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125 Media Violence Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

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Media violence has been a hotly debated topic for decades, with studies showing mixed results on its effects on viewers. While some argue that exposure to violent media can lead to aggressive behavior in individuals, others believe that it has no significant impact. Regardless of where you stand on the issue, media violence is a complex and important subject that is worth discussing.

If you are tasked with writing an essay on media violence, you may be struggling to come up with a compelling topic. To help you get started, here are 125 media violence essay topic ideas and examples that you can use as inspiration:

The impact of violent video games on children's behavior

How violent movies influence viewers' attitudes towards violence

The role of social media in perpetuating violent behavior

The effects of violent TV shows on teenagers' mental health

The relationship between media violence and real-world violence

The portrayal of violence in the news media

The ethics of depicting violence in the media

The influence of violent music lyrics on listeners' behavior

The use of violence in advertising and marketing

The representation of violence in comic books and graphic novels

The role of violence in shaping popular culture

The psychological impact of exposure to violent media

The impact of violent cartoons on children's behavior

The relationship between gender and media violence

The effects of violent video games on adults' behavior

The portrayal of violence in reality TV shows

The impact of violent movies on viewers' empathy towards victims

The influence of violent news coverage on public perception of crime

The role of violent video games in desensitizing players to violence

The effects of violent music videos on viewers' attitudes towards women

The relationship between media violence and school shootings

The portrayal of violence in sports media

The influence of violent movie scenes on viewers' emotions

The impact of violent video games on children's academic performance

The role of violent TV shows in shaping viewers' attitudes towards authority figures

The effects of violent movies on viewers' perceptions of justice

The relationship between media violence and domestic violence

The portrayal of violence in children's cartoons

The influence of violent video games on players' decision-making skills

The effects of violent music on listeners' mood and behavior

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' perceptions of crime

The role of violent news coverage in shaping public policy on crime

The effects of violent video games on players' social skills

The portrayal of violence in horror movies

The influence of violent music lyrics on listeners' self-esteem

The relationship between media violence and mental health disorders

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sleep patterns

The role of violent video games in promoting teamwork and cooperation

The effects of violent movies on viewers' memory and cognitive abilities

The portrayal of violence in music videos

The influence of violent news coverage on viewers' sense of safety

The relationship between media violence and body image issues

The effects of violent video games on players' aggression levels

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of morality

The role of violent news coverage in shaping public opinion on crime prevention strategies

The portrayal of violence in action movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' political beliefs

The relationship between media violence and cyberbullying

The effects of violent video games on players' ability to empathize with others

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of humor

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' trust in the media

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of justice

The portrayal of violence in war movies

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' perceptions of beauty

The relationship between media violence and hate crimes

The effects of violent video games on players' self-control

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of community

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' political beliefs

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of identity

The portrayal of violence in superhero movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' sense of empowerment

The relationship between media violence and substance abuse

The effects of violent video games on players' decision-making skills

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of belonging

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of justice

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of purpose

The portrayal of violence in historical dramas

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' sense of freedom

The relationship between media violence and political polarization

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of agency

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of security

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of hope

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of progress

The portrayal of violence in science fiction movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' sense of creativity

The relationship between media violence and environmental issues

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of purpose

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of balance

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of unity

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of empathy

The portrayal of violence in fantasy movies

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' sense of connection

The relationship between media violence and social justice

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of responsibility

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of empowerment

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of community

The portrayal of violence in dystopian movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' sense of belonging

The relationship between media violence and cultural diversity

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of justice

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of empathy

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of purpose

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of security

The portrayal of violence in animated movies

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' sense of hope

The relationship between media violence and economic inequality

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of balance

The impact of violent TV shows on viewers' sense of unity

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of progress

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of agency

The portrayal of violence in Western movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' sense of purpose

The relationship between media violence and technological advancements

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of security

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of identity

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of belonging

The portrayal of violence in disaster movies

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' sense of justice

The relationship between media violence and global politics

The effects of violent video games on players' sense of empathy

The role of violent news coverage in shaping viewers' sense of security

The portrayal of violence in romantic movies

The influence of violent music on listeners' sense of agency

The relationship between media violence and social mobility

The effects of violent movies on viewers' sense of community

The portrayal of violence in psychological thrillers

The influence of violent music videos on viewers' sense of identity

The relationship between media violence and personal growth

These essay topic ideas and examples should give you plenty of inspiration for your media violence essay. Whether you choose to focus on the impact of violent video games on children's behavior, the portrayal of violence in music videos, or the influence of violent news coverage on viewers' sense of justice, there are countless angles to explore in this complex and important topic. Good luck with your essay!

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Violence in the media: Psychologists study potential harmful effects

Early research on the effects of viewing violence on television—especially among children—found a desensitizing effect and the potential for aggression. Is the same true for those who play violent video games?

• Video Games

Television and video violence

Virtually since the dawn of television, parents, teachers, legislators, and mental health professionals have wanted to understand the impact of television programs, particularly on children. Of special concern has been the portrayal of violence, particularly given psychologist Albert Bandura’s work in the 1970s on social learning and the tendency of children to imitate what they see.

As a result of 15 years of “consistently disturbing” findings about the violent content of children’s programs, the Surgeon General’s Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior was formed in 1969 to assess the impact of violence on the attitudes, values, and behavior of viewers. The resulting report and a follow-up report in 1982 by the National Institute of Mental Health identified these major effects of seeing violence on television:

• Children may become less sensitive to the pain and suffering of others.
• Children may be more fearful of the world around them.
• Children may be more likely to behave in aggressive or harmful ways toward others.

Research by psychologists L. Rowell Huesmann, Leonard Eron, and others starting in the 1980s found that children who watched many hours of violence on television when they were in elementary school tended to show higher levels of aggressive behavior when they became teenagers. By observing these participants into adulthood, Huesmann and Eron found that the ones who’d watched a lot of TV violence when they were 8 years old were more likely to be arrested and prosecuted for criminal acts as adults.

Interestingly, being aggressive as a child did not predict watching more violent TV as a teenager, suggesting that TV watching could be a cause rather than a consequence of aggressive behavior. However, later research by psychologists Douglas Gentile and Brad Bushman, among others, suggested that exposure to media violence is just one of several factors that can contribute to aggressive behavior.

Other research has found that exposure to media violence can desensitize people to violence in the real world and that, for some people, watching violence in the media becomes enjoyable and does not result in the anxious arousal that would be expected from seeing such imagery.

Video game violence

The advent of video games raised new questions about the potential impact of media violence, since the video game player is an active participant rather than merely a viewer. 97% of adolescents age 12–17 play video games—on a computer, on consoles such as the Wii, Playstation, and Xbox, or on portable devices such as Gameboys, smartphones, and tablets. A Pew Research Center survey in 2008 found that half of all teens reported playing a video game “yesterday,” and those who played every day typically did so for an hour or more.

Many of the most popular video games, such as “Call of Duty” and “Grand Theft Auto,” are violent; however, as video game technology is relatively new, there are fewer empirical studies of video game violence than other forms of media violence. Still, several meta-analytic reviews have reported negative effects of exposure to violence in video games.

A 2010 review by psychologist Craig A. Anderson and others concluded that “the evidence strongly suggests that exposure to violent video games is a causal risk factor for increased aggressive behavior, aggressive cognition, and aggressive affect and for decreased empathy and prosocial behavior.” Anderson’s earlier research showed that playing violent video games can increase a person’s aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavior both in laboratory settings and in daily life. “One major conclusion from this and other research on violent entertainment media is that content matters,” says Anderson.

Other researchers, including psychologist Christopher J. Ferguson, have challenged the position that video game violence harms children. While his own 2009 meta-analytic review reported results similar to Anderson’s, Ferguson contends that laboratory results have not translated into real world, meaningful effects. He also claims that much of the research into video game violence has failed to control for other variables such as mental health and family life, which may have impacted the results. His work has found that children who are already at risk may be more likely to choose to play violent video games. According to Ferguson, these other risk factors, as opposed to the games, cause aggressive and violent behavior.

APA launched an analysis in 2013 of peer-reviewed research on the impact of media violence and is reviewing its policy statements in the area.

Anderson, C.A., Ihori, Nobuko, Bushman, B.J., Rothstein, H.R., Shibuya, A., Swing, E.L., Sakamoto, A., & Saleem, M. (2010). Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy, and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries: A Meta-analytic review.  Psychological Bulletin , Vol. 126, No. 2.

Anderson, C. A., Carnagey, N. L. & Eubanks, J. (2003). Exposure to violent media: The effects of songs with violent lyrics on aggressive thoughts and feelings.  Journal of Personality and Social Psycholog y, Vol. 84, No. 5.

Anderson, C. A., & Dill, K. E. (2000). Video games and aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavior in the laboratory and in life.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Vol. 78, No. 4.

Ferguson, C.J. (2011). Video games and youth violence: A Prospective analysis in adolescents.  Journal of Youth and Adolescence , Vol. 40, No. 4.

Gentile, D.A., & Bushman, B.J. (2012). Reassessing media violence effects using a risk and resilience approach to understanding aggression.  Psychology of Popular Media Culture , Vol. 1, No. 3.

Huesmann, L. R., & Eron, L. D. (1986). Television and the aggressive child: A cross-national comparison. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Huesmann, L. R., Moise-Titus, J., Podolski, C. L., & Eron, L. D. (2003). Longitudinal relations between children’s exposure to TV violence and their aggressive and violent behavior in young adulthood: 1977–1992.  Developmental Psychology , Vol. 39, No. 2, 201–221.

Huston, A. C., Donnerstein, E., Fairchild, H., Feshbach, N. D., Katz, P. A., Murray, J. P., Rubinstein, E. A., Wilcox, B. & Zuckerman, D. (1992). Big world, small screen: The role of television in American society. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.

Krahe, B., Moller, I., Kirwil, L., Huesmann, L.R., Felber, J., & Berger, A. (2011). Desensitization to media violence: Links with habitual media violence exposure, aggressive cognitions, and aggressive behavior.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Vol. 100, No. 4.

Murray, J. P. (1973). Television and violence: Implications of the Surgeon General’s research program.  American Psychologist , Vol. 28, 472–478.

