what is political ideology essay

11.4 Political Ideologies

Learning objectives.

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Identify key ideologies or theories in political philosophy, such as conservatism, liberalism, egalitarianism, socialism, and anarchism.
• Discuss distributive justice within political ideologies.
• Demonstrate how alienation continues to be a problem for workers in modern industrial societies.

When Bernie Sanders, the American senator from Vermont, ran for president of the United States in 2016 as a democratic socialist, he set off an intense debate in the country. What exactly was democratic socialism? This was a debate about political ideologies, or people’s beliefs about how a society should be run. Ideology can shape policies and laws, as the individuals holding office and positions of authority and the people who elect them are often influenced by ideological beliefs. This section looks at some key ideologies that have influenced how people think about their rights and the responsibilities of government.

Distributive Justice

One of the important differences among the ideologies examined below is how they approach the question of distributive justice . Distributive justice can be seen as a moral framework made up of principles that seek to ensure the greatest amount of fairness with respect to distributions of wealth, goods, and services (Olsaretti 2018). However, there is much debate surrounding what amounts to fairness. Is a just society one that provides for its members, allocating resources based on need, or is it one that allows for the greatest amount of personal freedom, even if that means that some members are radically better off than others? Furthermore, given that individuals begin at varying positions of social and economic status, should a society focus on meeting the needs of its disadvantaged members even if that results in an unequal distribution of goods, or should there be as little governmental interference as possible?

It is tempting to see distributive justice as a theoretical moral concern. However, views on what constitute basic needs, what resources should be considered public versus private, and whether or not there should be restrictions on the free market have real, practical ramifications when considered by governing bodies. Given this, it is important to keep in mind the role that principles of distributive justice play in the ideologies discussed below.

Conservatism

Conservativism is a political theory that favors institutions and practices that have demonstrated their value over time and provided sufficient evidence that they are worth preserving and promoting. Conservatism sees the role of government as serving society rather than controlling it and advocates gradual change in the social order, if and when necessary.

Edmund Burke and the French Revolution

Modern conservatism begins with the 18th-century Irish political theorist Edmund Burke (1729–1797), who opposed the French Revolution and whose Reflections on the French Revolution (1790) served as an inspiration for the development of a conservative political philosophy (Viereck et al. 2021). Shocked by the violence of the French Revolution, Burke advocated against radical revolution that destroyed functioning institutions that, though flawed, served a purpose. However, Burke supported the American Revolution because the colonists had already established political institutions, such as courts and administrations, and were taking the next gradual step: asking Britain to let them run these institutions on their own.

Fundamental Principles

Conservatives such as Burke are not opposed to reform, but they are wary of challenges to existing systems that have generally held up well. They believe that any sudden change is likely to lead to instability and greater insecurity. Moreover, conservatives are not against redistribution of resources, especially when it serves to alleviate severe poverty. However, they believe that such actions are best carried out at a local level (as opposed to a state or national level) by those who understand the needs of the individual community. Finally, conservatives are staunch supporters of property rights and oppose any system of reform that challenges them. Property rights serve as a check on governmental power and are seen as an essential part of a stable society (Moseley n.d.). As such, conservatism aligns with some principles of liberalism.

Conservatism maintains that human nature is fundamentally flawed and that we are driven more by selfish desires than by empathy and concern for others. Therefore, it is the job of social institutions such as church and school to teach self-discipline, and it is the job of the government to protect the established, fundamental values of society. Along with this rather Hobbesian view of humankind and belief in the preservation of historical traditions, conservatives believe that weaknesses in institutions and morals will become apparent over time and that they will either be forced to evolve, be discarded, or be gradually reformed (Moseley n.d.).

Liberalism in political philosophy does not have the same meaning as the word liberal in popular American discourse. For Americans, liberal means someone who believes in representative democracy and is politically left of center. For example, liberals generally favor regulating the activities of corporations and providing social welfare programs for the working and middle classes. Liberalism as a political philosophy, however, has quite a different emphasis.

Fundamental Principle of Liberty

British philosopher John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) expresses the fundamental principles of liberalism in his work On Liberty (1859), arguing for limited government on the grounds of utility. His interest is in “Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual” (Mill [1869] 2018). In this regard, he defends “one very simple principle,” which is the minimizing of government interference in people’s lives:

The sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection. . . . The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. (Mill [1869] 2018)

In Mill’s view, real freedom is when people are able to pursue their own individual idea of “the good” in a manner they see fit. Mill’s claim is at the heart of most variants of liberalism.

