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We now describe in more detail the five reasons (or domains) for downgrading the certainty of a body of evidence for a specific outcome. In each case, if no reason is found for downgrading the evidence, it should be classified as 'no limitation or not serious' (not important enough to warrant downgrading). If a reason is found for downgrading the evidence, it should be classified as 'serious' (downgrading the certainty rating by one level) or 'very serious' (downgrading the certainty grade by two levels). For non-randomized studies assessed with ROBINS-I, rating down by three levels should be classified as 'extremely' serious.
(1) Risk of bias or limitations in the detailed design and implementation
Our confidence in an estimate of effect decreases if studies suffer from major limitations that are likely to result in a biased assessment of the intervention effect. For randomized trials, these methodological limitations include failure to generate a random sequence, lack of allocation sequence concealment, lack of blinding (particularly with subjective outcomes that are highly susceptible to biased assessment), a large loss to follow-up or selective reporting of outcomes. Chapter 8 provides a discussion of study-level assessments of risk of bias in the context of a Cochrane Review, and proposes an approach to assessing the risk of bias for an outcome across studies as ‘Low’ risk of bias, ‘Some concerns’ and ‘High’ risk of bias for randomized trials. Levels of ‘Low’. ‘Moderate’, ‘Serious’ and ‘Critical’ risk of bias arise for non-randomized studies assessed with ROBINS-I ( Chapter 25 ). These assessments should feed directly into this GRADE domain. In particular, ‘Low’ risk of bias would indicate ‘no limitation’; ‘Some concerns’ would indicate either ‘no limitation’ or ‘serious limitation’; and ‘High’ risk of bias would indicate either ‘serious limitation’ or ‘very serious limitation’. ‘Critical’ risk of bias on ROBINS-I would indicate extremely serious limitations in GRADE. Review authors should use their judgement to decide between alternative categories, depending on the likely magnitude of the potential biases.
Every study addressing a particular outcome will differ, to some degree, in the risk of bias. Review authors should make an overall judgement on whether the certainty of evidence for an outcome warrants downgrading on the basis of study limitations. The assessment of study limitations should apply to the studies contributing to the results in the ‘Summary of findings’ table, rather than to all studies that could potentially be included in the analysis. We have argued in Chapter 7, Section 7.6.2 , that the primary analysis should be restricted to studies at low (or low and unclear) risk of bias where possible.
Table 14.2.a presents the judgements that must be made in going from assessments of the risk of bias to judgements about study limitations for each outcome included in a ‘Summary of findings’ table. A rating of high certainty evidence can be achieved only when most evidence comes from studies that met the criteria for low risk of bias. For example, of the 22 studies addressing the impact of beta-blockers on mortality in patients with heart failure, most probably or certainly used concealed allocation of the sequence, all blinded at least some key groups and follow-up of randomized patients was almost complete (Brophy et al 2001). The certainty of evidence might be downgraded by one level when most of the evidence comes from individual studies either with a crucial limitation for one item, or with some limitations for multiple items. An example of very serious limitations, warranting downgrading by two levels, is provided by evidence on surgery versus conservative treatment in the management of patients with lumbar disc prolapse (Gibson and Waddell 2007). We are uncertain of the benefit of surgery in reducing symptoms after one year or longer, because the one study included in the analysis had inadequate concealment of the allocation sequence and the outcome was assessed using a crude rating by the surgeon without blinding.
(2) Unexplained heterogeneity or inconsistency of results
When studies yield widely differing estimates of effect (heterogeneity or variability in results), investigators should look for robust explanations for that heterogeneity. For instance, drugs may have larger relative effects in sicker populations or when given in larger doses. A detailed discussion of heterogeneity and its investigation is provided in Chapter 10, Section 10.10 and Section 10.11 . If an important modifier exists, with good evidence that important outcomes are different in different subgroups (which would ideally be pre-specified), then a separate ‘Summary of findings’ table may be considered for a separate population. For instance, a separate ‘Summary of findings’ table would be used for carotid endarterectomy in symptomatic patients with high grade stenosis (70% to 99%) in which the intervention is, in the hands of the right surgeons, beneficial, and another (if review authors considered it relevant) for asymptomatic patients with low grade stenosis (less than 30%) in which surgery appears harmful (Orrapin and Rerkasem 2017). When heterogeneity exists and affects the interpretation of results, but review authors are unable to identify a plausible explanation with the data available, the certainty of the evidence decreases.
(3) Indirectness of evidence
Two types of indirectness are relevant. First, a review comparing the effectiveness of alternative interventions (say A and B) may find that randomized trials are available, but they have compared A with placebo and B with placebo. Thus, the evidence is restricted to indirect comparisons between A and B. Where indirect comparisons are undertaken within a network meta-analysis context, GRADE for network meta-analysis should be used (see Chapter 11, Section 11.5 ).
Second, a review may find randomized trials that meet eligibility criteria but address a restricted version of the main review question in terms of population, intervention, comparator or outcomes. For example, suppose that in a review addressing an intervention for secondary prevention of coronary heart disease, most identified studies happened to be in people who also had diabetes. Then the evidence may be regarded as indirect in relation to the broader question of interest because the population is primarily related to people with diabetes. The opposite scenario can equally apply: a review addressing the effect of a preventive strategy for coronary heart disease in people with diabetes may consider studies in people without diabetes to provide relevant, albeit indirect, evidence. This would be particularly likely if investigators had conducted few if any randomized trials in the target population (e.g. people with diabetes). Other sources of indirectness may arise from interventions studied (e.g. if in all included studies a technical intervention was implemented by expert, highly trained specialists in specialist centres, then evidence on the effects of the intervention outside these centres may be indirect), comparators used (e.g. if the comparator groups received an intervention that is less effective than standard treatment in most settings) and outcomes assessed (e.g. indirectness due to surrogate outcomes when data on patient-important outcomes are not available, or when investigators seek data on quality of life but only symptoms are reported). Review authors should make judgements transparent when they believe downgrading is justified, based on differences in anticipated effects in the group of primary interest. Review authors may be aided and increase transparency of their judgements about indirectness if they use Table 14.2.b available in the GRADEpro GDT software (Schünemann et al 2013).
(4) Imprecision of results
When studies include few participants or few events, and thus have wide confidence intervals, review authors can lower their rating of the certainty of the evidence. The confidence intervals included in the ‘Summary of findings’ table will provide readers with information that allows them to make, to some extent, their own rating of precision. Review authors can use a calculation of the optimal information size (OIS) or review information size (RIS), similar to sample size calculations, to make judgements about imprecision (Guyatt et al 2011b, Schünemann 2016). The OIS or RIS is calculated on the basis of the number of participants required for an adequately powered individual study. If the 95% confidence interval excludes a risk ratio (RR) of 1.0, and the total number of events or patients exceeds the OIS criterion, precision is adequate. If the 95% CI includes appreciable benefit or harm (an RR of under 0.75 or over 1.25 is often suggested as a very rough guide) downgrading for imprecision may be appropriate even if OIS criteria are met (Guyatt et al 2011b, Schünemann 2016).
(5) High probability of publication bias
The certainty of evidence level may be downgraded if investigators fail to report studies on the basis of results (typically those that show no effect: publication bias) or outcomes (typically those that may be harmful or for which no effect was observed: selective outcome non-reporting bias). Selective reporting of outcomes from among multiple outcomes measured is assessed at the study level as part of the assessment of risk of bias (see Chapter 8, Section 8.7 ), so for the studies contributing to the outcome in the ‘Summary of findings’ table this is addressed by domain 1 above (limitations in the design and implementation). If a large number of studies included in the review do not contribute to an outcome, or if there is evidence of publication bias, the certainty of the evidence may be downgraded. Chapter 13 provides a detailed discussion of reporting biases, including publication bias, and how it may be tackled in a Cochrane Review. A prototypical situation that may elicit suspicion of publication bias is when published evidence includes a number of small studies, all of which are industry-funded (Bhandari et al 2004). For example, 14 studies of flavanoids in patients with haemorrhoids have shown apparent large benefits, but enrolled a total of only 1432 patients (i.e. each study enrolled relatively few patients) (Alonso-Coello et al 2006). The heavy involvement of sponsors in most of these studies raises questions of whether unpublished studies that suggest no benefit exist (publication bias).
A particular body of evidence can suffer from problems associated with more than one of the five factors listed here, and the greater the problems, the lower the certainty of evidence rating that should result. One could imagine a situation in which randomized trials were available, but all or virtually all of these limitations would be present, and in serious form. A very low certainty of evidence rating would result.
Table 14.2.a Further guidelines for domain 1 (of 5) in a GRADE assessment: going from assessments of risk of bias in studies to judgements about study limitations for main outcomes across studies
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Low risk of bias | Most information is from results at low risk of bias. | Plausible bias unlikely to seriously alter the results. | No apparent limitations. | No serious limitations, do not downgrade. |
Some concerns | Most information is from results at low risk of bias or with some concerns. | Plausible bias that raises some doubt about the results. | Potential limitations are unlikely to lower confidence in the estimate of effect. | No serious limitations, do not downgrade. |
Potential limitations are likely to lower confidence in the estimate of effect. | Serious limitations, downgrade one level. | |||
High risk of bias | The proportion of information from results at high risk of bias is sufficient to affect the interpretation of results. | Plausible bias that seriously weakens confidence in the results. | Crucial limitation for one criterion, or some limitations for multiple criteria, sufficient to lower confidence in the estimate of effect. | Serious limitations, downgrade one level. |
Crucial limitation for one or more criteria sufficient to substantially lower confidence in the estimate of effect. | Very serious limitations, downgrade two levels. |
Table 14.2.b Judgements about indirectness by outcome (available in GRADEpro GDT)
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| Probably yes | Probably no | No | ||
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Intervention:
Yes | Probably yes | Probably no | No |
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Comparator:
Direct comparison:
Final judgement about indirectness across domains:
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Although NRSI and downgraded randomized trials will generally yield a low rating for certainty of evidence, there will be unusual circumstances in which review authors could ‘upgrade’ such evidence to moderate or even high certainty ( Table 14.3.a ).
Review authors should report the grading of the certainty of evidence in the Results section for each outcome for which this has been performed, providing the rationale for downgrading or upgrading the evidence, and referring to the ‘Summary of findings’ table where applicable.
Table 14.3.a provides a framework and examples for how review authors can justify their judgements about the certainty of evidence in each domain. These justifications should also be included in explanatory notes to the ‘Summary of Findings’ table (see Section 14.1.6.10 ).
Chapter 15, Section 15.6 , describes in more detail how the overall GRADE assessment across all domains can be used to draw conclusions about the effects of the intervention, as well as providing implications for future research.
Table 14.3.a Framework for describing the certainty of evidence and justifying downgrading or upgrading
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| Describe the risk of bias based on the criteria used in the risk-of-bias table. | Downgraded because of 10 randomized trials, five did not blind patients and caretakers. |
| Describe the degree of inconsistency by outcome using one or more indicators (e.g. I and P value), confidence interval overlap, difference in point estimate, between-study variance. | Not downgraded because the proportion of the variability in effect estimates that is due to true heterogeneity rather than chance is not important (I = 0%). |
| Describe if the majority of studies address the PICO – were they similar to the question posed? | Downgraded because the included studies were restricted to patients with advanced cancer. |
| Describe the number of events, and width of the confidence intervals. | The confidence intervals for the effect on mortality are consistent with both an appreciable benefit and appreciable harm and we lowered the certainty. |
| Describe the possible degree of publication bias. | 1. The funnel plot of 14 randomized trials indicated that there were several small studies that showed a small positive effect, but small studies that showed no effect or harm may have been unpublished. The certainty of the evidence was lowered. 2. There are only three small positive studies, it appears that studies showing no effect or harm have not been published. There also is for-profit interest in the intervention. The certainty of the evidence was lowered. |
| Describe the magnitude of the effect and the widths of the associate confidence intervals. | Upgraded because the RR is large: 0.3 (95% CI 0.2 to 0.4), with a sufficient number of events to be precise. |
| The studies show a clear relation with increases in the outcome of an outcome (e.g. lung cancer) with higher exposure levels. | Upgraded because the dose-response relation shows a relative risk increase of 10% in never smokers, 15% in smokers of 10 pack years and 20% in smokers of 15 pack years. |
| Describe which opposing plausible biases and confounders may have not been considered. | The estimate of effect is not controlled for the following possible confounders: smoking, degree of education, but the distribution of these factors in the studies is likely to lead to an under-estimate of the true effect. The certainty of the evidence was increased. |
Authors: Holger J Schünemann, Julian PT Higgins, Gunn E Vist, Paul Glasziou, Elie A Akl, Nicole Skoetz, Gordon H Guyatt; on behalf of the Cochrane GRADEing Methods Group (formerly Applicability and Recommendations Methods Group) and the Cochrane Statistical Methods Group
Acknowledgements: Andrew D Oxman contributed to earlier versions. Professor Penny Hawe contributed to the text on adverse effects in earlier versions. Jon Deeks provided helpful contributions on an earlier version of this chapter. For details of previous authors and editors of the Handbook , please refer to the Preface.