National Institute of Mental Health (1982). Television and behavior: Ten years of scientific progress and implications for the eighties, Vol. 1. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

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The Impact of Media Violence on Child and Adolescent Aggression

• August 2023
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The Influence of Media Violence on Intimate Partner Violence Perpetration: An Examination of Inmates’ Domestic Violence Convictions and Self-Reported Perpetration

Samantha m. gavin.

1 Department of Sociology and Criminology, St. Bonaventure University, 3261 West State Street, Plassmann Room A1, St. Bonaventure, NY 14778 USA

Nathan E. Kruis

2 Department of Criminal Justice, Penn State Altoona, 3000 Ivyside Park, Cypress Building, Room 101E, Altoona, PA 16601 USA

Research suggests that the representation of violence against women in the media has resulted in an increased acceptance of attitudes favoring domestic violence. While prior work has investigated the relationship between violent media exposure and violent crime, there has been little effort to empirically examine the relationship between specific forms of violent media exposure and the perpetration of intimate partner violence. Using data collected from a sample of 148 inmates, the current study seeks to help fill these gaps in the literature by examining the relationship between exposure to various forms of pleasurable violent media and the perpetration of intimate partner violence (i.e., conviction and self-reported). At the bivariate level, results indicate a significant positive relationship between exposure to pleasurable television violence and self-reported intimate partner abuse. However, this relationship is reduced to insignificant levels in multivariable modeling. Endorsement of domestic violence beliefs and victimization experience were found to be the strongest predictors of intimate partner violence perpetration. Potential policy implications based on findings are discussed within.

Introduction

In the United States, more than 12 million men and women become victims of domestic violence each year [ 76 ]. In fact, every minute, roughly 20 Americans are victimized at the hands of an intimate partner [ 3 ]. Although both men and women are abused by an intimate partner, women have a higher likelihood of such abuse, with those ages 18–34 years being at the highest risk of victimization. Moreover, it is estimated that approximately 1 in 4 women and 1 in 7 men experience violence at the hands of an intimate partner at some point in their lifetime [ 77 ].

According to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women [ 78 ], the representation of violence against women in the media has greatly increased over the years. Recent research suggests that women are commonly depicted as victims and sex objects in the media [ 12 , 69 ]. Portraying women in this way, media via pornography, pornographic movies, and music videos, has been found to increase attitudes which are supportive of violence, specifically sexual violence, against women. Notably, in relation to violence in general, research suggests that the media’s portrayal of women as sex objects and victims, tends to influence societal attitudes that are accepting of domestic violence, particularly violence against women [ 40 , 43 , 46 , 69 ].

Understanding the influence of media violence on an individual’s perceptions of domestic violence could help gain a better understanding of the factors that contribute to an individual’s domestic violence tendencies, as well as to gain a better understanding of how to lessen such tendencies. Not only can the influence of media violence on domestic violence perceptions be addressed, but specific media forms can be identified as to the level of influence that each form of media has on such perceptions as well. Understanding how exposure to media violence influences domestic violence perceptions, in comparison to the influence of media aggression on domestic violence perceptions, will allow for an overall perspective of how violent media in general influences domestic violence perpetration. Accordingly, the present study seeks to provide an empirical assessment of the relationship between violent media exposure and the perpetration of intimate partner abuse.

Literature Review

Although society believes that exposure to media violence 1 causes an individual to become violent, research has cast doubt on this belief, stating that violent media does not directly influence violent behavior at a highly correlated statistically significant level [ 2 , 4 , 21 , 22 , 65 , 85 ]. In relation to media aggression 2 and domestic violence perceptions however, research has demonstrated a relationship between the two variables [ 11 , 12 , 23 , 35 , 39 , 41 , 47 ], such that an increased level of exposure to media aggression, for example, video games and movies depicting aggression towards women, influences individuals to become more accepting of aggression toward women.

Domestic Violence

According to The United States Department of Justice [ 75 ], domestic violence is defined as “a pattern of abusive behavior in any relationship that is used by one partner to gain or maintain power and control over another intimate partner” (para. 1). Emotional/psychological, verbal, physical, sexual, and financial abuse [ 42 , 84 ], as well as digital abuse, are the different types of abuse that can occur amongst intimate partners.

In the United States alone, domestic violence hotlines received approximately 20,000 calls per day [ 51 ], with at least five million incidents occurring each year [ 34 ]. With the COVID-19 pandemic, the likelihood for domestic violence incidents to occur increased, while a victim’s ability to call and report decreased [ 18 ], due to individuals being locked down at home, being laid-off, or working from home. In examining the 1 in 4 women and 1 in 7 men who experience domestic violence at the hands of an intimate partner, 1 in 3 and 1 in 4, respectively, have experienced physical abuse [ 3 ], with 1 in 7 women and 1 in 25 men obtaining injuries from the abuse [ 51 ]. In addition, 1 in 10 women have been raped by an intimate partner, while the data on the true extent of male rape victimization is relatively unknown [ 51 ]. Even though domestic violence crimes make up approximately 15% of all reported violent crimes [ 77 ], almost half go unreported [ 57 ], due to various reasons (i.e., concerns about privacy, desire to protect the offender, fear of reprisal [ 19 ], relationship to the perpetrator [ 20 ]).

There are several risk factors that increase an individual’s likelihood of perpetrating domestic violence. Individuals who witnessed domestic violence between their parents [ 1 , 17 , 44 , 49 , 61 , 73 ], or were abused as children themselves [ 32 , 44 , 68 , 71 , 79 , 81 ], are more likely to perpetrate domestic violence than individuals who did not witness or experience such abuse. Research has found men who witnessed abuse between their parents had higher risk ratios for committing intimate partner violence themselves [ 61 ] and were more likely to engage in such violence [ 49 ], than men who did not witness such violence as children. Research has also shown that male adolescents who witnessed mother-to-father violence were more likely to engage in dating violence themselves [ 73 ]. Similarly, scholars have found women who witnessed intimate partner violence between their parents were over 1.5 times more likely to engage in such violence themselves [ 49 ], and adolescent girls were more likely to engage in dating violence when they witnessed violence between their parents [ 73 ]. Child abuse victims were more likely to perpetrate intimate partner violence as they aged, with 23-year-olds demonstrating a significant relationship compared to 21-year-olds [ 44 ], and males who identified as child abuse victims were found to be four times more likely to engage in such violence than males who had no history of such abuse [ 49 ]. Overall, both males and females who experienced child-family violence 3 were more likely to engage in both reciprocal and nonreciprocal intimate partner violence [ 49 ].

Research has also found that being diagnosed with conduct disorder as a child or antisocial personality disorder as an adult, also increases the likelihood of domestic violence perpetration [ 7 , 8 , 17 , 31 , 45 , 81 ], with antisocial personality disorder being a mediating factor between child abuse and later intimate partner violence perpetration [ 81 ]. Additionally, individuals who demonstrate antisocial characteristics during adolescence are at an elevated risk of engaging in domestic violence as adults [ 45 ]. Another key factor that influences domestic violence perpetration is having hostile attitudes and beliefs [ 5 , 37 , 48 , 49 , 70 ], with such attitudes being more of a predictive factor of intimate partner abuse than conduct problems [ 8 ]. Both men and women who approve of intimate partner violence are more likely to engage in or reciprocate such violence compared to those without such perceptions [ 49 ].

Media Violence and Crime

Media violence and behavior.

It has been long speculated that media violence is directly related to violent behavior and perpetration of violent crime, such as intimate partner abuse [ 6 , 14 , 33 , 50 ]. However, research has found very weak evidence demonstrating a correlation between exposure to media violence and crime, with Pearson’s r correlations of less than 0.4 being indicated in most studies in this area [ 2 , 21 , 22 , 64 , 65 , 85 ]. In fact, Savage [ 64 ] determined that exposure to violent activities through the media does not have a statistically significant relationship with crime perpetration. Likewise, Ferguson and colleagues’ [ 21 , 22 ] work supported these findings, indicating that “exposure to television [violence] and video game violence were not significant predictors of violent crime” [ 21 ] (p. 396).

More recently, Savage and Yancey [ 65 ] conducted a meta-analysis of thirty two studies that tested the relationship between media violence (i.e., television or film) and criminal aggression. Lester (1989), Krittschnitt, Heath, and Ward (1986), Lagerspetz and Viemerö (1986), Phillips (1983), Berkowitz and Macaulay (1971), and Steuer, Applefield, and Smith (1971) were among the evaluated studies. Collectively, Savage and Yancey [ 65 ] concluded that the results from their analysis suggested that a relationship between violent media exposure and criminal aggression had not been established in the existing scholarly literature. Although there was evidence of a slight, positive effect of media violence on criminal aggression found for males. However, the authors noted several limitations among each of the evaluated studies that questions the generalizability of findings. As such, there is need for more work to be done in this area before firm conclusions can be drawn about the relationship between violent media exposure and violent behaviors.

Media aggression and violence against women

Although research has demonstrated a lack of or weak correlation between media violence and violent behavior, research has found a moderate positive correlation between exposure to media aggression and domestic violence perceptions. Such research has found significant relationships between exposure to media aggression and a variety of delinquent perceptions, ranging from views on rape [ 47 , 67 ] to domestic violence [ 11 , 12 , 39 ]. These views support and accept the rape of women and abusive tendencies towards an intimate partner.

For instance, Malamuth and Check [ 47 ] examined how exposure to movies that contained high levels of violence and sexual content, especially misogynistic content, influenced one’s perceptions. Individuals who watched such content were more likely to have rape-supportive attitudes than individuals who were not exposed to such movies. Simpson Beck and colleagues [ 67 ] found that rape supportive attitudes were more common among individuals who played video games that sexually objectified and degraded women. Such individuals were more likely to accept the belief that rape is an acceptable behavior and that it is the woman’s fault if she is raped, compared to individuals who did not play such video games.