Positive and Negative Liberty

We are at liberty when we are neither constrained to act nor obligated to refrain from acting in a certain way. At least since Isaiah Berlin’s (1905–1997) “Two Concepts of Liberty” (1958), this sort of liberty has been called negative liberty . Berlin, a British political theorist, suggests that negative liberty is “the area within which a man can act unobstructed by others” (Berlin 1969, 122). Negative liberty in the political realm often refers to the absence of government control over the lives of individuals, or in what we are reasonably able to do without interference. Conversely, Berlin thinks of positive liberty as “the wish on the part of the individual to be his own master” (131). We want our life decisions to depend on ourselves and not on external forces. “I wish to be the instrument of my own, not of other men’s, acts of will,” says Berlin (131). The ability to participate in democratic institutions, for example, is a form of positive liberty.

The Welfare State and Social Justice

Some theorists hold that negative liberty has limits when it comes to how much liberty, in practice, a person has at their disposal. The theory of justice that sees individuals as having claims on resources and care from others is often called welfare liberalism . Such theorists are not in favor of limited government and believe that the well-being of citizens must be a vital component of our agreement to obey a government. American philosopher John Rawls (1921–2002) famously makes this argument in his seminal book A Theory of Justice (1971), in which he attempts to articulate an account of fairness that satisfies our intuition that human freedom and social welfare are both important.

Rawls begins with the idea that society is a system of cooperation for mutual advantage. Given the fact of today’s pluralistic societies, people reasonably disagree about many important issues, which means we must find a way to live peaceably together with our differences and collectively determine our political institutions. In addition, Rawls believes that there are deep inequalities embedded in any basic social structure, which result from the fact that we are all born into different positions and have different expectations of life, largely determined by the political, economic, and social circumstances that attend those positions. Therefore, Rawls says, we must find a way to distance ourselves from our own particular concepts of such ideas as justice, the good, and religion and begin with relatively uncontroversial facts about human psychology and economics. We should then imagine ourselves in an “original position” behind the “ veil of ignorance ”; that is, we should imagine we do not know any facts about our personal circumstances, such as our economic status, our access to education and health services, or whether we have any talents or abilities that would be beneficial to us (Rawls 1999, 11). We also remain ignorant of any social factors such as our gender, race, class, and so forth. Because Rawls assumes that no one wants to live in a society in which they are disadvantaged, operating from this position offers the greatest chance of arranging a society in a way that is as fair and equitable as possible. For instance, we would not support a system that forbade all left-handed individuals from voting because we ourselves might fall into that group.

Rawls argues that two major principles should govern society. First, the “liberty principle” states that each person has an equal right to the same basic, adequate liberties. Basic liberties are liberties such as freedom of speech, freedom to hold property, and freedom of assembly. Second, the “difference principle” states that any social and economic inequalities must satisfy two conditions: (1) they must be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of “fair equality of opportunity,” and (2) they must be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society. Note that Rawls is not advocating for an equal distribution of goods or advantages; rather, he says that any distribution of goods or power that is not equal can further disadvantage already disadvantaged individuals. His goal is to create a society that seeks to address inherent structural inequalities as well as possible (Rawls 1999, 13).

Egalitarianism

Rawls’s theory of justice has much in common with egalitarian theories. The term egalitarianism refers to a broad family of views that gives primary place to equality. The root egal (from the French) means “equal.” Egalitarian theories assert that all individuals should enjoy equal status and moral worth and that any legitimate system of government should reflect this value. More specifically, egalitarian theories do not argue that all individuals should be treated exactly the same; rather, they insist that individuals are all deserving of rights, including civil, social, and political rights.

Some theorists argue that equality of opportunity for welfare, meaning equality of opportunity to obtain resources, is the most important type of equality. In addition to resources, equality of opportunity includes a consideration of how individuals have acquired certain advantages. For example, nepotism (giving opportunities based on familial connections) and biases based on personal traits such as gender or race interfere with an individual’s ability to compete for resources. Any society that seeks a truly level playing field needs to contend with these issues.

One way to examine equality is to look at what individuals are able to do. The Indian economist Amartya Sen popularized a framework now known as the capability approach , which emphasizes the importance of providing resources to match individual need. This approach creates opportunities for each person to pursue what they need to live a flourishing life. An example of the capability approach is basic income, in which a city, state, or country might combat poverty by awarding everyone below a certain income level $1,000 per month.