Funding: This work was in part supported by funding from the Michael G DeGroote Cochrane Canada Centre and the Ontario Ministry of Health.
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Discover the world's research
Data analysis in qualitative research, theertha raj, august 30, 2024.
While numbers tell us "what" and "how much," qualitative data reveals the crucial "why" and "how." But let's face it - turning mountains of text, images, and observations into meaningful insights can be daunting.
This guide dives deep into the art and science of how to analyze qualitative data. We'll explore cutting-edge techniques, free qualitative data analysis software, and strategies to make your analysis more rigorous and insightful. Expect practical, actionable advice on qualitative data analysis methods, whether you're a seasoned researcher looking to refine your skills or a team leader aiming to extract more value from your qualitative data.
Qualitative data is non-numerical information that describes qualities or characteristics. It includes text, images, audio, and video.
This data type captures complex human experiences, behaviors, and opinions that numbers alone can't express.
A qualitative data example can include interview transcripts, open-ended survey responses, field notes from observations, social media posts and customer reviews
Qualitative data is vital for several reasons:
Data analysis in qualitative research is the process of examining and interpreting non-numerical data to uncover patterns, themes, and insights. It aims to make sense of rich, detailed information gathered through methods like interviews, focus groups, or observations.
This analysis moves beyond simple description. It seeks to understand the underlying meanings, contexts, and relationships within the data. The goal is to create a coherent narrative that answers research questions and generates new knowledge.
Qualitative and quantitative data analyses differ in several key ways:
The three main components of qualitative data analysis are:
These components aren't linear steps. Instead, they form an iterative process where researchers move back and forth between them throughout the analysis.
Step 1: organize your data.
Start with bringing all your qualitative research data in one place. A repository can be of immense help here. Transcribe interviews , compile field notes, and gather all relevant materials.
Immerse yourself in the data. Read through everything multiple times.
Identify and label key concepts, themes, or patterns. Group related codes into broader themes or categories. Try to connect themes to tell a coherent story that answers your research questions.
Pick out direct quotes from your data to illustrate key points.
Explain what your results mean in the context of your research and existing literature.
Als discuss, identify and try to eliminate potential biases or limitations in your analysis.
Summarize main insights and their implications.
Thematic Analysis Identifying, analyzing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data.
Content Analysis Systematically categorizing and counting the occurrence of specific elements in text.
Grounded Theory Developing theory from data through iterative coding and analysis.
Discourse Analysis Examining language use and meaning in social contexts.
Narrative Analysis Interpreting stories and personal accounts to understand experiences and meanings.
Each method suits different research goals and data types. Researchers often combine methods for comprehensive analysis.
When it comes to collecting qualitative data, researchers primarily rely on four methods.
Researchers often use multiple methods to gain a comprehensive understanding of their topic.
Unlike quantitative data, qualitative data analysis isn't measured in traditional numerical terms. Instead, its quality is evaluated based on several criteria.
Trustworthiness is key, encompassing the credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability of the findings. The rigor of the analysis - the thoroughness and care taken in data collection and analysis - is another crucial factor.
Transparency in documenting the analysis process and decision-making is essential, as is reflexivity - acknowledging and examining the researcher's own biases and influences.
Employing techniques like member checking and triangulation all contribute to the strength of qualitative analysis.
The benefits of qualitative data analysis are numerous. It uncovers rich, nuanced understanding of complex phenomena and allows for unexpected discoveries and new research directions.
By capturing the 'why' behind behaviors and opinions, qualitative data analysis methods provide crucial context.
Qualitative analysis can also lead to new theoretical frameworks or hypotheses and enhances quantitative findings with depth and detail. It's particularly adept at capturing cultural nuances that might be missed in quantitative studies.
Researchers face several challenges when conducting qualitative data analysis.
Managing and making sense of large volumes of rich, complex data can lead to data overload. Maintaining consistent coding across large datasets or between multiple coders can be difficult.
There's a delicate balance to strike between providing enough context and maintaining focus on analysis. Recognizing and mitigating researcher biases in data interpretation is an ongoing challenge.
The learning curve for qualitative data analysis software can be steep and time-consuming. Ethical considerations, particularly around protecting participant anonymity while presenting rich, detailed data, require careful navigation. Integrating different types of data from various sources can be complex. Time management is crucial, as researchers must balance the depth of analysis with project timelines and resources. Finally, communicating complex qualitative insights in clear, compelling ways can be challenging.
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Here’s how Looppanel’s features can help with qualitative data analysis:
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ChatGPT, developed by OpenAI, offers a range of capabilities for qualitative data analysis including:
ChatGPT's versatility makes it valuable for researchers who need quick insights from diverse text sources.
ChatGPT can be a handy sidekick in your qualitative analysis, if you do the following:
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Atlas.ti is a powerful platform built for detailed qualitative and mixed-methods research, offering a lot of capabilities for running both quantitative and qualitative research.
It’s key data analysis features include:
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NVivo is another powerful platform for qualitative and mixed-methods research. It’s analysis features include:
NVivo combines AI capabilities with traditional qualitative analysis tools, making it versatile for various research needs.
Excel can be a handy tool for qualitative data analysis, especially if you're just starting out or working on a smaller project. While it's not specialized qualitative data analysis software, you can use it to organize your data, maybe putting different themes in different columns. It's good for basic coding, where you label bits of text with keywords. You can use its filter feature to focus on specific themes. Excel can also create simple charts to visualize your findings. But for bigger or more complex projects, you might want to look into software designed specifically for qualitative data analysis. These tools often have more advanced features that can save you time and help you dig deeper into your data.
Showing qualitative data analysis is about telling the story of your data. In qualitative data analysis methods, we use quotes from interviews or documents to back up our points. Create charts or mind maps to show how different ideas connect, which is a common practice in data analysis in qualitative research. Group your findings into themes that make sense. Then, write it all up in a way that flows, explaining what you found and why it matters.
There's no one-size-fits-all approach to how to analyze qualitative data, but there are some tried-and-true steps.
Start by getting your data in order. Then, read through it a few times to get familiar with it. As you go, start marking important bits with codes - this is a fundamental qualitative data analysis method. Group similar codes into bigger themes. Look for patterns in these themes - how do they connect?
Finally, think about what it all means in the bigger picture of your research. Remember, it's okay to go back and forth between these steps as you dig deeper into your data. Qualitative data analysis software can be a big help in this process, especially for managing large amounts of data.
Test developers in qualitative research might sit down with people for in-depth chats or run group discussions, which are key qualitative data analysis methods. They often use surveys with open-ended questions that let people express themselves freely. Sometimes, they'll observe people in their natural environment, taking notes on what they see. They might also dig into existing documents or artifacts that relate to their topic. The goal is to gather rich, detailed information that helps them understand the full picture, which is crucial in data analysis in qualitative research.
Reflexivity in qualitative data analysis isn't about proving you're completely objective. That's not the goal. Instead, it's about being honest about who you are as a researcher. It's recognizing that your own experiences and views might influence how you see the data. By being upfront about this, you actually make your research more trustworthy. It's also a way to dig deeper into your data, seeing things you might have missed at first glance. This self-awareness is a crucial part of qualitative data analysis methods.
A simple example is analyzing customer feedback for a new product. You might collect feedback, read through responses, create codes like "ease of use" or "design," and group similar codes into themes. You'd then identify patterns and support findings with specific quotes. This process helps transform raw feedback into actionable insights.
First, gather all your responses in one place. Read through them to get a feel for what people are saying. Then, start labeling responses with codes - short descriptions of what each bit is about. This coding process is a fundamental qualitative data analysis method. Group similar codes into bigger themes. Look for patterns in these themes. Are certain ideas coming up a lot? Do different groups of people have different views? Use actual quotes from your survey to back up what you're seeing. Think about how your findings relate to your original research questions.
NVivo is known for being user-friendly and great for team projects. Atlas.ti shines when it comes to visual mapping of concepts and handling geographic data. Both can handle a variety of data types and have powerful tools for qualitative data analysis. The best way to decide is to try out both if you can.
While these are powerful tools, the core of qualitative data analysis still relies on your analytical skills and understanding of qualitative data analysis methods.
You don't necessarily need NVivo for qualitative data analysis, but it can definitely make your life easier, especially for bigger projects. Think of it like using a power tool versus a hand tool - you can get the job done either way, but the power tool might save you time and effort. For smaller projects or if you're just starting out, you might be fine with simpler tools or even free qualitative data analysis software. But if you're dealing with lots of data, or if you need to collaborate with a team, or if you want to do more complex analysis, then specialized qualitative data analysis software like NVivo can be a big help. It's all about finding the right tool for your specific research needs and the qualitative data analysis methods you're using.
Here’s a guide that can help you decide.
First, you import all your data - interviews, documents, videos, whatever you've got. Then you start creating "nodes," which are like folders for different themes or ideas in your data. As you read through your material, you highlight bits that relate to these themes and file them under the right nodes. NVivo lets you easily search through all this organized data, find connections between different themes, and even create visual maps of how everything relates.
NVivo's pricing isn't one-size-fits-all. They offer different plans for individuals, teams, and large organizations, but they don't publish their prices openly. Contact the team here for a custom quote.
While qualitative data analysis is often iterative, it generally follows these four main steps:
1. Data Collection: Gathering raw data through interviews, observations, or documents.
2. Data Preparation: Organizing and transcribing the collected data.
3. Data Coding: Identifying and labeling important concepts or themes in the data.
4. Interpretation: Drawing meaning from the coded data and developing insights.
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In order to make a decision about implementing evidence into practice, nurses need to be able to critically appraise research. Nurses also have a professional responsibility to maintain up-to-date practice. 1 This paper provides a guide on how to critically appraise a qualitative research paper.
Useful terms
Some of the qualitative approaches used in nursing research include grounded theory, phenomenology, ethnography, case study (can lend itself to mixed methods) and narrative analysis. The data collection methods used in qualitative research include in depth interviews, focus groups, observations and stories in the form of diaries or other documents. 3
Title, keywords, authors and abstract.
In a previous paper, we discussed how the title, keywords, authors’ positions and affiliations and abstract can influence the authenticity and readability of quantitative research papers, 4 the same applies to qualitative research. However, other areas such as the purpose of the study and the research question, theoretical and conceptual frameworks, sampling and methodology also need consideration when appraising a qualitative paper.
The topic under investigation in the study should be guided by a clear research question or a statement of the problem or purpose. An example of a statement can be seen in table 2 . Unlike most quantitative studies, qualitative research does not seek to test a hypothesis. The research statement should be specific to the problem and should be reflected in the design. This will inform the reader of what will be studied and justify the purpose of the study. 5
Example of research question and problem statement
An appropriate literature review should have been conducted and summarised in the paper. It should be linked to the subject, using peer-reviewed primary research which is up to date. We suggest papers with a age limit of 5–8 years excluding original work. The literature review should give the reader a balanced view on what has been written on the subject. It is worth noting that for some qualitative approaches some literature reviews are conducted after the data collection to minimise bias, for example, in grounded theory studies. In phenomenological studies, the review sometimes occurs after the data analysis. If this is the case, the author(s) should make this clear.
