participants provided insights and quotations from direct experience with cyberbullying support our purposeful sampling approach to engage a stakeholder involved in cyberbullying situations. Furthermore, the majority of data collection was focused in 1 geographic location. This study focused on cyberbullying applied to adolescents; we did not specifically target or include cyberbullying as applied to children or adults. Further work should investigate whether findings may generalize to young-adult age groups, in which cyberbullying has been shown to be common [ 22 , 23 ]. Finally, we modified the traditional concept mapping approach by adding a translation to the conceptual model step using key informant interviews. This step adds value to this study’s outcomes, but this is by definition outside the typical 5-step concept mapping process.
Despite these limitations, this study has important implications in illustrating the key factors that define cyberbullying from the perspectives of stakeholders. The conceptual model developed in this project illustrates what key factors have been internalized by stakeholders both through direct experience and through exposure to sources, such as schools, media, and patients. The arrangement of concepts in our conceptual model suggests that cyberbullying cannot be considered a distinct entity from bullying, which is supported by the recent National Academies report [ 21 ]. However, stakeholders perceive that there are aspects of cyberbullying that support it as more than just another bullying context. Although the Uniform Definition of bullying was created to apply to bullying across all types and contexts, this study illustrates that there is still a strong public perception that cyberbullying presents distinct opportunities and challenges compared with traditional constructs of bullying. To unify efforts to prevent and intervene with bullying, as well as to measure and assess it over time, future work must address these stakeholder perceptions. To promote acceptance and uptake of the Uniform Definition of bullying among stakeholders, it is possible that the definition would benefit from evaluation for the context of cyberbullying or consideration toward adding language to clarify its application to cyberbullying. This study’s findings suggest that clarifications to the Uniform Definition may include acknowledgment that power imbalance may be created by tools such as the internet rather than cyberbullying being solely considered as a preexisting condition within a perpetrator. As the Uniform Definition is meant to be used by educators, policy makers, and researchers in the realms of both traditional bullying and cyberbullying, it is important to ensure consistency in interpretation and application of this definition across these stakeholder groups. Implications for policy include providing clarity and consistency in language when measuring bullying and in policies that address bullying. Assessment tools may need to clarify whether questions about bullying behavior include cyberbullying, and they may need to use consistent terms and language to ensure responses are valid across populations and over time. Furthermore, most states currently have separate policies for addressing bullying and cyberbullying, which may contribute to public perceptions that these represent separate entities [ 21 ]. This study’s findings support that integration of these concepts is supported by the overlap in key concepts. Implications for health providers working with teens and their parents include understanding that assessments for bullying need to address both traditional bullying and cyberbullying. Asking questions in a clinic that encompass both experiences or are open ended—such as “have you ever had any experiences with bullying?—may promote open discussion about the different types of bullying or different roles a teen may have played. Furthermore, providers can acknowledge that experiencing either or both types of bullying is common and consequential. Fortunately, newer studies suggest that interventions designed to address cyberbullying also affect bullying, further illustrating the strong connection across bullying behavior [ 20 , 24 ].
In conclusion, findings support that cyberbullying is best understood in the broader context of bullying, but findings also support that stakeholder perceptions about the uniqueness of cyberbullying are strong. Bullying presents a complex set of behavior within roles that may be fluid and may lead to negative consequences for both perpetrators and targets. Findings may be applied toward achieving greater consistency in our definitions, assessments, and policies regarding bullying, and findings may be applied toward working toward a shared understanding of key concepts in bullying with stakeholders who are in the field, addressing bullying with teens and their parents as part of their everyday jobs.
The authors would like to thank the stakeholders for their contributions to the study. This study was funded by the National Institute of Justice, grant 2013-IJ-CX-0051.
CDC | Centers for Disease Control and Prevention |
MDS | multidimensional scaling |
SSSM | square symmetric-similarity matrix |
Conflicts of Interest: None declared.
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School bullying research has a long history, stretching all the way back to a questionnaire study undertaken in the USA in the late 1800s (Burk, 1897 ). However, systematic school bullying research began in earnest in Scandinavia in the early 1970s with the work of Heinemann ( 1972 ) and Olweus ( 1978 ). Highlighting the extent to which research on bullying has grown exponentially since then, Smith et al. ( 2021 ) found that there were only 83 articles with the term “bully” in the title or abstract published in the Web of Science database prior to 1989. The numbers of articles found in the following decades were 458 (1990–1999), 1,996 (2000–2009), and 9,333 (2010–2019). Considering cyberbullying more specifically, Smith and Berkkun ( 2017 , cited in Smith et al., 2021 ) conducted a search of Web of Science with the terms “cyber* and bully*; cyber and victim*; electronic bullying; Internet bullying; and online harassment” until the year 2015 and found that while there were no articles published prior to 2000, 538 articles were published between 2000 and 2015, with the number of articles increasing every year (p. 49).