The capability approach advocates “treating each person as an end” and “focus[ing] on choice and freedom rather than achievements” (Robeyns and Byskov 2021). According to American philosopher Martha Nussbaum (b. 1947), the capability approach would improve both justice outcomes and quality of life. She argues that a certain number of resources are necessary to enjoy a basic set of positive capabilities that all humans possess. Thus, each individual should be provided with those resources so that their life is not “so impoverished that it is not worthy of the dignity of a human being” (Nussbaum 2000, 72). What is beneficial about the capability approach is that it recognizes and respects the diverse needs of individuals based on different experiences and circumstances.

Listen to philosopher Martha Nussbaum discuss how the capabilities approach aids in creating a positive quality of life.

Martha Nussbaum

Rather than look to the individual, the often confused triad of socialism, Marxism, and communism examines inequality from an economic perspective. While socialism and communism both seek to address inequalities in goods and resources, socialism says that goods and resources should be owned and managed by the public and allocated based on the needs of the community rather than controlled solely by the state. A socialist system allows for the ownership of private property while relegating most control over basic resources to the government. Sometimes, as with democratic socialism, this is done through the democratic process, with the result that public resources, such as national parks, libraries, and welfare services, are controlled by a government of elected representatives.

Concepts of Socialism

Critique of capital.

While what are commonly called “Marxist ideals” did not originate solely with Karl Marx , he is responsible for coauthoring perhaps the most famous treatise criticizing capitalism, The Communist Manifesto (1848), and laying out a vision of a yet-unrealized true communist society. As such, it is important to examine his ideas in more detail.

Marx is critical of the private accumulation of capital , which he defines as money and commodities. Stockpiling of capital allows for private accumulation of power. Marx holds that the value of an object is determined by the socially necessary amount of labor used in the production of that object. In a capitalist system, labor is also a commodity, and the worker exchanges their work for a subsistence wage. In Marx’s view, workers’ labor in fact creates surplus value, for which they are not paid and which is claimed by the capitalist. Thus, the worker does not receive full value for their labor.

Marx identifies several kinds of alienation that result from the commodification of labor. To illustrate this, imagine some factory workers who have recently moved to a large city. Prior to the move, they lived in a small village, where they worked as furniture makers. They were responsible for each stage of the production, from imagining the design to obtaining the materials and creating the product. They sold the product and kept the profits of their labor. Now, however, they work on an assembly line, where they are responsible for producing a small part of an overall product. They are alienated both from the product and from their own productive nature because they have no hand in the product’s design and are involved in only a small part of its construction. They begin to see their labor, and by extension themselves, as a commodity to be sold.

The result of selling their labor is that they begin to see others as commodities as well. They begin to identify people not by who they are but by what they have accumulated and their worth as a product. In this way, they become alienated from themselves and from others, seeing them always as potential competition. For Marx, this leads to a sense of despair that is filled with material goods, thus solidifying the worker in their dependence on the capitalist system.

While the idea of negative liberty decries unnecessary government intervention in people’s lives, anarchism literally means “no ruler” or “no government.” The absence of a political authority conjures an image of the state of nature imagined by Thomas Hobbes—that is, a state of chaos. Anarchists, however, believe that disorder comes from government. According to this view, rational individuals mostly desire to live peaceful lives, free of government intervention, and this desire naturally leads them to create societies and institutions built on the principles of self-governance.

Motivations for Anarchism

One defense of anarchism is that governments do things that would be impermissible for private individuals. French philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865) observes that governments monitor citizens’ activities and attempt to control their behavior through force. The more technology governments have, the greater their attempts to control people. Proudhon ([1849] 2012) observes that such treatment is against human dignity.

Proudhonian anarchists are aware of the argument that people may have consented to give up some of their power to the government (as people do in a representative democracy, for example), which means that they must accept the treatment they receive. Yet Proudhon would deny that there is any example in history of a just government. Lysander Spooner (1808–1887), the 19th-century anarchist, says that all governments have come into existence through force and maintain their existence through force (Spooner 1870). Thus, some defend anarchism on the grounds that governments violate human rights.