Related, Cundiff [ 12 ] classified the songs on the Billboard’s Hot 100 chart between 2000 and 2010 into categories such as rape/sexual assault, demeaning language, physical violence, and sexual conquest, and found that throughout these songs, the objectification and control of women were common themes. In surveying individuals in relation to their exposure to such music, a positive correlation was found between an individual’s exposure to suggestive music, and their misogynous thinking [ 12 ]. Further, Fischer and Greitemeyer [ 23 ] found that individuals who listened to more aggressive music were more likely to have negative views of and act more aggressively towards women. Likewise, Kerig [ 39 ] and Coyne and colleagues [ 11 ] found that individuals who are exposed to higher levels of media aggression are more likely to perpetrate domestic violence offenses. This suggests that an increased exposure to media aggression influences an individual’s perceptions of domestic violence, and could, subsequently influence the perpetration of domestic violence.

Cultivation Theory

A theoretical explanation for a relationship between violent media exposure and the perpetration of violent crime can be found in Cultivation Theory. Cultivation Theory assumes that “when people are exposed to media content or other socialization agents, they gradually come to cultivate or adopt beliefs about the world that coincide with the images they have been viewing or messages they have been hearing” [ 28 ] (p. 22). Essentially, this cultivation manifests into individuals mistaking their “world reality” with the “media reality,” thus increasing the likelihood of violence [ 26 ] (p. 350). Individuals who are exposed to violent media, are more likely to perceive their reality as filled with the same level of violence, resulting in an increased likelihood of the individual acting violently themselves. By identifying one’s reality with the “media reality,” individuals create their own social constructs and begin to believe that the violence demonstrated in the media is acceptable in life as well.

This cultivation and social construction creation based off of media is demonstrated through Kahlor and Eastin’s [ 38 ] examination of the influence of television shows on rape myth acceptance. Individuals who watched soap operas demonstrated race myth acceptance and an “overestimation of false rape accusations”, while individuals who watched crime shows were less likely to demonstrate rape myth acceptance [ 38 ] (p. 215). This demonstrates how the type of television show an individual watches, can influence how and what individuals learn from such viewing.

In relation to domestic violence perception, individuals who are exposed to violence in intimate relationships, or sexual aggression, whether through the media or in real life, are more likely to support or accept such actions over time [ 12 , 28 ]. A longitudinal study conducted by Williams [ 82 ], examined cultivation effects on individuals who play video games. It was found that individuals who played video games at higher rates began to fear dangers which they experienced through the video games, demonstrating how individuals adopt beliefs based on their media exposure. Therefore, according to Cultivation Theory, individuals who are exposed to higher levels of violent media, are likely to learn from the media, and act based on this learning [ 12 , 28 , 82 ]. In relation to domestic violence, this work suggests that it is reasonable then to hypothesize that individuals who are exposed to higher levels of media violence are more likely to become supportive or accepting of domestic violence actions.

Limitations of Previous Work

While prior research has explored the relationship between exposure to media aggression and domestic violence perceptions [ 11 ], [ 12 , 23 , 39 , 47 , 67 ], to date, we are unaware of research that has focused specifically on exploring the relationship between one’s level of exposure to media violence and domestic violence perceptions. As a result, the relationship between violent media exposure and domestic violence has yet to be fully examined. Further, research focusing specifically on media aggression, media violence, and violence perpetration has predominately focused on specific types of media (i.e., video games, movies, songs), often with the media platform and materials provided to the study participants by researchers. To date little research has investigated multiple forms of self-exposure to violent media and criminal perpetration. Moreover, previous research has failed to examine the effects of pleasure gained from such exposure, as we speculate that individual’s will be less likely to engage in consumption of media they find unpleasurable. Subsequently, the effects of media exposure are largely dependent on one’s disposition toward the content – which, admittedly, over time can be shaped by the content itself. Thus, we suggest that prior tests focusing exclusively on simulated exposure without consideration of pleasure have been incomplete.

Moreover, while there are scales that measure domestic violence perceptions (e.g., The Perceptions of and Attitudes Toward Domestic Violence Questionnaire – Revised (PADV-R) , The Definitions of Domestic Violence Scale , The Attitudes toward the Use of Interpersonal Violence – Revised Scale , and various others compiled by Flood [ 25 ]), they are very specific in nature, making it difficult to use such scales outside of the specified nature for which they were created. In fact, these scales fail to examine the actual perceptions an individual has towards domestic violence, and when they do, they tend to examine domestic violence perpetrated by men, and not women. Thus, the current study sought to help fill some of these gaps in the literature.

Current Focus

There were three overarching goals driving the current project:

• First, we sought to create a psychometrically sound scale capable of measuring intrinsic endorsement of domestic violence beliefs.
• Second, we were interested in assessing the relationship between intrinsic endorsement of domestic violence beliefs and domestic violence perpetration.
• Third, we wanted to explore the relationship between various types of violent media exposure (i.e., video game, movie, television) and domestic violence perpetration.

Data and Method

The data used in this study came from a sample of incarcerated offenders in two jails in New York and a prison in West Virginia. A sample of 148 convicted offenders 4 were surveyed between April 2018 and September 2018. The sampling procedure was one of convenience, in a face-to-face manner. A student intern at the prison asked inmates with whom she came into contact if they would be willing to take the survey. Such surveys were administered individually. For one of the jails, all inmates participating in educational classes were asked by the researcher to take the survey. Such surveys were administered in a group setting. A sign-up sheet was also placed in each pod for inmates to sign-up for survey participation. Each individual on the list was brought to a room occupied by only the researcher, with surveys being administered individually. For the second jail, correctional officers made an announcement in one of the pods, asking those who were interested in participation to let them know. Such inmates were individually brought to a room occupied by the researcher with a plexiglass wall between them. The surveys were administered via paper hard copy, with a researcher present to answer any questions the participants had throughout the survey process. Due to working with a vulnerable population, confidentiality was key. Confidentiality was maintained by not allowing any correctional staff in the room when the surveys were taken, and informed consent documents were kept separate from the surveys. Respondents were informed that their decision to participate in the study was completely voluntary, and that information would not be shared with law enforcement or anyone within the jail.

Dependent Variables

Domestic violence perpetration.

Two measures were used to assess domestic violence perpetration. First, participants were asked if they had been convicted of a domestic violence offense. While this is a good indication of domestic violence perpetration, it is not the “best” measure, as many persons who commit domestic violence are never convicted of the crime. As such, we employed a second measure of domestic violence perpetration. Specifically, participants were also asked if they had ever abused an intimate partner. Response categories were a dichotomous “yes” (1) or “no” (0).

Independent Variables

Endorsement of domestic violence beliefs.

We were interested in assessing the relationship between the intrinsic endorsement of domestic violence beliefs and domestic violence perpetration. Unfortunately, at the time of the study, the research team was not aware of any psychometrically sound measure of intrinsic endorsement of domestic violence beliefs available in the scholarly literature. Thus, we sought to create one. Specifically, we used an eighteen-item self-report scale to capture respondents’ intrinsic support of domestic violence. Some items included, “A wife sometimes deserves to be hit by her husband,” “A husband who makes his wife jealous on purpose deserves to be hit,” and “A wife angry enough to hit her husband must really love him.” Respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement with the eighteen items on a five-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 5 (“strongly agree”). Responses were summed to create a scale measure of intrinsic support of domestic violence beliefs with higher scores indicative of greater support of domestic violence. As indicated in Table ​ Table1, 1 , these items loaded onto one latent factor in an Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.974).

Results from exploratory factor analysis (EFA) for endorsement of domestic violence beliefs

KSMO = .928 ( p  = .000). The scree plot indicated a clear break at the second factor, suggesting a one factor matrix. Extraction method: Principal axis. α = .974

Violent media exposure

Prior research assessing the relationship between violent media exposure and crime has found mixed results [ 2 , 11 , 12 , 21 – 23 , 39 , 47 , 64 , 65 , 67 , 85 ]. However, most of this work has employed only one measure of media exposure and has ignored the pleasure that one may receive from violent media – that is, whether they get enjoyment from the content. In an attempt to fill these gaps in the literature we considered three types of violent media exposure: (1) video games, (2) movies, and (3) television. Consistent with recommendations made by Savage and Yancey [ 65 ] our measures include an estimate of both media exposure (e.g., time) and rating of violence. Specifically, participants were asked to report the number of hours that they spent playing videogames, watching movies, and watching television each week. Next, they were asked to indicate the percentage of violence (0–100%) in the games, movies, and television they played and watched. Additionally, participants were asked to report how pleasurable they found the video games, movies, and television that they played and watched (coded, 0 = “Not Pleasurable” through 10 = “Very Pleasurable”). Responses to each of the three questions in the different blocks of media were multiplied together to create a scale measure assessing pleasurable violent media exposure with higher numbers indicative of greater pleasurable violent media exposure.

Control Variables

Four measures were used as control variables in this study: (1) age, (2) sex, (3) race, and (4) domestic violence victimization, as research has not examined if such victimization is related to victims’ perpetration of intimate partner violence. Specifically, participants were asked if they had ever been abused by an intimate partner. Responses were also dichotomous with 1 = “yes” and 0 = “no.” Age was a continuous variable ranging from 18 years old to 95 years old. Sex and race were dichotomous variables (i.e., 1 = “male” or “white” and 0 = “female” or “other”). Specifically, participants were asked if they had ever been abused by an intimate partner. Responses were also dichotomous with 1 = “yes” and 0 = “no.”

Analytic Strategy

Data analysis proceeded in three key stages. First, all data were cleaned, coded, and univariate analyses were constructed to assess measures of central tendency and measures of dispersion. Missing data were assessed using Little’s Missing Completely at Random (MCAR) test. The significant MCAR test ( p  < 0.05) indicated that data were not missing at random, and as such, it would be inappropriate to impute the missing data for multivariable analyses. An Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was also run to help support the creation of our intrinsic endorsement of domestic violence beliefs scale. A Principal Axis Factor Analysis (PAFA) was selected as the EFA technique because the constructs are latent. Second, bivariate analyses were run to support the construction of multivariable models. Third, multivariable models were constructed. Given the dichotomous coding of the two outcome measures assessing domestic violence perpetration, we used logistic regression as the primary multivariate analysis.