Numerous authors have pointed out that research into school bullying and cyberbullying has predominantly been conducted using quantitative methods, with much less use of qualitative or mixed methods (Hong & Espelage, 2012 ; Hutson, 2018 ; Maran & Begotti, 2021 ; Smith et al., 2021 ). In their recent analysis of articles published between 1976 and 2019 (in WoS, with the search terms “bully*; victim*; cyberbullying; electronic bullying; internet bullying; and online harassment”), Smith et al. ( 2021 , pp. 50–51) found that of the empirical articles selected, more than three-quarters (76.3%) were based on quantitative data, 15.4% were based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data, and less than one-tenth (8.4%) were based on qualitative data alone. What is more, they found that the proportion of articles based on qualitative or mixed methods has been decreasing over the past 15 years (Smith et al., 2021 ). While the search criteria excluded certain types of qualitative studies (e.g., those published in books, doctoral theses, and non-English languages), this nonetheless highlights the extent to which qualitative research findings risk being overlooked in the vast sea of quantitative research.
School bullying and cyberbullying are complex phenomena, and a range of methodological approaches is thus needed to understand their complexity (Pellegrini & Bartini, 2000 ; Thornberg, 2011 ). Indeed, over-relying on quantitative methods limits understanding of the contexts and experiences of bullying (Hong & Espelage, 2012 ; Patton et al., 2017 ). Qualitative methods are particularly useful for better understanding the social contexts, processes, interactions, experiences, motivations, and perspectives of those involved (Hutson, 2018 ; Patton et al., 2017 ; Thornberg, 2011 ; Torrance, 2000 ).
Smith et al. ( 2021 ) suggest that the “continued emphasis on quantitative studies may be due to increasingly sophisticated methods such as structural equation modeling … network analysis … time trend analyses … latent profile analyses … and multi-polygenic score approaches” (p. 56). However, the authors make no mention of the range or sophistication of methods used in qualitative studies. Although there are still proportionately few qualitative studies of school bullying and cyberbullying in relation to quantitative studies, and this gap appears to be increasing, qualitative studies have utilized a range of qualitative data collection methods. These methods have included but are not limited to ethnographic fieldwork and participant observations (e.g., Eriksen & Lyng, 2018 ; Gumpel et al., 2014 ; Horton, 2019 ), digital ethnography (e.g., Rachoene & Oyedemi, 2015 ; Sylwander, 2019 ), meta-ethnography (e.g., Dennehy et al., 2020 ; Moretti & Herkovits, 2021 ), focus group interviews (e.g., Odenbring, 2022 ; Oliver & Candappa, 2007 ; Ybarra et al., 2019 ), semi-structured group and individual interviews (e.g., Forsberg & Thornberg, 2016 ; Lyng, 2018 ; Mishna et al., 2005 ; Varjas et al., 2013 ), vignettes (e.g., Jennifer & Cowie, 2012 ; Khanolainen & Semenova, 2020 ; Strindberg et al., 2020 ), memory work (e.g., Johnson et al., 2014 ; Malaby, 2009 ), literature studies (e.g., Lopez-Ropero, 2012 ; Wiseman et al., 2019 ), photo elicitation (e.g., Ganbaatar et al., 2021 ; Newman et al., 2006 ; Walton & Niblett, 2013 ), photostory method (e.g., Skrzypiec et al., 2015 ), and other visual works produced by children and young people (e.g., Bosacki et al., 2006 ; Gillies-Rezo & Bosacki, 2003 ).
This body of research has also included a variety of qualitative data analysis methods, such as grounded theory (e.g., Allen, 2015 ; Bjereld, 2018 ; Thornberg, 2018 ), thematic analysis (e.g., Cunningham et al., 2016 ; Forsberg & Horton, 2022 ), content analysis (e.g., Temko, 2019 ; Wiseman & Jones, 2018 ), conversation analysis (e.g., Evaldsson & Svahn, 2012 ; Tholander, 2019 ), narrative analysis (e.g., Haines-Saah et al., 2018 ), interpretative phenomenological analysis (e.g., Hutchinson, 2012 ; Tholander et al., 2020 ), various forms of discourse analysis (e.g., Ellwood & Davies, 2010 ; Hepburn, 1997 ; Ringrose & Renold, 2010 ), including discursive psychological analysis (e.g., Clarke et al., 2004 ), and critical discourse analysis (e.g., Barrett & Bound, 2015 ; Bethune & Gonick, 2017 ; Horton, 2021 ), as well as theoretically informed analyses from an array of research traditions (e.g., Davies, 2011 ; Jacobson, 2010 ; Søndergaard, 2012 ; Walton, 2005 ).