Limits of Anarchism

Criticisms of anarchy are often twofold. The first is that without an organized police force, society would be unable to control outbreaks of violence. A related concern is that without a judicial system to arbitrate disputes and mete out justice, any resolution would be arbitrary. Anarchists, on the other hand, claim that most incidents of violence are the result of socioeconomic imbalances that would be resolved if the government were dismantled. Social anarchism, for instance, points to community involvement and mutual exchange of goods and services as a solution (Fiala 2021).

Yet some people associate anarchism with political violence, and in fact, some anarchists see violence as an unavoidable result of clashes with a violent and oppressive government. One of the most famous anarchists, Emma Goldman (1869–1940), wrote in her essay “The Psychology of Political Violence,” “Such acts are the violent recoil from violence, whether aggressive or repressive; they are the last desperate struggle of outraged and exasperated human nature for breathing space and life” (1917). However, many anarchists favor nonviolent tactics and civil disobedience, such as protests and the creation of autonomous zones, as opposed to political violence (Fiala 2018).

Anarchism and Feminism

Within anarchism, anarcha-feminism seeks to fight against gendered concepts that create inequity. Traditional gender roles only serve to cement unequal power distribution and further the class divide. Particularly, traditional concepts of women’s role in the domestic sphere mirror the depersonalization of the worker, with the woman seen as an extension of the home and domestic labor, rather than an independent autonomous person. It is worth noting that anarcha-feminism is in direct opposition to Proudhon, who believed that family was an essential aspect of society and that the traditional role of women within the family was necessary for its success (Proudhon 1875).

The author and poet bell hooks believes that the concerns driving anarchism can provide a motivation for current social action. She notes that the gaps between the rich and the poor are widening in the United States and that because of the “feminization of poverty” (by which she means the inequality in living standards due to gender pay disparity), a grassroots radical feminist movement is needed “that can build on the strength of the past, including the positive gains generated by reforms, while offering meaningful interrogation of existing feminist theory that was simply wrongminded while offering us new strategies” (hooks 2000, 43). She sees such a “visionary movement” (43) as grounded in the real-life conditions experienced by working-class and impoverished women.

Feminists historically have had to fight to make space for themselves within anarchist movements. The Spanish female collective Mujeres Libres formed during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) in reaction to what they saw as a dismissal of women’s issues by the anarchist movement. Members of Mujeres Libres sought to support female activists and improve the lives of working-class women through literacy drives, employment programs, and child care facilities in both neighborhoods and factories (Ackelsberg 1985). These and other initiatives that focused on creating opportunities for women helped develop a sense of social engagement and foster a desire for social change.

Table 11.2 summarizes the political ideologies discussed in this chapter.

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Essay on Political Ideology

Students are often asked to write an essay on Political Ideology in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Political Ideology

What is political ideology.

Political ideology is a set of ideas that explains how society should work. People use these ideas to think about politics and decide what they believe is right or wrong in the world. It’s like a map that guides them to make choices about how to run a country.

Types of Political Ideologies

There are many different political ideologies. Some want less government control, like liberalism. Others, like communism, want more government control to make things equal for everyone. Conservatism likes to keep things as they are, while socialism wants to share wealth more fairly.

Why Political Ideologies Matter

Political ideologies are important because they shape our world. They influence laws, how schools teach, and even what people can say or do. Leaders use them to decide how to govern, and voters use them to choose which leaders they want. Ideologies help people make sense of complex political ideas.

Changing Ideologies

Ideologies can change over time. What was popular many years ago might not be today. For example, ideas about freedom and equality have changed a lot. As the world changes, so do the political beliefs of the people. This means new ideologies can emerge, while old ones may fade away.

250 Words Essay on Political Ideology

There are many different types of political ideologies, and each one has its own ideas about what’s important. For example, some people believe in freedom above everything else, so they support an ideology called liberalism. Others think that everyone should be equal and help each other, which is a key part of socialism. Then there are those who want to keep traditional ways and resist big changes; they lean towards conservatism.

Political ideologies are important because they help us understand different opinions and why people might disagree on big issues. They shape the decisions that leaders make, like whether to spend more money on schools or on the army. Ideologies also influence how citizens see the world and what they think the future should look like.

Political Ideologies in Action

In real life, political ideologies can be seen in the laws that countries make, the speeches of politicians, and even in everyday discussions between friends and family. They guide how people vote and the kinds of groups or parties they support. Understanding political ideologies can help us make sense of the news and the world around us.