Most authors use the terms theoretical and conceptual frameworks interchangeably. Usually, a theoretical framework is used when research is underpinned by one theory that aims to help predict, explain and understand the topic investigated. A theoretical framework is the blueprint that can hold or scaffold a study’s theory. Conceptual frameworks are based on concepts from various theories and findings which help to guide the research. 6 It is the researcher’s understanding of how different variables are connected in the study, for example, the literature review and research question. Theoretical and conceptual frameworks connect the researcher to existing knowledge and these are used in a study to help to explain and understand what is being investigated. A framework is the design or map for a study. When you are appraising a qualitative paper, you should be able to see how the framework helped with (1) providing a rationale and (2) the development of research questions or statements. 7 You should be able to identify how the framework, research question, purpose and literature review all complement each other.
There remains an ongoing debate in relation to what an appropriate sample size should be for a qualitative study. We hold the view that qualitative research does not seek to power and a sample size can be as small as one (eg, a single case study) or any number above one (a grounded theory study) providing that it is appropriate and answers the research problem. Shorten and Moorley 8 explain that three main types of sampling exist in qualitative research: (1) convenience (2) judgement or (3) theoretical. In the paper , the sample size should be stated and a rationale for how it was decided should be clear.
Qualitative research encompasses a variety of methods and designs. Based on the chosen method or design, the findings may be reported in a variety of different formats. Table 3 provides the main qualitative approaches used in nursing with a short description.
Different qualitative approaches
The authors should make it clear why they are using a qualitative methodology and the chosen theoretical approach or framework. The paper should provide details of participant inclusion and exclusion criteria as well as recruitment sites where the sample was drawn from, for example, urban, rural, hospital inpatient or community. Methods of data collection should be identified and be appropriate for the research statement/question.
Overall there should be a clear trail of data collection. The paper should explain when and how the study was advertised, participants were recruited and consented. it should also state when and where the data collection took place. Data collection methods include interviews, this can be structured or unstructured and in depth one to one or group. 9 Group interviews are often referred to as focus group interviews these are often voice recorded and transcribed verbatim. It should be clear if these were conducted face to face, telephone or any other type of media used. Table 3 includes some data collection methods. Other collection methods not included in table 3 examples are observation, diaries, video recording, photographs, documents or objects (artefacts). The schedule of questions for interview or the protocol for non-interview data collection should be provided, available or discussed in the paper. Some authors may use the term ‘recruitment ended once data saturation was reached’. This simply mean that the researchers were not gaining any new information at subsequent interviews, so they stopped data collection.
The data collection section should include details of the ethical approval gained to carry out the study. For example, the strategies used to gain participants’ consent to take part in the study. The authors should make clear if any ethical issues arose and how these were resolved or managed.
The approach to data analysis (see ref 10 ) needs to be clearly articulated, for example, was there more than one person responsible for analysing the data? How were any discrepancies in findings resolved? An audit trail of how the data were analysed including its management should be documented. If member checking was used this should also be reported. This level of transparency contributes to the trustworthiness and credibility of qualitative research. Some researchers provide a diagram of how they approached data analysis to demonstrate the rigour applied ( figure 1 ).
Example of data analysis diagram.
The study’s validity is reliant on the statement of the question/problem, theoretical/conceptual framework, design, method, sample and data analysis. When critiquing qualitative research, these elements will help you to determine the study’s reliability. Noble and Smith 11 explain that validity is the integrity of data methods applied and that findings should accurately reflect the data. Rigour should acknowledge the researcher’s role and involvement as well as any biases. Essentially it should focus on truth value, consistency and neutrality and applicability. 11 The authors should discuss if they used triangulation (see table 2 ) to develop the best possible understanding of the phenomena.
In qualitative research no hypothesis is tested, therefore, there is no specific result. Instead, qualitative findings are often reported in themes based on the data analysed. The findings should be clearly linked to, and reflect, the data. This contributes to the soundness of the research. 11 The researchers should make it clear how they arrived at the interpretations of the findings. The theoretical or conceptual framework used should be discussed aiding the rigour of the study. The implications of the findings need to be made clear and where appropriate their applicability or transferability should be identified. 12
The discussion should relate to the research findings as the authors seek to make connections with the literature reviewed earlier in the paper to contextualise their work. A strong discussion will connect the research aims and objectives to the findings and will be supported with literature if possible. A paper that seeks to influence nursing practice will have a recommendations section for clinical practice and research. A good conclusion will focus on the findings and discussion of the phenomena investigated.
Qualitative research has much to offer nursing and healthcare, in terms of understanding patients’ experience of illness, treatment and recovery, it can also help to understand better areas of healthcare practice. However, it must be done with rigour and this paper provides some guidance for appraising such research. To help you critique a qualitative research paper some guidance is provided in table 4 .
Some guidance for critiquing qualitative research
Patient consent for publication Not required.
Competing interests None declared.
Provenance and peer review Commissioned; internally peer reviewed.
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Introduction.
In an earlier paper, 1 we presented an introduction to using qualitative research methods in pharmacy practice. In this article, we review some principles of the collection, analysis, and management of qualitative data to help pharmacists interested in doing research in their practice to continue their learning in this area. Qualitative research can help researchers to access the thoughts and feelings of research participants, which can enable development of an understanding of the meaning that people ascribe to their experiences. Whereas quantitative research methods can be used to determine how many people undertake particular behaviours, qualitative methods can help researchers to understand how and why such behaviours take place. Within the context of pharmacy practice research, qualitative approaches have been used to examine a diverse array of topics, including the perceptions of key stakeholders regarding prescribing by pharmacists and the postgraduation employment experiences of young pharmacists (see “Further Reading” section at the end of this article).
In the previous paper, 1 we outlined 3 commonly used methodologies: ethnography 2 , grounded theory 3 , and phenomenology. 4 Briefly, ethnography involves researchers using direct observation to study participants in their “real life” environment, sometimes over extended periods. Grounded theory and its later modified versions (e.g., Strauss and Corbin 5 ) use face-to-face interviews and interactions such as focus groups to explore a particular research phenomenon and may help in clarifying a less-well-understood problem, situation, or context. Phenomenology shares some features with grounded theory (such as an exploration of participants’ behaviour) and uses similar techniques to collect data, but it focuses on understanding how human beings experience their world. It gives researchers the opportunity to put themselves in another person’s shoes and to understand the subjective experiences of participants. 6 Some researchers use qualitative methodologies but adopt a different standpoint, and an example of this appears in the work of Thurston and others, 7 discussed later in this paper.
Qualitative work requires reflection on the part of researchers, both before and during the research process, as a way of providing context and understanding for readers. When being reflexive, researchers should not try to simply ignore or avoid their own biases (as this would likely be impossible); instead, reflexivity requires researchers to reflect upon and clearly articulate their position and subjectivities (world view, perspectives, biases), so that readers can better understand the filters through which questions were asked, data were gathered and analyzed, and findings were reported. From this perspective, bias and subjectivity are not inherently negative but they are unavoidable; as a result, it is best that they be articulated up-front in a manner that is clear and coherent for readers.
What qualitative study seeks to convey is why people have thoughts and feelings that might affect the way they behave. Such study may occur in any number of contexts, but here, we focus on pharmacy practice and the way people behave with regard to medicines use (e.g., to understand patients’ reasons for nonadherence with medication therapy or to explore physicians’ resistance to pharmacists’ clinical suggestions). As we suggested in our earlier article, 1 an important point about qualitative research is that there is no attempt to generalize the findings to a wider population. Qualitative research is used to gain insights into people’s feelings and thoughts, which may provide the basis for a future stand-alone qualitative study or may help researchers to map out survey instruments for use in a quantitative study. It is also possible to use different types of research in the same study, an approach known as “mixed methods” research, and further reading on this topic may be found at the end of this paper.
The role of the researcher in qualitative research is to attempt to access the thoughts and feelings of study participants. This is not an easy task, as it involves asking people to talk about things that may be very personal to them. Sometimes the experiences being explored are fresh in the participant’s mind, whereas on other occasions reliving past experiences may be difficult. However the data are being collected, a primary responsibility of the researcher is to safeguard participants and their data. Mechanisms for such safeguarding must be clearly articulated to participants and must be approved by a relevant research ethics review board before the research begins. Researchers and practitioners new to qualitative research should seek advice from an experienced qualitative researcher before embarking on their project.
Whatever philosophical standpoint the researcher is taking and whatever the data collection method (e.g., focus group, one-to-one interviews), the process will involve the generation of large amounts of data. In addition to the variety of study methodologies available, there are also different ways of making a record of what is said and done during an interview or focus group, such as taking handwritten notes or video-recording. If the researcher is audio- or video-recording data collection, then the recordings must be transcribed verbatim before data analysis can begin. As a rough guide, it can take an experienced researcher/transcriber 8 hours to transcribe one 45-minute audio-recorded interview, a process than will generate 20–30 pages of written dialogue.
Many researchers will also maintain a folder of “field notes” to complement audio-taped interviews. Field notes allow the researcher to maintain and comment upon impressions, environmental contexts, behaviours, and nonverbal cues that may not be adequately captured through the audio-recording; they are typically handwritten in a small notebook at the same time the interview takes place. Field notes can provide important context to the interpretation of audio-taped data and can help remind the researcher of situational factors that may be important during data analysis. Such notes need not be formal, but they should be maintained and secured in a similar manner to audio tapes and transcripts, as they contain sensitive information and are relevant to the research. For more information about collecting qualitative data, please see the “Further Reading” section at the end of this paper.
If, as suggested earlier, doing qualitative research is about putting oneself in another person’s shoes and seeing the world from that person’s perspective, the most important part of data analysis and management is to be true to the participants. It is their voices that the researcher is trying to hear, so that they can be interpreted and reported on for others to read and learn from. To illustrate this point, consider the anonymized transcript excerpt presented in Appendix 1 , which is taken from a research interview conducted by one of the authors (J.S.). We refer to this excerpt throughout the remainder of this paper to illustrate how data can be managed, analyzed, and presented.
Interpretation of the data will depend on the theoretical standpoint taken by researchers. For example, the title of the research report by Thurston and others, 7 “Discordant indigenous and provider frames explain challenges in improving access to arthritis care: a qualitative study using constructivist grounded theory,” indicates at least 2 theoretical standpoints. The first is the culture of the indigenous population of Canada and the place of this population in society, and the second is the social constructivist theory used in the constructivist grounded theory method. With regard to the first standpoint, it can be surmised that, to have decided to conduct the research, the researchers must have felt that there was anecdotal evidence of differences in access to arthritis care for patients from indigenous and non-indigenous backgrounds. With regard to the second standpoint, it can be surmised that the researchers used social constructivist theory because it assumes that behaviour is socially constructed; in other words, people do things because of the expectations of those in their personal world or in the wider society in which they live. (Please see the “Further Reading” section for resources providing more information about social constructivist theory and reflexivity.) Thus, these 2 standpoints (and there may have been others relevant to the research of Thurston and others 7 ) will have affected the way in which these researchers interpreted the experiences of the indigenous population participants and those providing their care. Another standpoint is feminist standpoint theory which, among other things, focuses on marginalized groups in society. Such theories are helpful to researchers, as they enable us to think about things from a different perspective. Being aware of the standpoints you are taking in your own research is one of the foundations of qualitative work. Without such awareness, it is easy to slip into interpreting other people’s narratives from your own viewpoint, rather than that of the participants.
To analyze the example in Appendix 1 , we will adopt a phenomenological approach because we want to understand how the participant experienced the illness and we want to try to see the experience from that person’s perspective. It is important for the researcher to reflect upon and articulate his or her starting point for such analysis; for example, in the example, the coder could reflect upon her own experience as a female of a majority ethnocultural group who has lived within middle class and upper middle class settings. This personal history therefore forms the filter through which the data will be examined. This filter does not diminish the quality or significance of the analysis, since every researcher has his or her own filters; however, by explicitly stating and acknowledging what these filters are, the researcher makes it easer for readers to contextualize the work.
For the purposes of this paper it is assumed that interviews or focus groups have been audio-recorded. As mentioned above, transcribing is an arduous process, even for the most experienced transcribers, but it must be done to convert the spoken word to the written word to facilitate analysis. For anyone new to conducting qualitative research, it is beneficial to transcribe at least one interview and one focus group. It is only by doing this that researchers realize how difficult the task is, and this realization affects their expectations when asking others to transcribe. If the research project has sufficient funding, then a professional transcriber can be hired to do the work. If this is the case, then it is a good idea to sit down with the transcriber, if possible, and talk through the research and what the participants were talking about. This background knowledge for the transcriber is especially important in research in which people are using jargon or medical terms (as in pharmacy practice). Involving your transcriber in this way makes the work both easier and more rewarding, as he or she will feel part of the team. Transcription editing software is also available, but it is expensive. For example, ELAN (more formally known as EUDICO Linguistic Annotator, developed at the Technical University of Berlin) 8 is a tool that can help keep data organized by linking media and data files (particularly valuable if, for example, video-taping of interviews is complemented by transcriptions). It can also be helpful in searching complex data sets. Products such as ELAN do not actually automatically transcribe interviews or complete analyses, and they do require some time and effort to learn; nonetheless, for some research applications, it may be a valuable to consider such software tools.