In light of the growing volume and variety of qualitative studies during the past two decades, we invited researchers to discuss and explore methodological issues related to their qualitative school bullying and cyberbullying research. The articles included in this special issue of the International Journal of Bullying Prevention discuss different qualitative methods, reflect on strengths and limitations — possibilities and challenges, and suggest implications for future qualitative and mixed-methods research.
Qualitative studies — focusing on social, relational, contextual, processual, structural, and/or societal factors and mechanisms — have formed the basis for several contributions during the last two decades that have sought to expand approaches to understanding and theorizing the causes of cyber/bullying. Some have also argued the need for expanding the commonly used definition of bullying, based on Olweus ( 1993 ) (e.g., Allen, 2015 ; Ellwood & Davies, 2010 Goldsmid & Howie, 2014 ; Ringrose & Rawlings, 2015 ; Søndergaard, 2012 ; Walton, 2011 ). In the first article of the special issue, Using qualitative methods to measure and understand key features of adolescent bullying: A call to action , Natalie Spadafora, Anthony Volk, and Andrew Dane instead discuss the usefulness of qualitative methods for improving measures and bettering our understanding of three specific key definitional features of bullying. Focusing on the definition put forward by Volk et al. ( 2014 ), they discuss the definitional features of power imbalance , goal directedness (replacing “intent to harm” in order not to assume conscious awareness, and to include a wide spectrum of goals that are intentionally and strategically pursued by bullies), and harmful impact (replacing “negative actions” in order to focus on the consequences for the victim, as well as circumventing difficult issues related to “repetition” in the traditional definition).
Acknowledging that these three features are challenging to capture using quantitative methods, Spadafora, Volk, and Dane point to existing qualitative studies that shed light on the features of power imbalance, goal directedness and harmful impact in bullying interactions — and put forward suggestions for future qualitative studies. More specifically, the authors argue that qualitative methods, such as focus groups, can be used to investigate the complexity of power relations at not only individual, but also social levels. They also highlight how qualitative methods, such as diaries and autoethnography, may help researchers gain a better understanding of the motives behind bullying behavior; from the perspectives of those engaging in it. Finally, the authors demonstrate how qualitative methods, such as ethnographic fieldwork and semi-structured interviews, can provide important insights into the harmful impact of bullying and how, for example, perceived harmfulness may be connected to perceived intention.
In the second article, Understanding bullying and cyberbullying through an ecological systems framework: The value of qualitative interviewing in a mixed methods approach , Faye Mishna, Arija Birze, and Andrea Greenblatt discuss the ways in which utilizing qualitative interviewing in mixed method approaches can facilitate greater understanding of bullying and cyberbullying. Based on a longitudinal and multi-perspective mixed methods study of cyberbullying, the authors demonstrate not only how qualitative interviewing can augment quantitative findings by examining process, context and meaning for those involved, but also how qualitative interviewing can lead to new insights and new areas of research. They also show how qualitative interviewing can help to capture nuances and complexity by allowing young people to express their perspectives and elaborate on their answers to questions. In line with this, the authors also raise the importance of qualitative interviewing for providing young people with space for self-reflection and learning.
In the third article, Q methodology as an innovative addition to bullying researchers’ methodological repertoire , Adrian Lundberg and Lisa Hellström focus on Q methodology as an inherently mixed methods approach, producing quantitative data from subjective viewpoints, and thus supplementing more mainstream quantitative and qualitative approaches. The authors outline and exemplify Q methodology as a research technique, focusing on the central feature of Q sorting. The authors further discuss the contribution of Q methodology to bullying research, highlighting the potential of Q methodology to address challenges related to gaining the perspectives of hard-to-reach populations who may either be unwilling or unable to share their personal experiences of bullying. As the authors point out, the use of card sorting activities allows participants to put forward their subjective perspectives, in less-intrusive settings for data collection and without disclosing their own personal experiences. The authors also illustrate how the flexibility of Q sorting can facilitate the participation of participants with limited verbal literacy and/or cognitive function through the use of images, objects or symbols. In the final part of the paper, Lundberg and Hellström discuss implications for practice and suggest future directions for using Q methodology in bullying and cyberbullying research, particularly with hard-to-reach populations.