500 Words Essay on Political Ideology

A political ideology is a set of ideas about how a country should be run. Think of it like a game plan for a team, but instead of playing a sport, it’s about leading a country. This plan includes thoughts on what is most important for a country, like freedom, equality, or tradition, and how the government should help achieve these goals.

There are many different political ideologies, but some are more common than others. For example, liberalism is an ideology that values freedom and equality. People who believe in liberalism want everyone to have the same chances in life and often think the government should help make this happen.

Socialism is an ideology that says the wealth of a country should be shared more equally among its people. This might mean the government owns things like factories and hospitals and runs them for the benefit of everyone.

Why Political Ideology Matters

Political ideologies are important because they help shape the rules and laws in a country. They influence how leaders make decisions and how they solve problems. For instance, if a leader believes in socialism, they might make laws that help spread wealth more equally. On the other hand, a leader who believes in conservatism might make laws that keep things the way they are.

Political Ideology in Everyday Life

Political ideology and democracy.

In a democracy, people have the power to choose their leaders and have a say in what the government does. This is where political ideologies come into play. Different leaders have different ideologies, and when people vote, they are choosing the ideology they think is best for their country.

Political ideology is like a map that guides a country’s journey. It affects everything from schools to hospitals, jobs to taxes. Knowing about different political ideologies can help you understand why leaders make certain choices and how those choices can change a country. Just like in a game, it’s important to know the plan, so you can be part of the team that decides the direction your country takes.

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

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Free Political Ideologies Essay Examples & Topics

A political ideology essay can be a struggle to write. It is especially the case if you are not a big fan of politics. So, let’s begin with the basic terms. You will definitely need them to complete such an assignment.

First and foremost, ideology is a set of collectively held ideas and beliefs. They explain a particular pattern of political, social, or economic relationships, agreements, etc.

Political ideology is a collection of ideas and political views on a social movement, class, or group of people. Nowadays, citizens of the USA usually relate themselves to either liberal, progressive, moderate, or conservative ideologies. Each of the political movements is based on a specific set of principles.

In this article, our team has analyzed key political ideologies in the United States. Moreover, we prepared some useful writing tips on how to structure your paper. Below, you will find political ideology essay examples written by fellow students.

Need to write a political ideologies essay? Then, you should know the key principles of these two concepts: conservatism and liberalism. In this section, you’ll get an explanation of the essential political ideologies of the USA.

Conservatism is a political ideology that stands for preserving traditional values. Its proponents aim to promote personal responsibility. They also argue for these aspects:

• the limited role of the government,
• free trade,
• individual freedom,
• and a strong national defense.

Liberalism is the second major political ideology in the USA. It highlights the idea of empowering the government with the purpose of achieving equal opportunities for all members of society. In other words, the government’s key aim is to solve community issues and protect human rights.

For a better understanding, we’ve decided to compare conservative and liberal political ideas. You can explore them in your essay about political ideology.

To see the differences, you should consider four key areas:

• Political ideas. In terms of politics, conservators are considered right-wing and anti-federalists. Naturally, liberalists are left-wing and federalists. Moreover, conservatism stands for a free market. In contrast, the proponents of liberalism aim to get free services (e.g., health care services) from the government.
• Economic Ideas. According to the principles of conservatism, taxation and government spending should decrease. People with high incomes should have an incentive to invest. In contrast, liberals claim that taxes can increase if it benefits society.
• Social Ideas. Conservatism has tighter social principles than liberalism. Its proponents fight against gay marriages and abortions. In contrast, liberals consider that each person has a right to marry or have an abortion. Plus, they oppose the death penalty that some conservatives accept. The proponents of conservatism stand for the legalization of guns. Meanwhile, liberals believe that gun usage should be restricted.
• Personal Responsibility Ideas. In conservatism, laws are enacted to reflect the interest of society as a whole. Liberals believe that legislation is intended to protect every person for an equal society. According to conservatives, everyone is responsible for solving their own problems. Liberals, however, rely on the government when it comes to solving some major issues.

In a political ideologies essay, you can elaborate on a huge number of concepts, events, figures, etc. You may be assigned to compare and contrast some political movements or examine a famous manifesto. Here, we have explained how to how to write an ideology essay on situations from the past.

To compose an essay about political ideologies, you should try the following steps:

• Find or formulate a topic .

For your paper, select a topic that would create a space for substantive research. Keep in mind that you’ll have to describe the political ideology you’ve chosen. Thus, find something that is interesting for you and fits the assignment requirements. Our topic generator can help you with that.