All audio recordings should be transcribed verbatim, regardless of how intelligible the transcript may be when it is read back. Lines of text should be numbered. Once the transcription is complete, the researcher should read it while listening to the recording and do the following: correct any spelling or other errors; anonymize the transcript so that the participant cannot be identified from anything that is said (e.g., names, places, significant events); insert notations for pauses, laughter, looks of discomfort; insert any punctuation, such as commas and full stops (periods) (see Appendix 1 for examples of inserted punctuation), and include any other contextual information that might have affected the participant (e.g., temperature or comfort of the room).
Dealing with the transcription of a focus group is slightly more difficult, as multiple voices are involved. One way of transcribing such data is to “tag” each voice (e.g., Voice A, Voice B). In addition, the focus group will usually have 2 facilitators, whose respective roles will help in making sense of the data. While one facilitator guides participants through the topic, the other can make notes about context and group dynamics. More information about group dynamics and focus groups can be found in resources listed in the “Further Reading” section.
During the process outlined above, the researcher can begin to get a feel for the participant’s experience of the phenomenon in question and can start to think about things that could be pursued in subsequent interviews or focus groups (if appropriate). In this way, one participant’s narrative informs the next, and the researcher can continue to interview until nothing new is being heard or, as it says in the text books, “saturation is reached”. While continuing with the processes of coding and theming (described in the next 2 sections), it is important to consider not just what the person is saying but also what they are not saying. For example, is a lengthy pause an indication that the participant is finding the subject difficult, or is the person simply deciding what to say? The aim of the whole process from data collection to presentation is to tell the participants’ stories using exemplars from their own narratives, thus grounding the research findings in the participants’ lived experiences.
Smith 9 suggested a qualitative research method known as interpretative phenomenological analysis, which has 2 basic tenets: first, that it is rooted in phenomenology, attempting to understand the meaning that individuals ascribe to their lived experiences, and second, that the researcher must attempt to interpret this meaning in the context of the research. That the researcher has some knowledge and expertise in the subject of the research means that he or she can have considerable scope in interpreting the participant’s experiences. Larkin and others 10 discussed the importance of not just providing a description of what participants say. Rather, interpretative phenomenological analysis is about getting underneath what a person is saying to try to truly understand the world from his or her perspective.
Once all of the research interviews have been transcribed and checked, it is time to begin coding. Field notes compiled during an interview can be a useful complementary source of information to facilitate this process, as the gap in time between an interview, transcribing, and coding can result in memory bias regarding nonverbal or environmental context issues that may affect interpretation of data.
Coding refers to the identification of topics, issues, similarities, and differences that are revealed through the participants’ narratives and interpreted by the researcher. This process enables the researcher to begin to understand the world from each participant’s perspective. Coding can be done by hand on a hard copy of the transcript, by making notes in the margin or by highlighting and naming sections of text. More commonly, researchers use qualitative research software (e.g., NVivo, QSR International Pty Ltd; www.qsrinternational.com/products_nvivo.aspx ) to help manage their transcriptions. It is advised that researchers undertake a formal course in the use of such software or seek supervision from a researcher experienced in these tools.
Returning to Appendix 1 and reading from lines 8–11, a code for this section might be “diagnosis of mental health condition”, but this would just be a description of what the participant is talking about at that point. If we read a little more deeply, we can ask ourselves how the participant might have come to feel that the doctor assumed he or she was aware of the diagnosis or indeed that they had only just been told the diagnosis. There are a number of pauses in the narrative that might suggest the participant is finding it difficult to recall that experience. Later in the text, the participant says “nobody asked me any questions about my life” (line 19). This could be coded simply as “health care professionals’ consultation skills”, but that would not reflect how the participant must have felt never to be asked anything about his or her personal life, about the participant as a human being. At the end of this excerpt, the participant just trails off, recalling that no-one showed any interest, which makes for very moving reading. For practitioners in pharmacy, it might also be pertinent to explore the participant’s experience of akathisia and why this was left untreated for 20 years.
One of the questions that arises about qualitative research relates to the reliability of the interpretation and representation of the participants’ narratives. There are no statistical tests that can be used to check reliability and validity as there are in quantitative research. However, work by Lincoln and Guba 11 suggests that there are other ways to “establish confidence in the ‘truth’ of the findings” (p. 218). They call this confidence “trustworthiness” and suggest that there are 4 criteria of trustworthiness: credibility (confidence in the “truth” of the findings), transferability (showing that the findings have applicability in other contexts), dependability (showing that the findings are consistent and could be repeated), and confirmability (the extent to which the findings of a study are shaped by the respondents and not researcher bias, motivation, or interest).
One way of establishing the “credibility” of the coding is to ask another researcher to code the same transcript and then to discuss any similarities and differences in the 2 resulting sets of codes. This simple act can result in revisions to the codes and can help to clarify and confirm the research findings.
Theming refers to the drawing together of codes from one or more transcripts to present the findings of qualitative research in a coherent and meaningful way. For example, there may be examples across participants’ narratives of the way in which they were treated in hospital, such as “not being listened to” or “lack of interest in personal experiences” (see Appendix 1 ). These may be drawn together as a theme running through the narratives that could be named “the patient’s experience of hospital care”. The importance of going through this process is that at its conclusion, it will be possible to present the data from the interviews using quotations from the individual transcripts to illustrate the source of the researchers’ interpretations. Thus, when the findings are organized for presentation, each theme can become the heading of a section in the report or presentation. Underneath each theme will be the codes, examples from the transcripts, and the researcher’s own interpretation of what the themes mean. Implications for real life (e.g., the treatment of people with chronic mental health problems) should also be given.
In this final section of this paper, we describe some ways of drawing together or “synthesizing” research findings to represent, as faithfully as possible, the meaning that participants ascribe to their life experiences. This synthesis is the aim of the final stage of qualitative research. For most readers, the synthesis of data presented by the researcher is of crucial significance—this is usually where “the story” of the participants can be distilled, summarized, and told in a manner that is both respectful to those participants and meaningful to readers. There are a number of ways in which researchers can synthesize and present their findings, but any conclusions drawn by the researchers must be supported by direct quotations from the participants. In this way, it is made clear to the reader that the themes under discussion have emerged from the participants’ interviews and not the mind of the researcher. The work of Latif and others 12 gives an example of how qualitative research findings might be presented.
As has been suggested above, if researchers code and theme their material appropriately, they will naturally find the headings for sections of their report. Qualitative researchers tend to report “findings” rather than “results”, as the latter term typically implies that the data have come from a quantitative source. The final presentation of the research will usually be in the form of a report or a paper and so should follow accepted academic guidelines. In particular, the article should begin with an introduction, including a literature review and rationale for the research. There should be a section on the chosen methodology and a brief discussion about why qualitative methodology was most appropriate for the study question and why one particular methodology (e.g., interpretative phenomenological analysis rather than grounded theory) was selected to guide the research. The method itself should then be described, including ethics approval, choice of participants, mode of recruitment, and method of data collection (e.g., semistructured interviews or focus groups), followed by the research findings, which will be the main body of the report or paper. The findings should be written as if a story is being told; as such, it is not necessary to have a lengthy discussion section at the end. This is because much of the discussion will take place around the participants’ quotes, such that all that is needed to close the report or paper is a summary, limitations of the research, and the implications that the research has for practice. As stated earlier, it is not the intention of qualitative research to allow the findings to be generalized, and therefore this is not, in itself, a limitation.
Planning out the way that findings are to be presented is helpful. It is useful to insert the headings of the sections (the themes) and then make a note of the codes that exemplify the thoughts and feelings of your participants. It is generally advisable to put in the quotations that you want to use for each theme, using each quotation only once. After all this is done, the telling of the story can begin as you give your voice to the experiences of the participants, writing around their quotations. Do not be afraid to draw assumptions from the participants’ narratives, as this is necessary to give an in-depth account of the phenomena in question. Discuss these assumptions, drawing on your participants’ words to support you as you move from one code to another and from one theme to the next. Finally, as appropriate, it is possible to include examples from literature or policy documents that add support for your findings. As an exercise, you may wish to code and theme the sample excerpt in Appendix 1 and tell the participant’s story in your own way. Further reading about “doing” qualitative research can be found at the end of this paper.
Qualitative research can help researchers to access the thoughts and feelings of research participants, which can enable development of an understanding of the meaning that people ascribe to their experiences. It can be used in pharmacy practice research to explore how patients feel about their health and their treatment. Qualitative research has been used by pharmacists to explore a variety of questions and problems (see the “Further Reading” section for examples). An understanding of these issues can help pharmacists and other health care professionals to tailor health care to match the individual needs of patients and to develop a concordant relationship. Doing qualitative research is not easy and may require a complete rethink of how research is conducted, particularly for researchers who are more familiar with quantitative approaches. There are many ways of conducting qualitative research, and this paper has covered some of the practical issues regarding data collection, analysis, and management. Further reading around the subject will be essential to truly understand this method of accessing peoples’ thoughts and feelings to enable researchers to tell participants’ stories.
The participant (age late 50s) had suffered from a chronic mental health illness for 30 years. The participant had become a “revolving door patient,” someone who is frequently in and out of hospital. As the participant talked about past experiences, the researcher asked:
This article is the 10th in the CJHP Research Primer Series, an initiative of the CJHP Editorial Board and the CSHP Research Committee. The planned 2-year series is intended to appeal to relatively inexperienced researchers, with the goal of building research capacity among practising pharmacists. The articles, presenting simple but rigorous guidance to encourage and support novice researchers, are being solicited from authors with appropriate expertise.
Previous articles in this series:
Bond CM. The research jigsaw: how to get started. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(1):28–30.
Tully MP. Research: articulating questions, generating hypotheses, and choosing study designs. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(1):31–4.
Loewen P. Ethical issues in pharmacy practice research: an introductory guide. Can J Hosp Pharm. 2014;67(2):133–7.
Tsuyuki RT. Designing pharmacy practice research trials. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(3):226–9.
Bresee LC. An introduction to developing surveys for pharmacy practice research. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(4):286–91.
Gamble JM. An introduction to the fundamentals of cohort and case–control studies. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(5):366–72.
Austin Z, Sutton J. Qualitative research: getting started. C an J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(6):436–40.
Houle S. An introduction to the fundamentals of randomized controlled trials in pharmacy research. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014; 68(1):28–32.
Charrois TL. Systematic reviews: What do you need to know to get started? Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;68(2):144–8.
Competing interests: None declared.
Examples of qualitative research in pharmacy practice.
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A fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis for understanding the interactive effects of good governance practices and ceo profiles on esg performance.