In the fourth article, The importance of being attentive to social processes in school bullying research: Adopting a constructivist grounded theory approach , Camilla Forsberg discusses the use of constructivist grounded theory (CGT) in her research, focusing on social structures, norms, and processes. Forsberg first outlines CGT as a theory-methods package that is well suited to meet the call for more qualitative research on participants’ experiences and the social processes involved in school bullying. Forsberg emphasizes three key focal aspects of CGT, namely focus on participants’ main concerns; focus on meaning, actions, and processes; and focus on symbolic interactionism. She then provides examples and reflections from her own ethnographic and interview-based research, from different stages of the research process. In the last part of the article, Forsberg argues that prioritizing the perspectives of participants is an ethical stance, but one which comes with a number of ethical challenges, and points to ways in which CGT is helpful in dealing with these challenges.
In the fifth article, A qualitative meta-study of youth voice and co-participatory research practices: Informing cyber/bullying research methodologies , Deborah Green, Carmel Taddeo, Deborah Price, Foteini Pasenidou, and Barbara Spears discuss how qualitative meta-studies can be used to inform research methodologies for studying school bullying and cyberbullying. Drawing on the findings of five previous qualitative studies, and with a transdisciplinary and transformative approach, the authors illustrate and exemplify how previous qualitative research can be analyzed to gain a better understanding of the studies’ collective strengths and thus consider the findings and methods beyond the original settings where the research was conducted. In doing so, the authors highlight the progression of youth voice and co-participatory research practices, the centrality of children and young people to the research process and the enabling effect of technology — and discuss challenges related to ethical issues, resource and time demands, the role of gatekeepers, and common limitations of qualitative studies on youth voice and co-participatory research practices.
Taken together, the five articles illustrate the diversity of qualitative methods used to study school bullying and cyberbullying and highlight the need for further qualitative research. We hope that readers will find the collection of articles engaging and that the special issue not only gives impetus to increased qualitative focus on the complex phenomena of school bullying and cyberbullying but also to further discussions on both methodological and analytical approaches.
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We would like to thank the authors for sharing their work; Angela Mazzone, James O’Higgins Norman, and Sameer Hinduja for their editorial assistance; and Dorte Marie Søndergaard on the editorial board for suggesting a special issue on qualitative research in the journal.
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Department of Behavioural Sciences and Learning (IBL), Linköping University, Linköping, Sweden
Paul Horton
Work Research Institute (WRI), Oslo Metropolitan University, Oslo, Norway
Selma Therese Lyng
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Correspondence to Paul Horton .
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Horton, P., Lyng, S.T. Qualitative Methods in School Bullying and Cyberbullying Research: An Introduction to the Special Issue. Int Journal of Bullying Prevention 4 , 175–179 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42380-022-00139-5
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Published : 12 August 2022
Issue Date : September 2022
DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s42380-022-00139-5
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Indirect bullying is spreading bad news and gossip and provoking others to dislike the victims (Dixon & Smith, 2011). Based on the aforementioned forms, a conceptual framework of bullying can be ...
The conceptual framework presented in this article provides guidance for school and policy officials to effectively address bullying and the associated risk behaviors, such as SM. Law-makers have recognized the detriments of bullying victimization in school and responded accordingly, such as the enactment of zero-tolerance policies.
This chapter will entail a review of theoretical frameworks that are typically utilized to understand and address bullying, including an ecological systems framework, social learning, cognitive behavioural, attribution, lifestyles exposure and resilience frameworks. The complexity of bullying demands that more than one theoretical lens be used ...
Introduction. With its negative consequences for wellbeing, bullying is a major public health concern affecting the lives of many children and adolescents (Holt et al. 2014; Liu et al. 2014). Bullying can take many different forms and include aggressive behaviours that are physical, verbal or psychological in nature (Wang, Iannotti, and Nansel ...
1 Introduction. Bullying, long tolerated by many as a rite of passage into adulthood, is now recognized as a major and preventable public health problem, one that can have long-lasting consequences (McDougall and Vaillancourt, 2015; Wolke and Lereya, 2015).Those consequences—for those who are bullied, for the perpetrators of bullying, and for witnesses who are present during a bullying event ...