• Conduct research.

Conduct preliminary research to have a general understanding of your topic. First, explore different political ideologies that fit your assignment. Get to know related personalities, examine various political parties and communities, etc. Only with a clear vision of the political ideas will you come up with a sufficient thesis statement.

• Develop a thesis.

Writing an effective thesis statement is the most significant part of the entire writing process. It’s the central point of your paper. Make sure it is stated clearly and concisely – you can let our thesis generator formulate one for you. Include your thesis statement at the end of the introduction. Here, the readers will quickly identify it.

• Organize your thoughts and arguments.

After you come up with your thesis statement, start structuring your ideas. Develop several arguments and devote a separate paragraph for each of them. Ensure your points are logical and relevant. Add solid supportive evidence (evidence, examples, etc.). As you’ve dealt with your arguments, write an introduction and conclusion to your paper.

• Pick quotes to use as your examples.

For political ideologies essay, quotes are the best examples! There is a great variety of sources. You can check the Constitution, remarks of famous politicians, doctrines, official documents. Just make sure the source is trustworthy. And don’t forget to cite your quotes appropriately.

• Write and proofread.

Never underestimate the power of proofreading! Ideally, do it twice. For the first time, pay attention to spelling, grammar, and punctuation. For the second time, concentrate on the structure:

• Are your arguments presented logically?
• Does the introduction correspond to the conclusion?
• Are your ideas clear and coherent?

Thanks for reading the article! Below you will find political ideology essay examples. They will help you explore the structure and format of such papers.

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8 8 Political Ideology and Political Theory: Reflections on an Awkward Partnership

• Published: February 2012
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Two concepts figure continuously in writings on politics from the late nineteenth century to the present day: ideology and political theory. Their relation is complex and unresolved. In common usage, occasionally one of these concepts will dominate in political discourse—often half-consciously presupposing an understanding of the other. Ideology is probably the more promiscuous of the conceptual duo. This chapter does not aim to provide any comprehensive conceptual genealogy of the terms. Rather, it focuses on the relationship between them. It is the core argument of this chapter that this relationship has not really been clearly delineated in any systematic manner before. Sometimes the terms are taken as synonyms, at other points they subsist as mortal conceptual enemies. However, they continue to subsist as deeply averse bedfellows. The chapter provides a systematic overview of this relationship and argues ultimately for a more positive segregation of the concepts.

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Home » Political Theory » Liberalism: A Political Ideology Explained

Liberalism: A Political Ideology Explained

Definition of liberalism.

Liberalism is a political ideology that emphasizes individual rights , liberty, and limited government. It is based on the idea that individuals have certain inherent rights, such as the right to life, liberty, and property, and that the role of government is to protect these rights. Liberalism also emphasizes free markets and free trade, and advocates for the rule of law and limited government intervention in economic and social affairs. Liberalism has had a significant influence on the development of modern democratic systems, and it is often associated with ideas like individualism, progress, and the Enlightenment .

Brief History of Liberalism

The origins of liberalism can be traced back to the Enlightenment era in the 18th century, a period of intellectual and philosophical ferment in Europe. During this time, a number of influential thinkers emerged who laid the foundations for liberal thought.

John Locke, an English philosopher, argued that individuals have natural rights to life, liberty, and property, and that the role of government is to protect these rights. Locke’s ideas had a profound influence on the American Revolution and the development of the United States Constitution.

Adam Smith , a Scottish economist, is often referred to as the “father of capitalism.” In his influential work “The Wealth of Nations,” Smith argued that free markets, guided by the “invisible hand” of competition, would lead to economic growth and prosperity.

The French Revolution , which began in 1789, was a key moment in the spread of liberal ideas. The revolution overthrew the monarchy and established a constitutional monarchy in its place, and it also inspired similar movements in other countries. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which was adopted by the National Assembly in 1789, enshrined the principles of liberty , equality , and fraternity and became an important influence on liberal thought.

Liberalism became a dominant force in European and North American politics in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and it continues to be a major influence on political thought and policy today. However, it has faced various criticisms and challenges over the years, including from rival ideologies such as conservatism and socialism.