Descriptive Information

Table ​ Table2 2 displays the demographic information for the sample, as well as the descriptive statistics for key variables of interest. As indicated in Table ​ Table2, 2 , overall, the sample had an average age of 35.81 years. Most participants were male (91%) and identified as white (77%). About 45 percent of the sample reported being a victim of domestic violence. Regarding violent media exposure, participants indicated greater exposure to pleasurable violence in movies ( M  = 36.40, sd  = 41.87) than to pleasurable violence in television ( M  = 29.73, sd  = 38.73) and video games ( M  = 22.58, sd  = 38.66). In the aggregate, participants did not show much intrinsic support for domestic violence ( M  = 34.02, sd  = 18.22). However, 16.2 percent of the sample had been convicted of a domestic violence offense and 34.5 percent had admitted to abusing an intimate partner.

Descriptive statistics ( N  = 148)

Bivariate Correlations

Table ​ Table3 3 displays the results from zero-order correlations between variables of interest. As indicated in Table ​ Table3, 3 , only one variable, endorsement of domestic violence beliefs ( r  = 0.202, p  < 0.05), was statistically significantly correlated with a domestic violence conviction at the bivariate level. Results suggest that as one’s intrinsic support for domestic violence increases, so too does the likelihood that they have been convicted of a domestic violence offense. Interestingly, this variable was not statistically significantly correlated with the “self-reported” measure of domestic violence perpetration ( r  = 0.101, p  > 0.05). However, four other variables were found to be statistically significantly correlated with a participant’s self-reported domestic violence perpetration. These variables included being a male ( r  =  − 0.177, p  < 0.05), being a victim of domestic violence ( r  = 0.637, p  < 0.01), television violence ( r  = 0.179, p  < 0.05), and having a domestic violence conviction ( r  = 0.182, p  < 0.05). Results indicate that males were less likely to report abusing an intimate partner than were females. Further, results show that those who had been a victim of domestic violence, those who had greater exposure to pleasurable television violence, and those who had been convicted of a domestic violence offense, were more likely to report abusing an intimate partner than those in reference groups. The weak correlation between our two dependent measures supports the use of the two separate multivariable models reported below.

Correlations

Pearson product-moment correlations are reported. Two-tailed significance is reported

* p  ≤ .05, ** p  ≤ .01

Multivariable Models

Table ​ Table4 4 shows the results from logistic regression models estimating domestic violence convictions and self-reported domestic violence perpetration. The first model in Table ​ Table4 4 assessed the correlates of having a domestic violence conviction. Overall, the model fit the data well and explained about 14 percent of the variance in domestic violence in having a domestic violence conviction (Nagelkerke’s R 2  = 0.142). However, there was only one statistically significant predictor in that model, endorsement of domestic violence beliefs ( b  = 0.033, p  < 0.05). Results show that a one-unit increase in intrinsic support for domestic violence was associated with a 1.033 increase in the odds of being convicted of a domestic violence offense.

Logistic regression analyses predicting domestic violence

Unstandardized coefficients are presented, OR  = odds ratio. DV  = “Domestic Violence”

* p  < .05, ** p  < .01, *** p  < .001

The second model in Table ​ Table4 4 depicts the results from the logistic regression model estimating self-reported domestic violence perpetration. Overall, the model fit the data well and explained nearly 55 percent of the variance in abusing an intimate partner (Nagelkerke’s R 2  = 0.548). Interestingly, endorsement of domestic violence beliefs was not a significant predictor in this model ( b  = 0.004, p  > 0.05). In fact, the only statistically significant predictor in that model was our measure of domestic violence victimization ( b  =  − 3.533, p  < 0.001). Results suggest that victims of domestic violence were 34.48 times less likely to report abusing an intimate partner than were non-victims, controlling for all other relevant factors. It is important to note that none of the measures of exposure to pleasurable media violence were related to either of our measures of domestic violence perpetration [ 74 , 83 ].

Much of the prior work assessing the relationship between exposure to violent media and crime perpetration has ignored the pleasure component of media exposure and failed to assess multiple forms of violent media simultaneously while controlling for the endorsement of criminogenic beliefs and other relevant factors (e.g., prior victimization). The current exploratory project sought to help fill these gaps in the literature. Specifically, the current project had three main goals: (1) to establish a psychometrically sound measure of intrinsic support for domestic violence, (2) to assess the relationship between intrinsic support for domestic violence and domestic violence perpetration, and (3) to analyze the relationship between pleasurable violent media exposure and two different measures of domestic violence perpetration (i.e., conviction and “self-report”) while controlling for appropriate covariates (e.g., prior victimization, endorsement of domestic violence, etc.). Our research, using data from a sample of convicted offenders ( N  = 148), yielded several key findings worth further consideration.

First, results from Exploratory Factor Analysis showed that we were able to effectively create a psychometrically sound measure of intrinsic support for domestic violence. We encourage other researchers to adopt this 18-item measure of intrinsic support for domestic violence to use in future projects as both a predictor and an outcome measure. Future research should also explore how these beliefs come to be. Perhaps more importantly, though, through our data analyses we were able to establish a relationship between intrinsic support for domestic violence and being convicted of a domestic violence offense. That is, our results show that offenders who hold beliefs that favor the emotional and physical abuse of an intimate partner are more likely to have been convicted of a domestic violence offense than those who do not hold such views. This finding suggests that in order to help prevent domestic violence, researchers and practitioners need to develop strategies to avert, disrupt, or reverse the internalization of such beliefs. We suggest that targeting adolescents who are at risk of experiencing child abuse or witnessing abuse between their parents, may help prevent such individuals from internalizing the acceptance of such beliefs and reduce the chances that they will grow up to perpetrate domestic violence, as prior research indicates that they are a high-risk group 5 [ 36 , 52 ]. For partners who have already engaged in violence toward one another, cognitive behavioral therapy programs, such as Behavioral Couples Therapy [ 53 , 54 , 62 ], are effective at changing domestic violence perceptions and reducing future violence [ 29 , 63 ].

Second, we did not find much support for a relationship between violent media exposure and domestic violence perpetration, questioning the effects of media cultivation. At the bivariate level, pleasurable violent television exposure was found to exhibit a small, positive effect on self-reported intimate partner abuse ( r  < 0.20) [ 9 ]. This finding suggests that, at the bivariate level, as one’s exposure to pleasurable violent television increases, so too does the likelihood that they self-report abusing an intimate partner. However, this relationship was reduced to insignificant levels in a multivariable modeling controlling for age, gender, race, endorsement of domestic violence beliefs, and prior victimization. In fact, no measure of pleasurable violent media exposure was significantly related to domestic violence perpetration in multivariable modeling. Thus, the current study supports prior research indicating no relationship between media violence and violent crime perpetration [ 21 , 22 , 64 , 65 ], and suggests that other variables (i.e., endorsement of domestic violence beliefs, and victimization), not violent media, are responsible for driving individuals to committing violent crimes.

Third, our work highlights the importance of the role prior victimization plays in criminal perpetration. Interestingly, at the bivariate level, domestic violence victimization at the hands of an intimate partner was unrelated to a domestic violence conviction, but significantly and positively related to admitting to abusing an intimate partner. In fact, the relationship between being a victim of domestic violence and admitting to abusing an intimate partner was very strong ( r  = 0.637) [ 9 ]. This finding suggests that individuals who have been previously victimized at the hands of an intimate partner, are at an increased likelihood of abusing an intimate partner themselves. However, in multivariable modeling, this relationship switched directions, and prior victimization was found to be negatively related to self-reported domestic violence perpetration. In fact, with the addition of appropriate statistical controls in multivariable modeling, our findings suggest that those who had been abused by an intimate partner were more than 34 times less likely to report abusing an intimate partner. This is an interesting and difficult finding to interpret because it opposes prior work indicating that victimization experiences, especially among the young [ 32 , 44 , 71 , 81 ], and witnessing domestic violence [ 1 , 17 , 44 , 49 , 61 , 68 , 73 , 79 ], can be positively related to perpetration. Initially, we speculated that the reason for this observed relationship had to do with controlling for the endorsement of domestic violence beliefs. However, the significant negative relationship between victimization and domestic violence perpetration existed in auxiliary analyses that removed the variable assessing endorsement of domestic violence beliefs from statistical modeling. Thus, we offer two plausible explanation for the observed relationship. First, this finding may reflect some form of empathy that serves as a protective factor against domestic violence perpetration – controlling for other relevant factors, such as demographics, endorsements of domestic violence beliefs, and pleasurable violent media exposure. That is, victims of domestic violence understand the horrific pain caused by intimate partner abuse, and in an attempt to avoid instilling such pain onto their spouse, they refrain from acting out aggressively against them. Second, this finding may simply be the result of sampling error. There was no relationship found between domestic violence conviction and domestic violence victimization in statistical modeling. As such, the relationship found between domestic violence victimization and self-reported domestic violence perpetration could merely be due to the fact that the measure was self-reported. That is, it may be that victims of domestic violence are less willing to admit to domestic violence perpetration than non-victims, for whatever reason. Future research should explore these findings more in relation to these two hypotheses.

Limitations

There are several limitations to our study that warrant disclosure. First, results reported above come from a small convenience sample of offenders incarcerated in New York and West Virginia. Thus, the findings from this exploratory study are not generalizable beyond these parameters. Second, the data had temporal ordering constraints. The dependent and independent variables were collected at the same time. Accordingly, our use of the term “predictor” in multivariable modeling is more consistent with “correlation.” Due to temporal ordering issues, it is unknown if individuals prone to violence seek out violent media, or if violent media causes such individuals to become violent. Future research should employ probabilistic sampling techniques, collect data from more urban sites, and use longitudinal research designs. Third, our measures of violent media exposure were not ideal. Notably, while more robust than prior estimates of violent media exposure, our measures of violent media exposure looked at general media violence across three different types of media—television, movies, and video games. It would be better for future researchers to examine the impact of specific types of violence depicted in media, such as domestic violence, on specific types of violent crimes.

Future work should also take steps to better explore this relationship from a theoretical lens, such as Cultivation Theory, “mean world” hypothesis, and catharsis effects. Future work may also benefit from approaching this topic inductively, by asking respondents to list the media they consume and then exploring the relationship between this media consumption and various forms of crime. For instance, it may be prudent to explore the relationship between exposure to types of pornography and acceptance of domestic violence beliefs, and subsequently, perpetration rates. This could further provide evidence of a media cultivation or catharsis effect. Lastly, the survey questions used wording pertaining to “husband” and “wife,” thereby limiting the range of domestic violence. Future research should change the wording in the survey, to examine perceptions of domestic violence between intimate partners, and not just between spouses.