2. literature review, 2.1. attributes included in the ggc and esg performance, 2.2. csr committee and esg performance, 2.3. ceo profile and esg performance, 3. materials and methods, 3.2. variables, 3.3. methodology, 4.1. descriptive statistics and correlation analysis, 4.2. contrarian case analysis, 4.3. analysis of necessary conditions, 4.4. sufficiency analysis for high esg performance, 4.5. bundles of corporate governance practices, 4.6. sufficiency analysis for non-high esg performance, 4.7. robustness analysis for sufficiency, 5. discussion, 5.1. csr committee as the critical component, 5.2. the complementary relationship between the creation of a csr committee and high ggc compliance, 5.3. the substituted relationship between ceo duality and ceo tenure, 5.4. the relative importance of antecedent conditions configuring corporate governance bundles to improve e-s-g practices, 5.5. contributions and implications, 5.6. limitations and future directions, 6. conclusions, author contributions, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
Click here to enlarge figure
Categories | Conditions | Definition | References |
---|---|---|---|
Good Governance Code recommendatios | Board Size | The total number of board members | [ , , , ] |
Board Independence | Percentage of independent board members | [ , , ] | |
Board Meeting | Dummy variable = 1 if boards of directors meet at least eight times a year, 0 otherwise | [ , , ] | |
Board Gender Diversity | Percentage of females on the board | [ , , ] | |
Board Tenure | The average number of years each board member has been on the board | [ , , , ] | |
CEO attributes | CEO age | The age of the CEO | [ , , , , ] |
CEO duality | Dummy variable equals 1 if the position of CEO and chairperson of the board is held by the same person, 0 otherwise | [ , , , , , ] | |
CEO tenure | The number of years since a CEO has been in position | [ , , , , , ] | |
Corporate Social Responsibility Committee | CSR Committee | Dummy variable equals 1 if the company has a CSR Committee, 0 otherwise | [ , , , , ] |
Verbal Label | |||
---|---|---|---|
Full membership | 0.993 | 141.86 | 5 |
Threshold of full membership | 0.953 | 20.28 | 3 |
Crossover point | 0.5 | 1.00 | 0 |
Threshold of full nonmembership | 0.047 | 0.05 | −3 |
Full nonmembership | 0.007 | 0.01 | −5 |
Fully In | Cross-Over | Fully Out | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
ESG | 87 | 65 | 32 | |
Good Governance Code | Board size | 15 | 12 | 5 |
Board independence | 66% | 50% | 33% | |
Board meetings | ≥8 | |||
Board gender diversity | 30 | 25 | 16 | |
Board tenure | >12 | |||
CEO attributes | CEO age | 70 | 56 | 46 |
CEO tenure | 23 | 7 | 1 | |
CEO duality | 1 | 0 | ||
CSR Committee | CSR Committee | 1 | 0 |
Average | SD | Min | Max | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | ESG | 63.05 | 17.55 | 10.81 | 90.20 | 1 | |||||||||
2 | Board size | 11.49 | 2.88 | 5 | 18 | 0.295 ** | 1 | ||||||||
3 | Board independence | 48.13 | 14.64 | 14.29 | 80 | 0.371 ** | −0.059 | 1 | |||||||
4 | Board meetings | 10.90 | 4.02 | 3 | 28 | −0.041 | 0.029 | −0.049 | 1 | ||||||
5 | Board gender | 23.65 | 10.08 | 0 | 46.15 | 0.097 | 0.114 | 0.199 ** | 0.104 | 1 | |||||
6 | Board tenure | 7.29 | 3.64 | 1.11 | 17.78 | 0.006 | −0.025 | −0.157 * | −0.292 ** | 0.102 | 1 | ||||
7 | CSR Committee | 0.77 | 0.42 | 0 | 1 | 0.330 ** | −0.082 | 0.066 | −0.159 * | 0.041 | 0.065 | 1 | |||
8 | CEO age | 56.05 | 6.99 | 40 | 75 | 0.101 | 0.105 | −0.043 | 0.155 * | 0.053 | 0.252 ** | −0.113 | 1 | ||
9 | CEO tenure | 0.48 | 0.50 | 0 | 1 | 0.185 * | −0.044 | 0.082 | 0.485 ** | −0.15 | 0.212 ** | −0.064 | 0.297 ** | 1 | |
10 | CEO duality | 9.12 | 7.34 | 1 | 35 | 0.137 | 0.189 * | 0.078 | 0.068 | −0.036 | 0.163 * | −0.083 | 0.186 * | 0.104 | 1 |
Conditions | High ESG Performance | Low ESG Performance | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Consistency | Coverage | Consistency | Coverage | |
Good Governance Code | 0.26 | 0.89 | 0.18 | 0.60 |
~Good Governance Code | 0.88 | 0.53 | 0.97 | 0.55 |
CSR Committee | 0.85 | 0.56 | 0.69 | 0.44 |
~CSR Committee | 0.14 | 0.33 | 0.31 | 0.67 |
CEO age | 0.64 | 0.70 | 0.60 | 0.63 |
~CEO age | 0.66 | 0.63 | 0.72 | 0.65 |
CEO duality | 0.52 | 0.56 | 0.43 | 0.44 |
~CEO duality | 0.48 | 0.46 | 0.57 | 0.54 |
CEO tenure | 0.65 | 0.71 | 0.55 | 0.58 |
~CEO tenure | 0.61 | 0.59 | 0.72 | 0.67 |
ESG | E | S | G | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Configurations | C1 | C2 | C3 | C1 | C2 | C4 | C1 | C2 | C5 | C1 | C2 | C3 |
Good Governance Code | ||||||||||||
CSR Committee | ||||||||||||
CEO age | ||||||||||||
CEO duality | ||||||||||||
CEO tenure | ||||||||||||
Raw coverage | 0.15 | 0.20 | 0.18 | 0.16 | 0.19 | 0.16 | 0.39 | 0.14 | 0.19 | 0.14 | 0.20 | 0.18 |
Consistency | 0.95 | 0.99 | 0.89 | 0.97 | 0.97 | 0.86 | 0.90 | 0.94 | 0.97 | 0.88 | 0.94 | 0.90 |
Solution coverage: | 0.31 | 0.29 | 0.45 | 0.30 | ||||||||
Solution consistency: | 0.92 | 0.91 | 0.89 | 0.88 |
CEO Duality | CEO Tenure | CEO Duality and Tenure | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
CSR Committee | ESG | ESG | ||
High GGC Compliance | E, S, and G | E, S, and G | ||
(C1) | (C2) | |||
CSR Committee | E | S | G | |
GGC Neutral | (C4) | (C5) | (C3) | |
~ESG | ~E | ~S | ~G | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Configurations | s1 | s2 | s3 | s1 | s2 | s3 | s1 | s2 | s3 | s3 | s4 | s5 | s6 |
Good Governance Code | |||||||||||||
CSR Committee | |||||||||||||
CEO age | |||||||||||||
CEO duality | |||||||||||||
CEO tenure | |||||||||||||
Raw coverage | 0.19 | 0.10 | 0.03 | 0.20 | 0.09 | 0.03 | 0.20 | 0.10 | 0.03 | 0.03 | 0.14 | 0.13 | 0.12 |
Consistency | 0.92 | 0.93 | 1 | 0.93 | 0.88 | 0.96 | 0.91 | 0.89 | 1 | 1 | 0.75 | 0.91 | 0.92 |
Solution coverage: | 0.22 | 0.22 | 0.23 | 0.24 | |||||||||
Solution consistency: | 0.90 | 0.89 | 0.88 | 0.79 |
Negation ESG | 2018–2020 | |
---|---|---|
Coverage | Consistency | |
Configuration C1 (Good Governance Code * CSR Committee * CEO duality) | 0.07 | 0.44 |
Configuration C2 (Good Governance Code * CSR Committee * CEO tenure) | 0.11 | 0.53 |
Configuration C3 (CSR Committee * ~CEO age * CEO duality * CEO tenure) | 0.12 | 0.59 |
ESG | 2018–2020 | |
---|---|---|
Coverage | Consistency | |
Negation configuration C1 ~(Good Governance Code * CSR Committee * CEO duality) | 0.05 | 0.28 |
Negation configuration C2 ~(Good Governance Code * CSR Committee * CEO tenure) | 0.08 | 0.38 |
Negation configuration C3 ~(CSR Committee * ~CEO age * CEO duality * CEO tenure) | 0.03 | 0.51 |
ESG | E | S | G | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Configurations | s1 | s2 | s3 | s1 | s2 | s3 | s1 | s3 | s1 | s2 | s3 |
Good Governance Code | |||||||||||
CSR Committee | |||||||||||
CEO age | |||||||||||
CEO duality | |||||||||||
CEO tenure | |||||||||||
Raw coverage | 0.19 | 0.31 | 0.20 | 0.18 | 0.29 | 0.19 | 0.19 | 0.20 | 0.18 | 0.29 | 0.20 |
Consistency | 0.95 | 0.98 | 0.90 | 0.95 | 0.94 | 0.87 | 0.95 | 0.92 | 0.92 | 0.95 | 0.92 |
Solution coverage: | 0.39 | 0.37 | 0.25 | 0.37 | |||||||
Solution consistency: | 0.92 | 0.90 | 0.91 | 0.91 |
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Remo-Diez, N.; Mendaña-Cuervo, C.; Arenas-Parra, M. A Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis for Understanding the Interactive Effects of Good Governance Practices and CEO Profiles on ESG Performance. Mathematics 2024 , 12 , 2726. https://doi.org/10.3390/math12172726
Remo-Diez N, Mendaña-Cuervo C, Arenas-Parra M. A Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis for Understanding the Interactive Effects of Good Governance Practices and CEO Profiles on ESG Performance. Mathematics . 2024; 12(17):2726. https://doi.org/10.3390/math12172726
Remo-Diez, Nieves, Cristina Mendaña-Cuervo, and Mar Arenas-Parra. 2024. "A Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis for Understanding the Interactive Effects of Good Governance Practices and CEO Profiles on ESG Performance" Mathematics 12, no. 17: 2726. https://doi.org/10.3390/math12172726
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Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume 11 , Article number: 1123 ( 2024 ) Cite this article
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This investigation employs the analytical framework established by Braddock and Horgan to conduct a comprehensive content analysis of 79 official English-language propaganda videos disseminated by ISIS, with the objective of quantifying the thematic composition and the evolutionary trajectory of ISIS’s international media operations and propaganda machinery from 2014 to 2017. The findings reveal that a predominant portion of the videos articulate narratives extensively centred around themes of the adversary and religious discourse, with the Sharia (Islamic law) emerging as the most prevalent theme. This research concludes that at a global scale, the propaganda apparatus of ISIS has orchestrated an intricate narrative, incorporating adversarial, theological, and emotional elements, thereby delineating the advanced sophistication of ISIS’s global propaganda endeavours.
Introduction.
Between 2014 and 2017, pivotal years in the trajectory of the Islamic State (ISIS), the group witnessed a meteoric rise and subsequent decline in territorial control (al-Lami, 2019 ; Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014a ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Phippen, 2017 ). Throughout this period, ISIS strategically utilised media, particularly through its official English-language videos, to propagate its message worldwide. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s proclamation of a caliphate at Mosul’s al-Nuri Mosque marked a significant milestone for ISIS, symbolically hearkening back to a perceived Islamic golden age and galvanising Muslims to join their cause (al-Lami, 2019 ; Chulov, 2019 ). The extreme measures employed by the group, along with the global military response, accentuated the multifaceted nature of contemporary extremist movements (Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Malik, 2014b ).
Understanding ISIS’s media strategy is a vital piece of the puzzle in the broader fight against global terrorism. The English-language videos produced by ISIS from 2014 to 2017 underscore not just the group’s media acumen but also their ideological engagement with a global audience. These videos aimed to intimidate adversaries, recruit sympathisers, and affirm the group’s narrative, showcasing a new dimension of digital terrorism that manipulates psychological, rhetorical, and theological elements to wield influence (Dearden, 2015 ).
This study examines ISIS’s video propaganda to decode its key narratives, rhetoric device, and implications for counter narratives. The increased reliance of ISIS on propaganda as their territorial grasp expanded underscores the imperative to scrutinise and interpret their communicative strategies. By delving into the content of these videos, this research seeks insights into how ISIS’s messaging evolved in response to military setbacks, territorial losses, and shifts in the geopolitical landscape.
This enquiry is of paramount importance for scholarly exploration and practical counter-terrorism measures. Recognising the patterns, themes, and shifts in ISIS’s propagated content enables security analysts and policymakers to anticipate and counteract the tactics of ISIS and similar entities. The insight derived from this study has the potential to inform counter-narratives and deconstruct extremist messaging strategies, thus curtailing the reach and impact of jihadist propaganda on a global scale (Gerges, 2019 ).
The confines of this study are set strictly within the official English-language video propaganda disseminated by ISIS from 2014 to 2017, a period marking the zenith of the group’s influence (al-Lami, 2019 ; Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014a ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Phippen, 2017 ), thus permitting an analysis of its narrative amidst changing geopolitical realities. By focusing solely on these materials, the research delves into the intricacies of ISIS’s marketing strategies and the ideological underpinnings aimed at a global, primarily English-speaking, audience. The study’s deliberate temporal and linguistic boundaries enable a concentrated examination of the group’s communication tactics during a critical juncture of its existence. The study posits the following specific inquiries:
What intrinsic narrative motifs emerge with the greatest prominence in the videos?