Philip C. Rodkin and Dorothy L. Espelage Laura D. Hanish. University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Arizona State University. This article reviews current research on the relational processes involved in peer bullying, considering develop-mental antecedents and long-term consequences. The fol-lowing themes are highlighted: (a) aggression can ...
Although the label of bully has been applied inconsistently across research groups conducting person-centered analyses of bullying, this is more of a methodological than a conceptual problem, which could be solved by adopting an empirically-based standard threshold or cut-off above which a research participant would be classified as a bully or ...
The Cyberbullying Conceptual Framework (see Fig. 1 below) has been developed to provide a new structure to assist educators and researchers to act on and understand this complex issue. Huang and Chou [19] reported that "[i]t would be helpful if school teachers have more knowledge about the medium and mechanism of the new form of bullying among students" (p. 235) and this framework aims to ...
Bullying is a complex social dynamic that can best be understood by using various theoretical frameworks. The current article uses social capital theory, dominance theory, the theory of humiliation, and organizational culture theory to better understand the motivations behind bullying behavior, bullying's negative effects on victims, and how school culture and climate play a role in the ...
The phenomenon of bullying has received a great deal of international attention in the last few decades. In this article, we provide a critical review of some of the major contributions from the field of educational research. We first provide an overall description of the classic concept of bullying, including certain characteristics of bullies and victims that have received particular ...
This article reviews current research findings and presents a conceptual framework for better understanding the relationship between bullying victimization (hereafter referred to as victimization) and substance misuse (hereafter referred to as SM) among adolescents. Although victimization and SM may …
Bullying victimization and trauma research traditions operate quite separately. Hence, it is unclear from the literature whether bullying victimization should be considered as a form of interpersonal trauma. We review studies that connect bullying victimization with symptoms of PTSD, and in doing so, demonstrate that a conceptual understanding ...
A "person by situation by context" interaction has been applied to research in other areas, and the recent National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine report supports integration of these frameworks into research on bullying . This study's findings provide a conceptual model to understand an individual's journey through ...
Recognized as complex and relational, researchers endorse a systems/social-ecological framework in examining bullying and cyberbullying. According to this framework, bullying and cyberbullying are examined across the nested social contexts in which youth live—encompassing individual features; relationships including family, peers, and educators; and ecological conditions such as digital ...
Abstract. During the school years, bullying is one of the most common expressions of violence in the peer context. Research on bullying started more than forty years ago, when the phenomenon was defined as 'aggressive, intentional acts carried out by a group or an individual repeatedly and over time against a victim who cannot easily defend him- or herself'.
The Framework Method from Gale, Heath, Cameron, Rashid and Redwood [11] was modified to create the Cyberbullying Conceptual Framework. The framework was founded from Mallon's [12] social constructionist method and using a deductive analysis of relevant and available literature which enables the authors to new incites yet build on the. The ...
Furthermore, theories can be combined with related concepts and empirical research to develop frameworks that guide researchers in new theory development (theoretical frameworks) and in the "advancement and systematization of knowledge about related concepts or issues" (conceptual frameworks) (Rocco & Plakhotnik, 2009, p. 128).
Workplace bullying: Building a conceptual framework and a research agenda. August 2019. DOI: 10.4324/9780429439919-16. In book: Contemporary Issues in Work and Organisations: Actors and ...
prevent, and intervene in bullying behavior have been developed and replicated in schools across the country (see Farrington & Ttofi, 2009; Merrell, Guelder, Ross, & Isava, 2008). These include, but are not limited to, adult training A FRAMEWORK FOR SCHOOL-WIDE BULLYING PREVENTION 2 Successful bullying prevention efforts in schools should consider
Cyberbullying has been conceptualized as a form of traditional bullying which may be inadequate. • Theories that sufficiently explain cyberbullying perpetration are needed. • Emerging research identifies group differences in the risk for cybervictimization but current evidence is limited. •
Schools may refer to the 'cyberbullying conceptual framework for educators' to create a cyberbullying manual and/or educational resources for teachers, faculties, and administrators (Redmond et al ...
School bullying research has a long history, stretching all the way back to a questionnaire study undertaken in the USA in the late 1800s (Burk, 1897).However, systematic school bullying research began in earnest in Scandinavia in the early 1970s with the work of Heinemann and Olweus ().Highlighting the extent to which research on bullying has grown exponentially since then, Smith et al. found ...
Download scientific diagram | Conceptual Framework of School Violence and Bullying from publication: Forestalling Bullying in Primary and Secondary Schools in Spain | Bullying refers to degrading ...