The relationship between exposure to violent media and crime perpetration is complex. Results from the current study suggest that exposure to various forms of pleasurable violent media is unrelated to domestic violence perpetration. When considering domestic violence perpetration, prior victimization experience and endorsement of domestic violence beliefs appear to be significant correlates worthy of future exploration and policy development.

This project received no funding for any element of the project, including study design, data collection, data analysis, or manuscript preparation.

Declarations

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

All research was conducted within the framework of the first author’s Institutional Review Board.

The study was approved by the institutional review board at the West Virginia Wesleyan College. The study was performed in accordance with the ethical standards as laid down in the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards.

All participants were given and signed written informed consent documents prior to submitting data used in this study. The agreed to have their data collected and findings from it published.

1 Media violence is defined as various forms of media (i.e., television, music, video games, movies, Internet), that contain or portray acts of violence [ 10 ].

2 Media aggression, for the purpose of this study, is defined as various forms of media that contain or portray acts of aggression. Aggression is defined as: “[1)] a forceful action or procedure (such as an unprovoked attack), especially when intended to dominate or master; [2)] the practice of making attacks or encroachments; [and 3)] hostile, injurious, or destructive behavior or outlook, especially when caused by frustration” [ 13 ].

3 A combined measure of childhood physical abuse victimization and witnessing violence between parents [ 49 ].

4 Four respondents did not provide their biological sex.

5 Programs affective at reducing the likelihood of violence include, but are not limited to [ 50 ], Safe Dates [ 27 ], The Fourth R: Strategies for Healthy Teen Relationships [ 81 ], Expect Respect Support Groups [ 58 ], Nurse Family Partnership [ 15 , 55 , 56 ], Child Parent Centers [ 59 , 60 ], Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care [ 16 , 24 , 30 ], Shifting Boundaries [ 72 ], and Multisystemic Therapy [ 66 , 80 ].

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Contributor Information

Samantha M. Gavin, Email: ude.ubs@nivags .

Nathan E. Kruis, Email: ude.usp@231ken .

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The Effect of Violence in The Media on Violence in Children

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Essays on Media Violence

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Essay on Media and Violence

Introduction

Research studies indicate that media causes violence and plays a role in desensitization, aggressive behavior, fear of harm, and nightmares. Examples of media platforms include movies, video games, television, and music. Violence in media has also been associated with health concerns. The youth have been the most common victims of media exposure and thus stand higher chances of exposure to violence (Anderson, 2016). In the contemporary world, violence in media platforms has been growing, reaching heightened levels, which is dangerous for society. When you turn on the television, there is violence, social media platforms; there is violence when you go to the movies; there is violence. Studies indicate that an average person in the United States watches videos for nearly five hours in a day. In addition, three-quarters of television content contain some form of violence, and the games being played today have elements of violence. This paper intends to evaluate the concept of media messages and their influence on violent and deviant behaviors. Television networks and video games will be considered.

The Netflix effect involves the behavior of staying home all day, ordering food, and relaxing the couch to watch Netflix programs (McDonald & Smith-Rowsey, 2016). Netflix and binge-watching have become popular among the younger generation and thus are exposed to different kinds of content being aired. Studies indicate that continuous exposure to violent materials has a negative effect on the aggressive behavior of individuals. Netflix is a global platform in the entertainment industry (Lobato, 2019). Although, the company does not have the rights to air in major countries such as China, India, and Japan, it has wide audience. One of the reasons for sanctions is the issues of content being aired by the platform, which may influence the behaviors of the young generation. The primary goal of Netflix is entertainment; it’s only the viewers who have developed specific effects that affect their violent behaviors through imitation of the content.

Television Networks

Television networks focus on feeding viewers with the latest updates on different happenings across the globe. In other instances, they focus on bringing up advertisements and entertainment programs. There is little room for violent messages and content in the networks unless they are airing movie programs, which also are intended for entertainment. However, there has been evidence in the violence effect witnessed in television networks. Studies called the “Marilyn Monroe effect” established that following the airing of many suicidal cases, there has been a growth in suicides among the population (Anderson, Bushman, Donnerstein, Hummer, & Warburton, 2015). Actual suicide cases increased by 2.5%, which is linked to news coverage regarding suicide. Additionally, some coverages are filled with violence descriptions, and their aftermath with may necessitate violent behaviors in the society. For instance, if televisions are covering mass demonstrations where several people have been killed, the news may trigger other protests in other parts of the country.

Communications scholars, however, dispute these effects and link the violent behaviors to the individuals’ perception. They argue that the proportion of witnessing violent content in television networks is minimal. Some acts of violence are associated with what the individual perceives and other psychological factors that are classified into social and non-social instigators (Anderson et al., 2015). Social instigators consist of social rejection, provocation, and unjust treatment. Nonsocial instigators are physical objects present, which include weapons or guns. Also, there are environmental factors that include loud noises, overcrowding, and heat. Therefore, there is more explanation of the causes of aggressive behaviors that are not initiated by television networks but rather a combination of biological and environmental factors.

Video games

Researchers have paid more attention to television networks and less on video games. Children spend more time playing video games. According to research, more than 52% of children play video games and spend about 49 minutes per day playing. Some of the games contain violent behaviors. Playing violent games among youth can cause aggressive behaviors. The acts of kicking, hitting, and pinching in the games have influenced physical aggression. However, communication scholars argue that there is no association between aggression and video games (Krahé & Busching, 2015). Researchers have used tools such as “Competition Reaction Time Test,” and “Hot Sauce Paradigm” to assess the aggression level. The “Hot Sauce Paradigm” participants were required to make hot sauce tor tasting. They were required to taste tester must finish the cup of the hot sauce in which the tester detests spicy products. It was concluded that the more the hot sauce testers added in the cup, the more aggressive they were deemed to be.

The “Competition Reaction Time Test” required individuals to compete with another in the next room. It was required to press a button fast as soon as the flashlight appeared. Whoever won was to discipline the opponent with loud noises. They could turn up the volume as high as they wanted. However, in reality, there was no person in the room; the game was to let individuals win half of the test. Researchers intended to test how far individuals would hold the dial. In theory, individuals who punish their opponents in cruel ways are perceived to be more aggressive. Another way to test violent behaviors for gamer was done by letting participants finish some words. For instance, “M_ _ _ ER,” if an individual completes the word as “Murder” rather than “Mother,” the character was considered to possess violent behavior (Allen & Anderson, 2017). In this regard, video games have been termed as entertainment ideologies, and the determination of the players is to win, no matter how brutal the game might be.

In this paper, fixed assumptions were used to correlate violent behaviors and media objects. But that was not the case with regards to the findings. A fixed model may not be appropriate in the examination of time-sensitive causes of dependent variables. Although the model is applicable for assessing specific entities in a given industry, the results may not be precise.

Conclusion .

Based on the findings of the paper, there is no relationship between violent behaviors and media. Netflix effect does not influence the behavior of individuals. The perceptions of the viewers and players is what matters, and how they understand the message being conveyed. Individuals usually play video games and watch televisions for entertainment purposes. The same case applies to the use of social media platforms and sports competitions. Even though there is violent content, individuals focus on the primary objective of their needs.

Analysis of sources

The sources have been thoroughly researched, and they provide essential information regarding the relationship between violent behaviors and media messages. Studies conducted by various authors like Krahé & Busching did not establish any relationship between the two variables. Allen & Anderson (2017) argue that the models for testing the two variables are unreliable and invalid. The fixed assumptions effect model was utilized, and its limitations have been discussed above. Therefore, the authors of these references have not been able to conclude whether there is a connection between violence and media messages.

Allen, J. J., & Anderson, C. A. (2017). General aggression model.  The International Encyclopedia of Media Effects , 1-15.

Anderson, C. A. (2016). Media violence effects on children, adolescents and young adults.  Health Progress ,  97 (4), 59-62.

Anderson, C. A., Bushman, B. J., Donnerstein, E., Hummer, T. A., & Warburton, W. (2015). SPSSI research summary on media violence.  Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy ,  15 (1), 4-19.

Krahé, B., & Busching, R. (2015). Breaking the vicious cycle of media violence use and aggression: A test of intervention effects over 30 months.  Psychology of Violence ,  5 (2), 217.

Lobato, R. (2019).  Netflix nations: the geography of digital distribution . NYU Press.

McDonald, K., & Smith-Rowsey, D. (Eds.). (2016).  The Netflix effect: Technology and entertainment in the 21st century . Bloomsbury Publishing USA.

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Violence And Media Research Paper

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Public and academic concern about media’s contribution to real world violence are about as old as the mass media and the social sciences themselves (Wartella and Reeves 1985). Despite frequent framing of the matter as ‘controversial,’ extensive research—an estimated 3,000 (Donnerstein et al. 1994) to 3,500 (Wartella et al. 1998) studies in the United States alone—have examined the impact of media violence, and a number of recent major reviews (Huston et al. 1992, Murray 1994, see also Potter 1999, Paik and Comstock 1994, Comstock and Paik 1991), have concluded that media violence plays a measurable role in real-world violence. A variety of US agencies, including the Centers for Disease Control of the US Public Health Service (1991), and medical and public interest organizations, including the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, and the National Conference of Parent-Teacher Associations, have identified media violence as a public health problem. The review below focuses most heavily on US research and US media, most notably American television, primarily because a large majority of the published social science research on media and violence is US research on American audiovisual media. Potter (1999, pp. 44–5), for example, reports 42 published content analyses of US television since 1954, and just 19 from the rest of the world. Moreover, American media are among the world’s most violent—and most exported—and real-world violence is a recurring public policy issue. Further, much of this literature concerns impacts of media violence on children and adolescents, for the inter-related reasons that young audiences are considered the most impressionable and most vulnerable. Adults are generally viewed to be more resistant to the deleterious influences of violence, and, as some would argue (cf. Huesmann 1997), violent behaviors in adulthood may be traced to media use during childhood.