The lens of the videos’ intrinsic narratives, in what manner is the worldview inherent to ISIS ideology articulated and represented?
How does the thematic distribution within these videos reflect an evolution or transformation in the period from 2014 to 2017, and what does this shift signify about ISIS media strategy?
A thorough examination of the corpus of research reveals a trend of tactical and thematic complexity in ISIS’s English-language propaganda (Colas, 2017 ; Winter, 2015 ; Winter, 2018 ). First, many studies do not differentiate their examination of ISIS propaganda between Arabic and English-language content, thereby overlooking the group’s nuanced and targeted messaging aimed at reaching a global audience (Abrahms et al. 2017 ; Fisher, 2015 ; Lakomy, 2021a , 2021b ; Salem et al. 2008 ). Assessments like those by Qi ( 2020a , 2020b ) focus on English-language propaganda, primarily highlighting production aspects or performed speech acts without exploring the thematic richness of the content (Colas, 2017 ). Secondly, there is a lack of studies documenting how these themes have evolved in response to the group’s changing circumstances and the global environment. The thematic evolution within the English text remains unexplored (Al-Rawi, 2018 ; Colas, 2017 ; Fisher, 2015 ; Kuznar, 2017 ; Qi, 2020b ; Winter, 2018 ). By providing a detailed study of the themes and substance found in ISIS’s English-language videos, this research bridges the gaps by analysing how these videos have changed to reflect global dynamics and the group circumstances. This study narrows its focus to provide a necessary perspective on ISIS’s strategic use of English-language materials aimed at global audiences, highlighting the specificity of their media strategy and deliberate use of language in terrorist propaganda.
The evolution of isis media strategy and its historical context.
ISIS, also known as the Islamic State, surged to global prominence under the leadership of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who proclaimed a caliphate in 2014, with the ambition of restoring what they considered the golden age of Islam and calling for global Jihad (al-Lami, 2019 ; Chulov, 2019 ). This group quickly gained infamy for its brutal tactics, including the persecution of minorities and conducting high-profile terror attacks, while seizing vast territories in Syria and Iraq (Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ; Malik, 2014a , 2014b ). By 2017, concerted military efforts significantly diminished ISIS’s territorial control, leading to the loss of their critical strongholds, Mosul and Raqqa (Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Phippen, 2017 ). Despite their territorial defeat and the declaration of the caliphate’s end in 2019, ISIS continues to represent a threat through dispersed networks and sleeper cells globally (Forrest, 2019 ). For instance, nearly a decade after the 2015 terror attacks in Paris, an ISIS affiliate, known as the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-Khorasan), claimed responsibility for a devastating attack at the Crocus City concert hall in Moscow, which killed 137 people in 2024 (Roth and Sauer, 2024 ; Schmitt, 2024 ). The persistence of the group’s radical ideology suggests that, without addressing the root causes of its emergence, the potential for resurgence remains (Gerges, 2019 ). The transformation of ISIS into a more diffuse entity, which inspires global violence through its propaganda, underscores the enduring challenge of neutralising its impact (al-Lami, 2019 ; Votel et al. 2017 ).
ISIS’s media strategy has a complex history that has developed over time due to strategic adjustments and technology breakthroughs (Gerges, 2016 ). ISIS has recognised the power of the media from the beginning, using it as a recruiting tool and a psychological warfare weapon (Atwan, 2015 ). Their activities at first resembled conventional jihadist communication channels, but they quickly changed into an advanced media machine that made use of social media and excellent video production.
ISIS propagandised mostly in Arabic in the phases, focusing on the local populace as well as the larger Middle East. There was a noticeable change, though, as the group looked to broaden its international appeal and attract members from Western nations. The group’s magazine “Dabiq,” and subsequently “Rumiyah,” as well as a number of videos meant for Western audiences, signalled the appearance of English-language material (Milton, 2020 ). The deliberate change in strategy to add English-language content indicated that the campaign was intended to be multinational.
In addition to being linguistic, the shift from local to international media was both thematic and stylistic. In their analysis of the narrative structures and cinematic devices used in these videos, Venkatesh et al. ( 2020 ) highlight how the “Cinemas of Attraction” and “Pornography of violence” models were created with the intention of shocking as well as attracting viewers. Meanwhile, Sweeney et al. ( 2020 ) emphasised the positive relationship that exists between ISIS’s ability to govern territory and the complexity of the media that it produces, directly connecting the group’s perceived legitimacy and power to the calibre of its output.
ISIS media strategy analyses have changed in tandem with the group’s output. According to Kruglova ( 2020 ), ISIS propaganda utilised narrative advertising by appropriating marketing research, especially on social media platforms. This change is especially significant in light of the group’s deliberate use of stories to elicit strong feelings from the audience; these stories are made much more engaging when they are told in the language of the intended audience. Furthermore, an examination of how the group’s employment of cutting-edge tactics, such as drone images, improved the perceived power and legitimacy of the ISIS brand in these propaganda operations was presented (Archambault and Veilleux-Lepage, 2020 ).
A crucial element in the development of ISIS’s tactics is the interaction between the medium and message content. Toguslu ( 2019 ) examined the ways in which ISIS propaganda—particularly that seen in their magazines—constructs and presents storylines to support their ideology. ISIS’s media activities have seen a substantial metamorphosis with the conversion of these tales into video format and English translation (Fisher, 2015 ). These kinds of materials aim to appeal to Western audiences, frequently imitating Western media styles to give the propaganda a more recognisable sentiment (Qi and He, 2023 ).
The development of ISIS’s media strategy demonstrates a purposeful and strategic shift from local Arabic material to a more inclusive, wider media strategy that aims to interact with English-speaking viewers. This shift highlights how terrorist organisations are adaptable in the digital era and emphasises how crucial it is to thoroughly examine their media outputs to comprehend their influence and reach. Even if they are comprehensive, the earlier studies on ISIS’s media tactics have gaps that need for more research, especially when it comes to the topic of English-language video propaganda and its peculiar characteristics (Cottee and Cunliffe, 2020 ). Comprehending this evolutionary process is essential to crafting counter-narrative tactics and reducing the group’s impact on vulnerable English-speaking communities.
The tactical strategies and subject matter of ISIS’s English-language propaganda videos evolved significantly as their media apparatus grew (Winter, 2015 ). After analysing these themes, academics found recurring themes including victimisation, cruelty, utopianism, martyrdom, and apocalypse, all of which were intended to accomplish certain tactical goals (Johnston, 2022 ; Lakomy, 2020 ; Price and Mooney, 2022 ; Winter, 2015 ).
Early examination of the content of ISIS revealed a duality between images of horror and utopia—a dualism meant to arouse and terrify. The contrast of violent activities against the backdrop of an Islamic utopia promised was noticed by Venkatesh et al. ( 2020 ). ‘Cinematic charms’ combined with pictures of a dreamy caliphate lifestyle were intended to justify violence by painting it as a means of achieving a holy purpose.
In their investigation of the “Theatre of Terror,” Sweeney et al. ( 2020 ) and Qi ( 2020b ) contended that the staged violence in ISIS films was a deliberate strategy to represent authority and engender terror rather than being merely for spectacular. According to their study, those videos demonstrated the group’s ability to avenge its adversaries and were an example of a low-cost, high-effect tactic that maximised the symbolic value of violence and self-justification.
This topic was expanded upon by Kruglova ( 2020 ) to include the marketing-like techniques employed in these videos. She emphasised how skilled ISIS is at using social media as a platform to attract and radicalise potential recruits by creating narratives that play on emotions and identity. ISIS was able to connect with a larger audience by using English to tell a compelling tale that spoke to the needs and grievances of those who were remote from the fighting.
Milton ( 2020 ) looked into another facet of ISIS’s propaganda, which involved the deliberate manipulation of pictures. Using a dataset of 1700 ISIS images, he concluded that violent images, especially those of adversaries, greatly boosted attention. In addition to showcasing the group’s military might, the carefully chosen video also showed ISIS government and everyday life, appealing to viewers’ feeling of order and community.
With time, there was a noticeable change in the quality of ISIS propaganda—from widely circulated messages to more specialised information. In their audience perception research, Cottee and Cunliffe ( 2020 ) brought to light ISIS’s acute comprehension of its Western audience. ISIS’s English-language videos were an effective recruiting tool because they were crafted with tales that spoke to certain frustrations or ideological inclinations.
Qi and He ( 2023 ) has conducted an evaluation of English-language videos with an emphasis on their production and semantic attributes. These studies provide insight into how the videos’ production value and thematic distribution strategies have changed over time, despite criticism for their cursory presentation of the subject matter. This kind of study is essential to comprehending how, despite its military decline on the ground, ISIS managed to stay relevant and active in the digital sphere.
By concentrating on the performative element of ISIS narratives, Toguslu ( 2019 ) exposed the group’s deft use of religious texts to justify its crimes. ISIS attempted to provide its supporters with a spiritual purpose and a theological rationale for their atrocities by utilising passages from the Quran and Hadith in their propaganda.
ISIS propaganda’s thematic and tactical growth demonstrates a deliberate progression that aims to shock and persuade. By skilfully utilising English-language videos, the group was able to reach a wider audience and have a more profound effect, appealing to deeper themes of identity, religion, and political grievances than the surface-level appeal of violence. Therefore, analysing these advancements offers crucial insights into the workings of contemporary terrorist propaganda and serves as a foundation for developing potent counterstrategies.
In this study, we adopt the theoretical framework of content analysis as outlined by Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 ), which serves as a methodological cornerstone for dissecting the narratives utilised by extremist groups like ISIS. This framework builds upon the understanding that these groups use specific communicative strategies, including narratives imbued with extremist ideologies, values, and beliefs, to achieve strategic objectives and potentially foster radicalisation (Braddock and Horgan, 2016 ; Braddock and Dillard, 2016 ). The persuasive power of extremist media, and its role in radicalisation, has been acknowledged in various studies (Horgan, 2014 ; Jackson, 2007 ), highlighting the urgency of crafting counter-narratives based on a profound understanding of terrorist narratives.
Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 ) advocate for content analysis as a pivotal tool for this endeavour, enabling researchers to identify themes central to an extremist group’s ideology through a detailed examination of their media productions. Their proposed method includes both quantitative assessments of overt message characteristics and a more nuanced thematic analysis aimed at uncovering underlying values, views, and ideologies (Krippendorff, 2012 ). This approach facilitates the recognition of patterns within texts, serving as a crucial step in understanding extremist narratives.
Following the analytic procedures suggested by Braddock and Horgan ( 2016 , pp. 387–388), our study undertakes a systematic exploration of ISIS and other jihadi groups’ narratives. This involves multiple readings of the narratives to grasp their theme, style, and meaning; generating and consolidating codes that reflect the terrorist group’s ideology; sorting codes into overarching themes to identify higher-order concepts; and quantifying these thematic elements to ascertain the most prevalent themes. Such a structured analysis allows for a comprehensive understanding of the narratives, supported by a pilot-coding to ensure objectivity (Boyatzis and E, 1995 ; Patton, 2002 ).
Since there has been a substantial quantity of ISIS media production (Atwan, 2015 ; Colas, 2016a ; Cottee, 2015 ; Stern and Berger, 2016 ; Winkler et al. 2016 ; Winter, 2015 ; Zelin, 2015 ), there must be a feasible solution for sampling the data into a manageable corpus (Colas, 2016a ). Through the existing literature, it is observable that, first, studies have largely focused on the written texts, even though empirical studies on ISIS media output have clearly shown that ISIS relies more on visual propaganda than on written propaganda (Zelin, 2015 ). Second, the corpus might need to vary chronologically in terms of release dates to comprehend the evolution and changing dynamics of ISIS media in response to real-world events (Kuznar, 2017 ). Third, English is the second most commonly used language next to Arabic in ISIS propaganda and is the most commonly used foreign language (Fisher, 2015 ). Finally, in its intentional use of such a worldwide, accessible language, the official English-language video, from the organisation’s perspective, represents ISIS’s global ambitions and central strategies. This, in turn, sheds light upon ISIS’s worldview, how ISIS sees itself, and how ISIS wishes to be seen (Colas, 2016a ; Fisher, 2015 ). Ultimately, this fourfold rationale that leads to the sampling criteria sharpens data into a manageable size while remaining quantifiable and comparable with others’ studies of ISIS media production, leading to a more comprehensive, if counter-intuitive, study.