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Three models have been proposed to describe the process by which such learning and imitation of media violence occurs: social learning theory, priming effects theory, and a social developmental model of learning (Wartella et al. 1998).

First proposed by Albert Bandura in the 1960s, social learning theory is the best known theoretical account of violence effects. Bandura asserts that through observing television models, viewers come to learn behaviors which are appropriate, that is, which behaviors will be rewarded and which punished. In this way, viewers seek to attain rewards and therefore imitate these media models. When both children and adults are shown an aggressive model who is either rewarded or punished for their aggressive behavior, models who are positively reinforced influence imitation among the viewers. Even research in the field has demonstrated that aggression is learned at a young age and becomes more impervious to change as the child grows older. In a longitudinal study to examine the long-term effects of television violence on aggression and criminal behavior, Huesmann et al. (1984) studied a group of youth across 22 years, at ages 8, 18, and 30. For boys (and to a lesser, though still significant extent for girls), early television violence viewing correlated with self-reported aggression at age 30 and added significantly to the prediction of serious criminal arrests accumulated by age 30. These researchers find a longitudinal relationship between habitual childhood exposure to television violence and adult crime and suggest that approximately 10 percent of the variability in later criminal behavior can be attributed to television violence.

Priming effects theory serves to augment the more traditional social learning theory account of television violence effects. In the work of Leonard Berkowitz and his colleagues, this theoretical account asserts that many media effects are immediate, transitory, and short-term (Berkowitz 1984). Berkowitz suggests that when people watch television violence, it activates or ‘primes’ other semantically related thoughts which may influence how the person responds to the violence on television. Viewers who identify with the actors on television may imagine themselves like that character carrying out the aggressive actions of the character on television, and research evidence suggests that exposure to media aggression does indeed ‘prime’ other aggressive thoughts, evaluations, and even behaviors such that violence viewers report a greater willingness to use violence in interpersonal situations.

Only Rowell Huesmann’s (1986; see also Huesmann1997) theoretical formulation of the social developmental model of violence effects offers a true reciprocal theoretical account of how viewers’ interest in media violence, attention to such violence, and individual viewer characteristics may interact in a theory of media violence effects. Using ideas from social cognition theory he develops an elaborate cognitive mapping or script model. He argues that social behavior is controlled by ‘programs’ for behavior which are established during childhood. These ‘programs’ or ‘scripts’ are stored in memory and are used as guides to social behavior and problem solving. Huesmann and Miller (1994, p. 161) submit that ‘a script suggests what events are to happen in the environment, how the person should behave in response to these events, and what the likely outcome to those behaviors would be.’ Violence from television is ‘encoded’ in the cognitive map of viewers, and sub-sequent viewing of television violence helps to maintain these aggressive thoughts, ideas, and behaviors. Over time such continuing attention to television violence can thus influence people’s attitudes toward violence and their maintenance and elaboration of aggressive scripts.

This theory suggests that while viewing violence may not cause aggressive behavior, it certainly has an impact on the formation of cognitive scripts for mapping how to behave in response to a violent event and what the outcome is most likely to be. Television portrayals, then, are among the media and personal sources that provide the text for the script which is maintained and expanded upon by continued exposure to scripts of violence.

Huesmann has demonstrated that there are key factors which are particularly important in maintaining the television viewing–aggression relationship for children: the child’s intellectual achievement level, social popularity, identification with television characters, belief in the realism of the TV violence, and the amount of fantasizing about aggression. According to Huesmann, a heavy diet of television violence sets into motion a sequence of processes, based on these personal and interpersonal factors, that results in many viewers becoming not only more aggressive but also developing increased interest in seeing more television violence.

It must be emphasized that all serious scholars of the impacts of media on violence are careful to note that media are not the only, nor perhaps among the most important, contributors to real-world violence. Violent behavior is a complex, multivariable problem, formed of many influences. Racism, poverty, drug abuse, child abuse, alcoholism, illiteracy, gangs, guns, mental illness, a decline in family cohesion, a lack of deterrents, the failure of positive role models, among others, all interact to affect antisocial behavior. As Huesmann has argued, aggression is a syndrome, an enduring pattern of behavior that can persist through childhood into adulthood. The impact of media violence appears strongest as a predictor of real-world antisocial behavior as one facet of a ‘culture of violence.’

2. Types Of Effects

As Potter (1999, Chap. 9) notes, media-violence effects fall into five categories—physiological, emotional, cognitive, attitudinal, and behavioral—and both immediate or short-and long-term effects have been studied. While some attention has focused on direct, short-term imitative or modeling effects (cf. Phillips 1980, 1982, but see Hessler and Stipp 1985), more attention and public policy concern has focused on the long-term impact of repeated exposure to violence. More generally, three overarching categories of effect receive most attention: learning of aggression, desensitization to real-world violence, and the cultivation of fear in repeated exposure to media violence (Wilson et al. 1997).

Clearly, not all violent depictions should be treated equally, nor all viewers. The (US) National Television Violence Study (Wilson et al. 1997) identified several contextual factors within a representation that may influence audience reactions to media violence which include the following.

2.1 The Nature Of The Perpetrator

Where individuals perceive perpetrators of violence as attractive, as heroes, and/or as similar to themselves, the likelihood of stimulating attention (Bandura 1986) and aggression (Paik and Comstock 1994) increases.

2.2 The Nature Of The Victim

While the commission of violence on an attractive character with which an audience member identifies might serve to inhibit aggressive behavior, its principal impact would seem to be in arousing fear among the audience members.

2.3 The Reason For The Violence

Wilson et al. (1997, p. 24) note that violence viewed as justified likely heightens aggression, while violence viewed as unjustified arouses fear. The impact of justification has been documented with fictional as well as realistic programming (Meyer 1972), and with adult as well as child viewers (Liss et al. 1983). In fact, a recent meta-analysis of 217 media studies documents that a justified portrayal of violence can enhance aggressive behavior among viewers (Paik and Comstock 1994).

2.4 The Presence Of Weapons

A number of studies, including a meta-analysis of 56 published experiments (Carlson et al. 1990) have demonstrated that the presence of weapons, either pictorally or in the natural environment, can enhance aggression among subjects. While, for ethical reasons, the large majority of such research involves adult subjects, in at least one study (Frodi 1975) the presence of weapons enhanced aggression among adolescents. ‘Conventional’ weapons such as guns and knives are more likely than unconventional means for priming the effect, social learning theory would suggest, because their use as a means of aggression are stored in memory (Berkowitz 1990, Leyens and Parke 1975).

2.5 The Extent And Graphicness Of The Violence

A review (Wilson et al. 1997) for the National Television Violence Study suggested that more research is needed, but several tentative conclusions about extent and graphicness could be reached: (a) extensiveness of violence within media presentations should be associated with increased desensitization to violence, at least in the short to medium-term; (b) graphicness of violence should be associated with increased cultivation of fear; (c) longitudinal studies clearly suggest that extensiveness of viewingviolent media presentations heightens the likelihood of engaging in aggressive behavior.

2.6 The Degree Of Realism Of The Violence

In brief, realistic violence has been found to induce aggressive behavior, and to induce fear, more than violence believed to be less realistic or more fantastic. An extremely important qualification deals with younger children, who may be unable to distinguish realistic from fantastic characters, behaviors, and situations. In one study, however, where perceived realism was manipulated for older children (9 to 11 in Feshbach 1972; 10 to 13 in Atkin 1983), those subjects who were led to believe that footage was realistic news were more likely subsequently to behave aggressively than those led to believe it was taken from an entertainment program.

2.7 Whether Violence Is Rewarded Or Punished

Rewarded violence is more likely to be imitated than violence which is punished. Significantly, and particularly for children (since, as we will show below, television programming most frequently presents violent actions that are neither rewarded nor punished), the absence of punishment may enhance imitation, even in the absence of explicit reward (Bandura 1965, Walters and Parke 1964). Paik and Comstock’s meta-analysis (1994) suggests that rewarded violence stimulates aggression among both child and adult audiences. One study suggests that punishment of criminal violence decreases fear (Bryant et al. 1981).

2.8 Consequences Of Violence

In general (and exceptions are noted in Wilson et al. 1997, p. 30), mediated depictions of violence which show either pain cues or other short or longer-term negative effects or consequences of violence are likely to depress the learning of aggression. There is little research on the effects of pain cues or violence consequences on desensitization and the cultivation of fear.

2.9 Presence Of Humor

As the National TV Violence Study review also noted, further research is needed here as well, but the present state of knowledge suggests, other things being equal, that violence coupled with humor is more likely to heighten aggression, and to increase desensitization, than violence without the presence of humor:

Several mechanisms can be used to explain such a facilitative effect of humor on aggression. Humor might elevate a viewer’s arousal level over that attained by violence alone, and increased arousal has been shown to facilitate aggression. … Humor could serve as a reinforcement or reward for violence, especially if the perpetrator is funny or admired or his or her wit. And humor may diminish the seriousness of the violence and therefore undermine the inhibiting effects of harm and pain cues in a scene. … However, we should underscore that our conclusion about the facilitative effect of humor on aggression is tentative until more systematic research … is undertaken (Wilson et al. 1997, p. 32).

3. Young Viewers

As noted, research indicates that certain factors may be processed differently by young viewers. First, children below about age 8 have more difficulty distinguishing reality from fantasy and often imitate superheros with magical powers such as the Power Rangers (Boyatzis et al. 1995). Second, young children may have difficulty connecting scenes and drawing inferences from the plot. Timing of punishments and rewards becomes important in this instance. In many programs, the crime or violent behavior may go unpunished until the end of the program. Young children may have difficulty connecting the ending punishment with the initial violent act and may, therefore, believe that the violence went unpunished (Wilson et al. 1997). Thus, learning of aggressive attitudes and behaviors from television varies by both the nature of the portrayals and the nature of the viewers. The presence of contextual factors in the portrayals which may inhibit young children’s social learning of aggression decreases the negative consequences of such portrayals and should be encouraged. Not all violent portrayals are the same and the context of violence is clearly quite important. Similarly, young children, those under the age of seven or eight, may be particularly susceptible to learning from exposure to television violence because of differences in how they make sense of television compared to adults.

4. The Media Environment

Television’s role as the central mass medium in much of the world for the past half-century, and its ubiquity and ability to enter almost every home, often without parental supervision, has meant that more public and scholarly concern has focused on its contents than on any other medium’s, and this concern has accompanied its diffusion into every corner of the earth.

Unfortunately, cumulative and comparative research on television’s violent content is hampered by a lack of consistency in defining violence and especially defining the population and sampling frame in studies of television.

The most extensive single content study of US television was the 1994–7 National Television Violence Study (National Television Violence Study 1997, Center for Communication and Social Policy 1997, 1998). Examined were the 6 a.m.–11 p.m. contents of a multistage probability sample constructed sample week of programming on 23 network-station, independent-station, and basic-cable and premium-cable channels; thus about 8,000 programs were analyzed over the 1994–5, 1995–6, and 1996–7 television ‘seasons.’ Certain programs, including ‘hard news,’ religious shows, sporting events, quiz shows, and educational shows, were sampled but not analyzed. About three-fifths of the remaining programs contained some visual violence, a figure that like most summary statistics remained stable over the three years of the study. In descending order, premium cable, basic cable, independent-station, broadcast network station, and public broadcast stations’ programming were likely to contain violence. By content genre, in decreasing order, movies, dramas, children’s shows, music videos, and reality-based and comedy programs were likely to contain violence. Violence was far more prevalent during prime-time than during daytime hours.

Of signal concern to the NTVS researchers was the context of televised violence; it was often glamorized (more than a quarter of all violence was perpetrated by ‘good’ or attractive characters, and some 40 percent by characters with at least some good qualities); sanitized (about 7 8 of violent scenes show no blood and gore; almost half show no harm to victims of violence, although more than half of violent interactions show infliction of harm that would be lethal in ‘real life,’ and about half depict no pain cues in victims of violence); and unsanctioned (in a majority of scenes, violence perpetrators were neither rewarded nor punished [‘punishment’ was considered any noticeable sanction, including a perpetrator’s oral expression of remorse], and among other scenes, rewards and punishments were about equally likely; in three-quarters of cases, characters perpetrating violence were either never punished, or were punished only at the program’s conclusion). Moreover, only three percent of programs with violence had any antiviolence theme (Center for Communication and Social Policy 1998, Chaps. 3–4). Potter (1999) has an extensive discussion of definitions of media violence and the results of content analyses from a variety of studies.

5. Media Violence And Public Policy

As noted, the consensus in the social scientific community regarding media violence is that it serves as a contributor to aggression in the real world, and virtually all public opinion surveys confirm that wider publics believe this as well. Nonetheless, such findings are ‘controversial’ in the media industries, and among a minority of academics (see, e.g. Fowles 1999 and sources cited therein). In the United States in particular, since the 1950s the media industries—television in particular, but also recorded music, motion pictures, pictorial comic books, and video games— have responded to public and governmental outcries against violent content by promises to reform under self-regulation. Motion pictures, video-games, and recorded music all list ‘ratings’ for their products which suggest age-groups for which the industry self-regulatory groups think the content for these products is appropriate. The US Telecommunications Act of 1996 mandated that the television networks create a ‘voluntary’ ratings system or face creation of one by the federal government. The system the broadcast industry has created suggests appropriate age categories and levels of sex, language, and violence to allow consumers and parents to make program choices. The same act mandated a ‘v-chip’ in newly manufactured television sets to allow parents to screen or filter out violent programs. There is to date insufficient research to indicate whether and what sorts of parents and other viewers are using either the ratings or the v-chip technology to screen violence. However, experimental research by Cantor and her colleagues (Cantor and Nathanson 1998, Cantor et al. 1997) suggests that young children may use aged-based ratings systems to shield themselves from violent content while for older children and adolescents, there may be a boomerang or ‘forbidden fruit’ effect whereby ratings attract them to more ‘adult’ violent or sexually explicit material. In the United States Congress, a moratorium on discussion of television violence is in effect, pending further information on the effects of ratings and the v-chip, but the legislature is focusing its attention on violent video-games, the target of significant public criticism in the wake of a number of firearms murders in public schools.

6. Conclusion

It is clear that where children and television violence are concerned, the question that remains is not whether media violence has an effect, but rather how important that effect is in comparison with other factors in bringing about the current level of crime in the United States and other industrialized nations. Future research should also aim to establish who precisely is most susceptible to media violence, and, most importantly, what sorts of intervention might help diminish its influence. At the same time, any interventions that help establish policies and practices to reduce the socially inappropriate ways of portraying violence and increase the socially responsible ways (such as using violence to assert antiviolence messages) should be encouraged as well. Long-term solutions to problems caused by violence in the real world, however, will require attention to a much wider variety of causal agents.

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100 Media Analysis Essay Topics & Examples

Welcome to our list of media analysis essay topics! Here, you will find plenty of content analysis topic ideas. Use them to write a critical paper, a literary analysis, or a mass-media related project. As a bonus, we’ve included media analysis example essays!

🔝 Top 10 Media Analysis Topics for 2024

🏆 best media analysis topic ideas & essay examples, ⭐ interesting topics to write about media analysis, ✅ simple & easy media analysis essay titles, 🔥 content analysis topic ideas.

• Portrayal of Women in Ads
• Media Bias in Political Reporting
• Representation and Diversity on TV
• Social Media’s Impact on Self-Esteem
• Media Coverage of Humanitarian Crises
• How Are News on Climate Change Framed?
• Consequences of Fake News and Misinformation
• How Gender Roles Are portrayed in Children’s Media
• Does Violence in Video Games Lead to Aggressive Behavior?
• The Relationship of Media and Public Opinion in Elections
• Media Analysis of 13 Reasons Why According to the laws of the genre, the atmosphere is intensified, the pace accelerates, and the turns in the plot become more and more abrupt.
• “Super Bowl LVI Today: Day 1” Media Analysis Hence, it is essential to consider the priorities of the mass communication organization, namely the tone, look and advertising in the show.
• Sociological Media Analysis: “The Bachelor” and “One Day at a Time” The show is misogynistic, with the male protagonist playing the role of the pursuer and the female protagonist assuming the role of the pursued.
• Historical Components of Media Analysis In the case of Mumford and McLuhan, Carey observes that the writing and interpretation of media can result in the reconstruction of wider arguments and even the selection of an antagonistic agent.
• Analysis of Social Media Tools in Business The last item, the detailed analytics of the content and activity, allows for the development of the more efficient business strategy based on the subscribers’ preferences.
• Media Literacy Research: Analysis of the Issue In the process of research, I have significantly expanded my ability to access and analyze media messages as well as to use the power of information to communicate and make a difference in the world.
• Media Influences Learning: Analysis The use of media in learning leads to the achievement of positive outcomes if the medium used is interrelated and confounding.
• Media Analysis: Abuse Over Vaccine Passports The article uses the direct quotations of the restaurant owners, thus making the most of the story based in the first person.
• Media Analysis: Ageism in Advertisement In addition to the idea of saving communicated in E-trade’s ad, the commercial also seems to convey the hope of work among the old population.
• Media Bias Fact Check: Website Analysis For instance, Fact Check relies on the evidence provided by the person or organization making a claim to substantiate the accuracy of the source.
• The Media Economics Analysis In addition, the assessment of the economics of media reveals crucial information about the production, distribution, and consumption patterns of the media services and products.
• Social Media Presence Analysis I think it expresses engagement within my workplace and willingness to learn more to either explore new ideas, be a part of the discussion, and make sure the information I am gathering is accurate and […]
• The HopeLine: Website and Social Media Analysis The organization’s social media and the site contain a body of knowledge that might be also informative or important to revise for the current employees, for instance types and signs of abuse.
• Media Analysis: Gideon’s Trumpet As it has been mentioned above, the purpose of the movie was to show that even a criminal has the right to have someone to represent him in the courtroom.
• Acute Otitis Media Analysis The peak of acute ear infections, which precedes otitis media, is prior to the age of 2 years, and during school entry.
• Modern Mass Media and Tools for Their Analysis A sender is a person who originates the message, a message is the content that is communicated, a channel is a medium used to transmit it, and a recipient is a person to whom the […]
• Covering a Pandemic: Critical Media Analysis A lot of work over the past decades has been devoted to the study of media analysis, which has led to the formation of a new area of knowledge, concepts, and categories.
• Analysis of Media Representation Patterns In fact, studies show that the DNA of any given human being is ninety-nine percent identical in comparison to the rest of the population, regardless of their origin.
• News and Media Reliability: Social Analysis At the same time, given the apparent trend to use the Internet as the primary source of news, mobile devices still seem to arouse suspicion among the adult and the older adult population. The most […]
• Analysis Representations of Britishness in Different Media Texts Although it is clear to me that facts of Britishness exist in all three media sources listed above, I understand that it has different sides and is shown as a mixture of cultural peculiarities, breathtaking […]
• On Stereotyping in the Media Viewers watch shows regularly and do not understand the content that is biased while the media is able to attract the attention of the audience by way of drama, comedy and action.
• Media and Injustice: Issues Analysis This paper will high light relations among media and the Injustice, discuss media in it’s past and current perspective and it’s possible role in future challenges by means of special importance on the media management […]
• Media Coverage of Issues Analysis The main arguments that the authors suggest are: Inconsistent use of labels for the alternative plans minimized the likelihood that the public would understand the details of any of them; The conflicts frame narrowed public […]
• Mass Media Communication: Personal Analysis Finally, when I do the same in the kitchen in the morning, I am occupied with preparing and eating my breakfast; therefore, television serves as a background and I cannot be focused on the information […]
• Mass Media Law’s Analysis Indeed, the existing regulations show that the specified action is defined as flag desecration can be interpreted as an affront of the citizen of the United States, as well as the disdain for the law.
• “The New Yorker” and “National Geographic” Media Analysis What finds most interesting about Surowiecki’s article is that he manages to counter the politics of the USA government, whereas, in Alexander’s article, the secret of the buried treasure and the historical events are the […]
• Media Analysis: Jacob’s Cross In the Jacob’s Cross episode that was watched the following scenes that apply to the social justice theme were observed: This episode begins in the morning by Jacob calling his attorney and some other close […]
• Social Media Data Analysis For the company storage purposes, information in wikis is stored in a chronological order and may be used to build the company’s knowledge.
• Fairfax Media Limited Situational Analysis While it has generally taken Fairfax a longer time than expected to identify and adapt to the shift brought about by the rise of technology in market- specifically the internet and social media- the company […]
• Analysis of Media Strategies This is because it uses a reverse marketing strategy which states that the less the advertisement, the higher the pricing and the harder it becomes to find it, the higher the chances that people will […]
• Media Industry News Analysis: Gasland May Take the Oscar To learn more about the world of media, it is better to focus on the news and the main themes of the articles offered to the reader.
• Fairfax Media Industrial Environmental Analysis When the rights are granted, they come with a cost to the company; there has been challenges of print media from free press media in Australia thus Fairfax faces the challenge to handle the situation.
• Media Analysis: Women and Men in Media Against this background the paper attempts to probe the way in which the press and especially the print journalism help to produce and to reproduce specific ways of knowing the third world.
• Content Analysis of Two Different Forms of Media Although the first one uses television and the second uses the Internet and the World-Wide-Web to deliver content to consumers it must be pointed out that these two are rivals and basically has the same […]
• Analysis of Gender Issues in the Media The message in the advertisement simply showed that women are able to control men by using their bodies in a certain way.
• The Focus on the Importance of Symbols in Media Analysis
• Visual Media Analysis for Social Media and Other Online Platforms
• Research Methodologies for the Media Analysis
• Communications and Media Analysis
• Television Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Leadership
• Predicting Stock Market Using Social Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Television and New Media
• Media Analysis and Feminism
• Television Media Analysis: Authors and Producers
• How the Media Places Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic: An Australian Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Political and Social Bias in the USA
• Collecting Data in Social Media Analysis
• The Jurisprudence and Qualitative Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Banning Beauty and the Beast in Malaysia
• Media Analysis and Understanding the Meaning of Islam
• Symbolic Interactionism and Social Networks: Media Analysis
• Television Media Analysis: The Cosby Show
• Marketing and Business Communication: Media Analysis
• The Difference Between the Quantitative and Qualitative Media Analysis
• Structuring and Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Audiences and Consumers
• Managing the News and Media Analysis
• Comparative and Critical Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Rose Petal Cottage
• Video Installation and Media Analysis
• Philosophical and Social Media Analysis
• Critical and Interdisciplinary Research in Media Analysis
• Public Relations and Media Analysis: Semantic and Social Aspects
• Functionalist Perspective for Media Analysis
• Media Analysis of Traditional Primary Documents
• Responsibility for the COVID-19 Pandemic: Media Analysis
• Qualitative Research Methods in Media Analysis
• A Visual Analytics System for Television Ratings
• Food Chain Actors’ Perceptions of and Adaptations to Volatile Markets: Results of a Media Analysis
• Religion and the Media Analysis
• Symbolic Interactionist Perspective for Media Analysis
• Employer Relation: Industrial Conflict Media Analysis
• Symbolic Interactionist Perspective Media Analysis
• Media Analysis: Overview of Media Research Methodologies and Audiences
• Patterns of Emotional Expression in Social Media Posts
• A Comparative Content Analysis of Television Shows and Gender Representation
• Environmental Sustainability Messaging in Advertisements
• Patterns of Persuasive Language in Political Debates
• News Coverage during COVID-19: Media Framing and Public Perception
• The Impact of Celebrity Endorsement on Consumer Behavior
• Analysis of Unrealistic Standards in Video Game Characters
• How Portrayal of Violence in Movies Leads to Desensitization
• Diversity of Characters and Themes in Children’s Literature
• How Fashion Magazines Affect Beauty Ideals
• Effectiveness of Educational Apps for Children
• Do Food Advertisements Promote Healthy Nutritional Choices?
• Representation of LGBTQ+ Characters in TV Series
• Environmental Messaging in Corporate Social Responsibility Reports
• Representations and Perspectives on Climate Change
• TV Show Titles
• New York Times Topics
• Radio Paper Topics
• Propaganda Topics
• Twitter Topics
• YouTube Topics
• Oprah Winfrey Topics
• Mass Communication Essay Topics
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