The 79 official English-language videos from ISIS were selected based on the following criteria: (1) timing: the video productions must have been released from April 2014 to July 2017, a timeframe that fully captures the Fall and the Liberation of Mosul (10 June 2014–10 July 2017), which symbolises the geographic controllability and territorial power of ISIS (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ; Gamal-Gabriel and Dunlop, 2017 ); (2) language: the video must either be narrated in English or have subtitles in English; (3) sources [for selecting those that represent official ISIS material]: the video productions must be from official ISIS media centres or from provincial-level centres accredited by official media centres. The criteria were implemented to collect English-narrated/subtitled videos released within the established time period that were produced/recognised by the official media centres at al-Hayat , al-Furqan , and al-I’tisam (Barr and Herfroy-Mischler, 2017 ; Zelin, 2015 ). To ensure that the English-language used in the videos released from provincial media centres was officially authorised by ISIS, as opposed to being a private translating effort from pro-ISIS supporters, the videos must have been promoted by the video series Selected 10 and Featured 3 , both of which represent or highlight periodic exaltations of exemplary provincial videos productions by al-Hayat media centre.
The criteria of timing in this study might be worth particular attention to further clarify. The designation of 2014 to 2017 as the peak period of ISIS activities is substantiated by a detailed examination of their territorial control and pivotal events, with a significant focus on the strategic city of Mosul. This era marks ISIS’s swift territorial expansion, reaching its apogee in 2014, characterised by the capture of Mosul, a major urban centre that symbolised their operational and administrative capabilities (Chulov, 2019 ; Curry, 2014b ; Gilsinan, 2014 ). The occupation of Mosul not only demonstrated ISIS’s military prowess but also established a geographical and ideological centre for the caliphate (al-Lami, 2019 ; Boffey and Jalabi, 2014 ; Dearden, 2014 ).
The subsequent decline of ISIS, leading to the liberation of Mosul in July 2017, underscores the importance of this timeframe. The battle for Mosul, which began in October 2016, represented a turning point in the international effort to dismantle ISIS’s territorial hold, highlighting a concerted counter-terrorism strategy that significantly diminished their control and influence (Barnard and Saad, 2017 ; Chulov, 2019 ; Damon et al. 2017 ; Phippen, 2017 )). The liberation of Mosul is widely regarded as a critical indicator of ISIS’s waning power, marking the end of their most significant territorial possession (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ).
Given these considerations, the period between 2014 and 2017 is selected as the focal point of this study, reflecting the zenith and subsequent reduction of ISIS’s territorial and operational command. This timeframe is crucial for understanding the dynamics of ISIS’s rise and fall, providing a comprehensive overview of their impact and the global response to their activities (Burke, 2017 ; Forrest, 2019 ).
It is worth noting the distinction between the period of data collection (October 2015 to August 2017) and the video release date criteria (April 2014 to July 2017) for the sake of clarity. This study collected data between 1 October 2015, and 1 August 2017, leveraging Jihadology.net , a renowned repository for jihadi primary materials. During this period, MP4 files of ISIS videos were gathered from digital archives curated by scholars. The collection prioritised anonymity in sourcing to safeguard security while ensuring the authenticity and reliability of the data through cross-verification. Among a broad dataset of 1025 videos, 79 official English-language ISIS videos were chosen based on stringent criteria. Empirical evidence supports data collection via digital media, establishing them as promising research channels for the social sciences (Okereka et al. 2024 ).
Extremist organisations use varied communication strategies, including crafting narratives to embed ideologies and values (Braddock and Horgan, 2016 ). The effectiveness of these media in radicalisation is debated. Certain studies suggest narrative exposure can be persuasive, while others see no consistent link (Hong and Park, 2012 ; Peracchio and Meyers-Levy, 1997 ). However, it’s recognised that extremist narratives might potentially lead to radicalisation (Horgan, 2014 ).
Braddock and Horgan focus on developing counter-narratives to extremist ideologies. Understanding terrorist narratives is crucial for crafting effective counter-narratives and strategic communication to prevent radicalisation. These narratives, complex in ideological and emotional content, fulfil several roles: identity, justification for violence, and presenting a skewed reality that influences behaviour. Dissecting them is key to understanding their resonance and potential to foster extremist ideologies.
The initial phase of the analytical process was the development and enhancement of the coding scheme, which serves as the backbone for thematic analysis. This began with the construction of a provisional list of codes, which are essentially interpretative tags assigned to segments of the meaningful organisations within the videos. These segments to which the codes are applied could vary in length, thereby providing the flexibility to code discrete elements or broader sections of the narrative as necessary.
The analyst used their expertise and preliminary observations to form an initial list of themes present in the videos. This list was dynamically refined to align with established thematic frameworks in extremist propaganda research, ensuring a scholarly foundation for the coding instrument.
Relevant literature, including works by Winter ( 2015 ), Pelletier et al. ( 2016 ), and Gråtrud ( 2016 ), contributed established thematic codes to the analysis. This comparative approach refined the coding list, eliminating redundancy and ensuring a robust, comprehensive coding structure.
The analysis then shifted to a quantitative phase, systematically applying the refined codes to the video narratives. This quantification measured the frequency and prominence of themes, providing empirical insights into ISIS’s strategic messaging priorities during the study period. This approach moved the analysis beyond subjective interpretation towards a data-driven understanding of the thematic content in the ISIS videos.
The analytical stage for examining ISIS videos involved a detailed and systematic coding process. The analyst analysed 79 videos, totalling 915 min, by breaking them down into one-minute increments, resulting in 915 distinct units for granular analysis.
Each minute unit was scrutinised using a set of thematic codes, identifying, and recording occurrences of specific themes, termed ‘segments.’ This led to the cataloguing of 799 segments of varying lengths. The prevalence of themes was assessed by calculating the cumulative duration of these segments, quantifying both the frequency and the temporal span of themes in the dataset. The total duration of all segments was 1707 units. Themes with a significance level of 0.06 or higher, roughly equivalent to 100 units or more, were considered substantially prevalent.
Additionally, the analysis explored the ‘asymmetric nature’ of ISIS media operations. This involved using the SKEW function, a statistical measure of distribution asymmetry, to understand the uneven thematic distribution over time, highlighting the dynamic nature of ISIS’s propaganda focus.
The outcome was a comprehensive thematic overview, showing both the frequency and variability of themes in ISIS’s video propaganda. The results were then visually represented in tables and graphs for clearer interpretation and discussion. At the conclusion of this rigorous process, the analyst had at their disposal a comprehensive list of themes, along with detailed insights into the frequency and changing patterns of these themes within ISIS’s video propaganda. The findings from this stage of analysis were then translated into tables and graphs, which facilitated a clear visual representation of the data, allowing for more accessible interpretation and discussion of the results.
The methodology for analysing ISIS video narratives involved enhancing reliability through an independent expert coder’s review, aligning with Schreier’s ( 2012 ) conflict resolution guidelines. The initial thematic categorisation has been scrutinised to ensure balanced and accurate coding. Braddock and Dillard’s ( 2016 ) methodical evaluation approach guided the determination of theme presence, with coder reviews forming the basis of final decisions.
To verify coding consistency, a pilot test aimed for at least 0.80 inter-coder reliability, following Cohen’s ( 1960 ) benchmark for high reliability. This standard reduces subjective bias, ensuring systematic and replicable coding. After pilot testing and discussions, two significant coding instrument revisions were made, leading to a final list of 26 thematic codes. This process established the credibility and rigour of the analysis.
The research includes three appendices in its online archive for transparency and replication. Appendix 1 details the data collection sources, Appendix 2 presents the final 26 thematic codes, and Appendix 3 contains example tables showing segment cataloguing and duration calculations. These appendices underpin the methodology and analysis, offering detailed insights into the study’s mechanics and coding process.
Figure 1 in the study categorises primary narratives in ISIS’s English-language videos into three groups: enemy, religious, and emotive, based on 26 thematic elements.
This figure presents the statistical compositions of the narratives identified in ISIS English-language videos, detailing the specific prevalence of each associated theme.
Figure 2 shows the ‘enemy’ narrative, comprising 40.83% of the content, focuses mainly on portraying ISIS at war (9.02%), captives confessing ‘sins’ (7.26%), and depicting the West as aggressive and oppressive (6.09%). It also highlights Western failures (4.22%) and alliances against ISIS (2.69%), with lesser emphasis on terror attacks (1.52%) and domestic vice and punishment (1.17%).
This figure illustrates the statistical thematic distribution of the enemy narrative within ISIS English-language videos, showing the relative frequency of each theme.
Figure 3 indicates the ‘religious’ narrative forms a substantial portion, led by themes of Sharia law enforcement (9.31%). Other key themes include incitement for jihad (6.39%), Islamic references (6.27%), and calls for emigration (4.16%). Lesser themes include allegiance to the leader (1.29%) and apocalypse (1.05%).
This figure shows the statistical thematic distribution of the religious narrative in ISIS English-language videos, highlighting the prevalence of each associated theme.
Figure 4 signifies the ‘emotive’ narrative, at 21.15%, highlights ‘happiness’ living within ISIS territory (5.74%) and victories at battlefield (4.98%). It also covers martyrdom and Muslim suffering (3.81%; 2.46%; 2.05%), with infrequent mentions of restoring honour of Islam (1.23%) or feelings of humiliation (0.88%).
This figure depicts the statistical thematic distribution of the emotive narrative in ISIS English-language videos, indicating the frequency of different themes.
In the detailed analysis of ISIS English-language videos, ‘sharia and governance’ was the most prevalent theme, accounting for 9.31% of the content. This was followed by ‘combat’ (9.02%), ‘captives and confession’ (7.26%), ‘jihad’ (6.39%), ‘support from Quran and Sunnah’ (6.27%), and ‘Western malevolence’ (6.09%). Other notable themes included ‘happiness and wellbeing’ (5.74%), ‘strength and victory’ (4.98%), and ‘execution’ (4.45%).
Figure 5 in the study ranks these 26 themes based on their segment duration in the video corpus. Themes with a significance level of 0.06 or higher, such as ‘sharia and governance’, ‘combat’, and ‘captives and confession’, are highlighted, indicating their central role in ISIS propaganda.
This figure ranks the prevalence of 26 individual themes according to the total duration of segments in 79 ISIS English-language videos, presenting the relative importance of each theme.
The temporal analysis of ISIS English-language videos from 2014 to 2017 reveals fluctuating narrative themes, with six—‘vice and punishment’, ‘terror attack’, ‘apocalypse and prophecy’, ‘support from scholars’, ‘combat’, and ‘obedience to God’—showing significant variability. For example, ‘Terror attack’ was minimal until mid-2015, then became frequent, peaking in January 2016 and coinciding with portrayals of the November 2015 Paris attacks in ISIS videos.
However, as represented by Fig. 6 , themes like ‘jihad’, ‘West colluding with enemies’, ‘happiness and wellbeing’, ‘captives and confession’, ‘support from Quran and Sunnah’, and ‘sharia and governance’ remained stable and recurrent, reflecting ISIS’s core ideological appeals.
This figure displays the skewness in the distribution of the 26 themes in ISIS English-language videos. From left to right, the figure ranks the themes based on their instability, from the highest to the lowest.
The prevalence of enemy narratives in ISIS propaganda creates a stark ‘us versus them’ dichotomy. Gerges ( 2009 , 2016 ) and Mahood and Rane ( 2016 ) discuss how ISIS portrays itself as the ‘good’—upholders of Sharia and the true path of jihad—while anyone opposing them is depicted as the ‘evil’ doomed to fail due to their disbelief. The narrative is given legitimacy by anchoring it in the historical and contemporary experiences of Muslims. Such binary opposition is a classic psychological warfare technique, fostering a collective identity among ISIS followers and justifying the group’s violent actions (Cantey, 2017 ; Gråtrud, 2016 ).
ISIS ideologues use theological language to assert that the group is on a divine mission, with violent jihad being the sole path to rectify the world (Mahood and Rane, 2016 ). They claim to be guided by a ‘prophetic methodology,’ deriving their understanding from the Quran and Sunnah, and present their jihadists as ‘lions of the caliphate’ and ‘warriors in upholding the rules of God’ (Gerges, 2016 ; Mahood and Rane, 2016 ). This religious narrative is fundamental in legitimising ISIS’s actions and in recruiting followers by weaving theological justifications into its narrative framework.