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Violence Caused by Media

How it works

Literature Review

Violence in media such as, in television, video games, or movies has raised a substantial amount of concern regarding its effects on certain populations. Media violence portrays various graphic images and scenes that convey criminal acts or horror-like graphics such as, blood. Through studies of violence in mass media, there has been a correlation between themes of violence in media sources with real-world aggression and violence over time. Many social scientists have been able to support this correlation. In certain studies, a correlation has been proved between media violence and aggression in gender, adolescence, and adults.

There has also been a distinction in factors for these effects depending on viewing time such as prime time or late time.

Most reviews strongly agree that the main effect of media violence is that younger audiences tend to become more aggressive after being exposed to such violence, and will have a higher likelihood of being just as aggressive in their adulthood (Huesmann 2003). In addition, these studies have shown to be important in regards to supporting the effects that media violence has caused. Studies On Exposure To Media Violence Huesman, including various other scientists, were able to discover a gender difference in the expression of aggression due to media violence. It was found that men tended to become more physically aggressive and had a higher chance of committing a crime due to media violence, whereas females were more likely to become indirectly aggressive (Huesman 2003). In a study conducted by Bozell, a comparison between prime time and late time violence was found.

During the prime time, there is an increase in violence, which is seemed to be targeted at children (Elber 2006). Another study is able to identify the effects of violent cartoons on children and how they are more capable of mimicking certain actions. The study caused a concern about a subgroup of kids in their study who manifest perhaps the greatest trends toward aggressive behaviors, namely boys of lower socioeconomic status.

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A Rundown on the Interesting Media Research Paper Topics for Every Student

Note: Only 'PhD' academic level option is available for Dissertation

22 Nov 2019

The impact of media on our society is undoubtedly colossal. From purchasing to eating habits, we are influenced by the media perspective. There are plenty of topics that can be covered when discussing various aspects of media. However, how to choose the one you will be thrilled to research and write about? We do understand that any student can get stuck at this very first stage of writing and, as one of the best research paper writing services , gathered some of the simple yet effective ideas for you to figure it out.

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How to Choose Engaging Topics for Media Research Paper?

Many college-goers have a hard time picking up a good topic about media. They may struggle to choose a particular issue because common problems seem difficult to understand to them. In this case, students end up selecting any theme randomly and set out working on the chosen item without any regard to the lack of knowledge or delight to cover this subject that is so much needed for quality paper writing. To put it shortly, it’s recommended that you select a topic you are aware of, understand well and can describe without any challenges and stress as you have the required expertise on the subject.

To start with, choose a narrow field where you may single out the subject and note relevant ideas that occur to you and demonstrate the scope, context, and point of your future media paper. Before you start crafting a piece, take a couple moments to ask yourself coherent questions and brainstorm: "Do I have clear understanding of paper requirements?", "Do I really have proper knowledge in this field?" or "Am I interested in this particular topic?" If you answer ‘YES!’ to all these questions, then go forward and begin crafting your A-grade essay. However, if you are still hesitating about which topic to choose, feel free to check some silver-bullet options from WePapers.com professionals. Place an Order

Eating disorders and the media research paper ideas

Generally, body image is the manner an individual perceives themselves when looking in the mirror. Still, because of today’s media culture, we are scrutinized with more types of so-called mirrors than ever before. Desire to achieve some impossible ideal may cause eating disorders in youth and even adults. Why does it happen and what are the ways to prevent it - you are free to study it in your research paper:

• Research paper on media influence on youth eating disorders
• Research paper on body image and the media impact on it
• Role of media in treating eating disorders

Media bias research paper tips

It’s no surprise, media - both print and digital - affect our everyday lives in a number of ways. Sometimes it even forms our opinions on specific issues - from politics and racism to homosexuality and abortion. Many people today cannot imagine that media bias is manipulating their judgments. Below are some of hottest topics on prejudice formed by popular media avenues you are welcome to think over and draft an outline:

• Racial bias in media coverage of celebrities
• Examine racial and gender bias in reporting crimes
• How to detect bias in news media?
• Does media help to establish political parties influence on the public?
• Is mass media overemphasizing terrorism threats?

Great ideas for social media research papers

Over the last decade, social media has become a popular topic for discussion. Everyone is likely to have shaped some opinion on it, and numerous ideas spark debate and controversy. It makes for an interesting and juicy theme that can bring your research paper to the next level. Below are three fresh ideas to guide you in selecting process:

• Influence of social media on consumer behavior
• Social networks and our addiction to them
• Is there any correlation between social media usage and cyberbullying?
• Social media tools used by public relations practitioners
• Do social media tools violate human rights?

Topics for media violence research paper

Some people believe that media violence is to blame for aggressive human behavior. Others undermine this argument by stating that that violence existed long before television and video games appeared. Stay cool and outline your thoughts on this issue:

• Role of media violence in developing children’s aggression
• How does violent media affect our brains?
• Does watching violence on television cause apathy?

Popular mass media research paper topics

Mass media is definitely a vibrant subject for research. Students can easily find plenty of pertinent data about mass media, determine unexpected trends and raise topical issues. That is why, if you assigned to choose a mass communication research paper topic, you could focus your study in several areas:

• The importance of visuals in mass media advertising
• Effects of mass media on social norms
• Is censorship necessary?

Digital media research paper topics to get started

In the XXI century, everyone, be it a person or a company, is going digital. Advancements in digital communication are taking the way people interact and share information to higher and greater levels. In your research paper you may focus on tendencies in this field, popular online platforms or social networks. Here are a few examples of topics to motivate and inspire you:

• The science of fake news. Why does fact-checking matter?
• Evolution of media: print vs. digital
• Communication in global virtual teams: digital media analysis

In case you are still facing any challenges of coming up with a perfect topic or have any other questions on drafting high-quality paper writing, we are glad to offer you permanent relief. No need to surf the web days and night in search of research proposal papers for sale - the ultimate solution to your academic worries is right here. Send us a message and get top-notch help from professional academic paper writers. Place an Order

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