The strategic use of emotive content in ISIS propaganda is discussed as being less prevalent compared to the enemy and religious narratives. This strategic choice could indicate a focus on ideological and combative aspects, particularly in content aimed at Western audiences (Colas, 2016b ; Spier, 2018 ). However, when emotive content is utilised, it is designed to resonate with feelings of injustice and discrimination, appealing to a sense of identity and grievance (Mahood and Rane, 2016 ; Olidort and McCants, 2015 ).
The discussion further situates ISIS’s propaganda strategy within the broader debate on the role of Islam in its ideology, referencing Graeme Wood’s influential essay (Wood, 2015 ) that contends ISIS is intrinsically Islamic, sparking a debate on the relationship between Islamism and terrorism (Cottee, 2017a ). This debate pits those who view ISIS as representing true Islam (Ali et al. 2020 ) against those who vehemently disagree (Coles, 2015 ; Hasan and Mehdi, 2015 ; Tharoor, 2016 ). This ongoing argument examines whether the violence enacted in the name of religion is inherently religious or if it is politically motivated and sometimes can be secular in character.
Wood’s essay challenges the notion that ISIS’s violence is purely psychopathic, suggesting instead that it is rooted in early medieval Islamic ideology (Remnick, 2014 ). Meanwhile, critics like Coles ( 2015 ) argue that ISIS’s interpretation of Islam is a deviation, and others like Coolsaet ( 2016 ) and Roy ( 2016 ) attribute the violence to political rather than religious motivations.
The empirical evidence from this study, which shows a significant emphasis on religious narrative in ISIS’s English-language videos, adds a critical dimension to this debate. The frequent recurrence of themes such as sharia law and violent jihad in official media suggests that ISIS’s theological underpinnings are significant and that the group’s ideological foundations are vital to understanding its allure and the motivations of its adherents (Makdisi and John, 1985 ; Mutahhari, 2014 ).
The integration of empirical findings with the broader discourse on ISIS’s propaganda strategies provides a more comprehensive understanding of how the group uses enemy and religious narratives to construct a worldview that legitimises its actions, while also participating in a broader debate about the role of religion in political violence. This complex narrative strategy serves multiple functions within the group’s ideological battle, solidifying its identity, justifying its violent actions, and recruiting followers.
The findings in ISIS’s English-language videos, as identified in the study, affirm the thematic elements highlighted in other research on ISIS’s propaganda (Gråtrud and Henrik, 2016 ; Kuznar, 2017 ). Emotive language, moderately employed in ISIS’s videos, is a common thread throughout jihadist propaganda, which is also prevalent among groups like the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and its affiliates AQIM and AQAP. However, ISIS’s unique emphasis on certain themes distinguishes its propaganda from others (Abrahms et al. 2017 ; Gendron and Angela, 2016 ; Salem et al. 2008 ).
The study supports Kuznar’s observation that the thematic elements of ISIS propaganda are present in other jihadi propaganda but emphasises that ISIS has a distinctive approach to these themes. While the general message across ISIS’s various media formats—magazines, leaders’ speeches, public statements, and Nasheeds —remains coherent, the intensity with which certain themes are highlighted varies. ISIS’s English-language videos, in particular, consistently emphasise religious and enemy narratives in line with ‘Dabiq,’ the group’s official English-language magazine, while emotive narratives are less pronounced (Colas, 2016a ).
In contrast, the leaders’ speeches seem to focus more on emotion-provoking themes, suggesting a strategic use of emotional appeal to strengthen the group’s core narratives, with religious and enemy narratives taking a secondary role (Spier, 2018 ). Gråtrud’s analysis suggests that the effectiveness of ISIS’s media, such as Nasheeds , could be attributed to its emphasis on a select number of broadly appealing themes. This targeted approach likely extends beyond Nasheeds to other media productions, indicating a nuanced strategy to engage with various target audiences effectively.
When we consider these findings alongside the comparative analysis of other extremist groups, it becomes evident that ISIS has carved out a unique space in jihadist media strategy. While the shared use of recruitment, indoctrination, enemy construction, religious justification, and calls to action are common jihadist media narratives, ISIS’s distinct approach lies in its media production quality, modern communication tool utilisation, apocalyptic messaging, and tailored language use.
The thematic emphasis and diversity in ISIS’s media productions, juxtaposed with the broader landscape of jihadist propaganda, underscore the group’s sophisticated media strategy. ISIS’s ability to maintain thematic consistency across different media forms while varying the intensity of certain themes reveals an intention to optimise the impact of its messaging. This adaptability and tailored emphasis not only differentiate ISIS’s propaganda from other groups but also potentially enhance its effectiveness in recruitment and ideological dissemination.
By understanding these nuances, counter-terrorism efforts can be better tailored to address the specific strategies employed by ISIS and other extremist groups, acknowledging the shared tactics while targeting the unique aspects of each group’s propaganda approach.
The research of Pelletier et al. ( 2016 ) aligns with the findings from this study, suggesting that jihadist groups like AQAP and ISIS exhibit major thematic shifts in response to real-world events while maintaining a consistent overarching thematic structure. In the case of ISIS, the primary and most fundamental themes—those at the core of ISIS’s ideology—tend to remain stable over time. Conversely, the less recurrent themes display more dynamism, often aligning with specific geopolitical or operational developments that ISIS encounters.
For example, the theme of ‘Terror Attack’ in ISIS videos became more prominent following high-profile attacks that ISIS claimed responsibility for, such as the Paris attacks in November 2015. Foster ( 2014 ) notes the depiction of the perpetrators as heroes in ISIS’s narrative, which marked a peak in the terror attack theme’s prominence. The ‘Apocalypse and Prophecy’ theme’s activity aligns with the group’s control over the town of Dabiq, believed to be a prophesied battlefield, and its eventual loss of the town in 2016 (Withnall, 2016 ). These shifts illustrate how ISIS’s media strategy is interwoven with its operational successes and setbacks, using thematic content to reflect and amplify its real-world narrative.
Despite the responsiveness to events, the more recurrent themes, particularly those propagating violent jihad and Islamic law—pillars of the ISIS ideology—remained consistent. These themes are critical for maintaining a steady ideological message for recruitment, indoctrination, and asserting the group’s identity.
However, the theme of ‘Combat’ presents an interesting case. Although it is one of the most recurrent themes, it exhibited significant instability. The two major peaks in this theme’s prominence not only reflect specific events but also disproportionately affect the theme’s overall statistical stability. This instability may serve a strategic purpose, as Zelin ( 2015 ) indicates, potentially highlighting the asymmetric nature of ISIS media operations. The aim could be to project an image of ongoing struggle and resilience despite real-world setbacks, thereby maintaining morale and commitment among its followers.
The skewness in the distribution of themes across ISIS’s videos supports the notion of an asymmetric media strategy. This asymmetry is not arbitrary but appears to be a calculated response to real-world events. Themes that exhibit significant shifts correspond to specific incidents, underscoring ISIS’s intent to manipulate media narratives in line with operational objectives and challenges.
Counter-narrative campaigns are crucial in combating the binary enemy narratives that ISIS propagates. ISIS frames the world in terms of black and white, good and evil, believers and non-believers. To counter this, it’s important to develop narratives that showcase the complexity and diversity of Muslim identities and the peaceful, pluralistic nature of Islamic teachings. Educational initiatives can play a pivotal role in this area, as they can foster a more nuanced understanding of Islam that goes beyond the simplistic and extremist interpretations offered by ISIS (Gerges, 2016 ; Mahood and Rane, 2016 ).
By highlighting the rich tapestry of Islamic scholarship and the diversity of interpretations that have coexisted within Islamic history, these campaigns can undermine the theological foundations upon which ISIS builds its legitimacy. It is also essential to promote voices within the Muslim community that speak to the religion’s core messages of peace and compassion, drawing on both historical and contemporary sources of Islamic thought (Makdisi and John 1985 ).
ISIS has demonstrated an ability to adapt its messages in response to changing circumstances, be they losses on the battlefield or shifts in geopolitical alliances. A successful counter-terrorism approach must be equally flexible, employing real-time intelligence to detect and respond to changes in ISIS’s narrative strategies (Pelletier et al. 2016 ). Developing predictive models based on this intelligence can help anticipate the group’s future shifts in narrative and allow counter-terrorism efforts to stay one step ahead.
At its core, radicalisation often stems from socio-political factors such as alienation, discrimination, and injustice—elements that ISIS exploits to recruit and radicalise individuals. Counter-terrorism efforts must, therefore, also focus on the root causes of radicalisation. This involves creating inclusive policies that address unemployment, provide educational opportunities, and promote social cohesion within marginalised communities (Coolsaet, 2016 ; Roy, 2016 ). Programs that target these areas can reduce the susceptibility of individuals to extremist ideologies by improving their socioeconomic conditions and fostering a sense of belonging within their societies.
In summary, ISIS has created a complex global propaganda apparatus comprising comprehensive narrative themes that span adversarial, theological, and emotional artefacts. The primary conclusion is fourfold: first, within the scope of ISIS propaganda, the extent to which ISIS emphasises certain themes is distinctive from that of other media releases; second, the two most important narratives for ISIS propagandists are the enemy and religious narratives, which reflect a binary worldview of ISIS ideology. ISIS represents the ‘good’ whereas those who oppose ISIS are its enemies and the ‘evil’; third, the ratio of the religious narrative in ISIS English-language videos elucidates one of the hottest debates regarding ISIS’s Islamic nature by supporting and reinforcing the arguments that the religious artefacts of ISIS are important and cannot be neglected if the narrative and underlying ideologies are to be understood (Pelletier et al. 2016 ; Wood, 2015 ); finally, the most fundamental themes promoted by ISIS remain consistent over time whereas the least recurrent themes are more dynamic and might shift significantly in response to a series of real-world events that ISIS faces on the ground.
However, this study is merely the first step. There have been some limitations and many other research trajectories of which future studies might be aware. Most apparently, due to the resource restraints and unstable circumstances in the region, it has been difficult to claim the complete collection of ISIS-produced videos has been archived in this field. Second, this study does not account for the audience perception of ISIS videos – it demands a separate study, although some research in this domain is already underway, and such work is beneficial for our understanding of ISIS propaganda (Cottee, 2017b ). Third, the effectiveness of ISIS narratives might not only depend on what the narrative contains but also on the style in which the content is vividly presented (O’Keefe, 1997 ). Further studies could provide another perspective by, for instance, examining cinematography or semiotics. Finally, the use of content analysis might restrain our understanding of the sophistication of ISIS rhetoric and reasoning devices; further research could offer an interpretation of ISIS English videos beyond locution and thematic analysis of extremists’ messages. For example, ISIS’s use of language as a means to achieve objectives through words and deeds.
Nevertheless, contributing significantly to the discourse on jihadist media strategy, this study undertakes a detailed examination of narrative motifs found in the official English-language videos of ISIS. It renders an original, comprehensive content analysis of ISIS’s propaganda, and facilitates a highly inclusive range of thematic elements that are also applicable to other extremists’ visual texts. Dissecting these videos’ narrative constructs enables a deeper counterpoint to the narratives that have found traction in jihadist online propaganda. By doing so, insights into the group’s strategic narrative constructions and worldviews are gleaned. These insights are crucial for demystifying ISIS: discerning its self-image, presentation style, and desired perception among international audiences. Moreover, this research augments existing studies on ISIS’s global media reach by providing an exhaustive analysis of its official English-language videos and adopts a dynamic perspective on the group’s media offerings, tracking how ISIS tailored its propagandist responses to various global events during the important period. The methodological rigour applied herein lays the groundwork for future explorations into the propaganda of other terrorist organisations. Exposure to jihadist propaganda might not be a sole radicalising force; rather, it is the confluence of ideological currents within broader social, political, and cultural frameworks that is critical (Winter, 2015). ISIS’s media arsenal, encompassing literature, videos, social platforms, and discussion forums, is curated to mirror these undercurrents. The analytical method developed through this study’s examination of ISIS’s videos paves the way for scrutinising a broader array of extremist communications.
The dataset generated during and/or analysed during the current study is submitted as a supplementary file and can also be obtained from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
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