The Core Tenets of Liberalism

The main ideas and principles of liberalism include:

• Individual rights and liberty: Liberalism holds that individuals have inherent rights, such as the right to life, liberty, and property, and that the role of government is to protect these rights. This means that the government should not be able to dictate how people live their lives or what they can and cannot do.
• Limited government: In order to protect individual rights and liberty, liberals believe in limited government. They argue that the role of government should be restricted to certain essential functions, such as maintaining law and order, protecting property rights, and providing basic public goods like education and infrastructure. Anything beyond these core functions is seen as an unnecessary intrusion into people’s lives.
• Free markets and free trade: Liberalism emphasizes free markets and free trade, and holds that economic freedom is closely tied to political freedom. A free market system allows individuals to pursue their own economic interests and create wealth, and liberals argue that this leads to economic growth and prosperity.
• The rule of law: Liberalism places a strong emphasis on the rule of law, which means that everyone, including the government, must be subject to the same legal rules and principles. The rule of law ensures that individuals are treated fairly and that the government does not have arbitrary power to infringe on people’s rights.
• Democracy: Liberalism and democracy are often seen as closely related, and liberal principles have played a significant role in shaping modern democratic systems. In a liberal democracy, individual rights and liberty are protected, and the government is accountable to the people through regular elections and the rule of law. However, it’s important to note that democracy and liberalism are not the same thing, and there are many non-liberal democracies in the world.

Liberalism and Democracy

Liberalism and democracy are often seen as closely related, and liberal principles have played a significant role in shaping modern democratic systems. In a liberal democracy, individual rights and liberty are protected, and the government is accountable to the people through regular elections and the rule of law.

However, it’s important to note that democracy and liberalism are not the same thing, and there are many non-liberal democracies in the world. For example, some democracies have strong centralized governments that are more interventionist in economic and social affairs, while others have more decentralized systems with greater regional autonomy.

Moreover, not all liberal systems are democratic, and there are examples of liberal autocracies, in which the government is not democratically elected but still respects individual rights and liberties. Conversely, there are also examples of democratic systems that are not liberal, in which the government does not fully protect individual rights or the rule of law.

Overall, while liberalism and democracy often go hand in hand, they are not synonymous, and it is possible to have one without the other.

Liberalism has faced various criticisms and challenges over the years, including from rival ideologies such as conservatism and socialism . Some of the main criticisms of liberalism include:

• Lack of attention to social justice and equality: Some critics on the left argue that liberalism is too focused on individual rights and not enough on social justice and equality. They argue that a pure focus on individual liberty can lead to social and economic inequality, and that the government has a role to play in addressing these issues.
• Limited government intervention: Critics on the left also argue that liberalism’s emphasis on limited government intervention can be harmful, especially in cases where the market fails to address important social and economic issues. For example, they may argue that the government needs to play a more active role in addressing poverty, inequality, or environmental problems.
• Promotion of self-interest: Some critics argue that liberalism’s emphasis on individual rights and economic freedom promotes a culture of self-interest and greed, and that it is incompatible with the idea of the common good. They may argue that a more collectivist approach is needed to address societal problems.
• Critiques from the right: Critics on the right, such as conservatives, may argue that liberalism is too permissive and that it undermines traditional values and social order. They may also argue that liberalism’s emphasis on limited government is harmful, and that the government has a role to play in promoting certain moral or social values.

While liberalism has had a significant influence on political thought and policy, it is not without its detractors, and there are ongoing debates about the strengths and limitations of the ideology.

In conclusion, liberalism is a political ideology that emphasizes individual rights, liberty, and limited government. It originated in the Enlightenment era and has since become a dominant force in modern political thought.

The core tenets of liberalism include individual rights and liberty, limited government, free markets and free trade, and the rule of law. Liberalism and democracy are often seen as closely related, and liberal principles have played a significant role in shaping modern democratic systems.

However, liberalism has faced various criticisms and challenges over the years, including from rival ideologies such as conservatism and socialism. Despite these criticisms, liberalism remains an influential force in contemporary political discourse, and its ideas continue to shape political systems and policies around the world.

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This chapter attempts to examine one's own ideological beliefs, to better understand the role of ideology in politics and society. It examines its relevance to modern history both in Britain and in other parts of the world. The chapter analyses the situation in contemporary Britain and considers whether it can be reasonably asserted that there is an ideological consensus in Britain or whether we are now 'beyond ideology'. It distinguishes between 'dominant ideologies' and 'ideologies of resistance', and also between 'restrictive' and 'relaxed' ideologies. The term 'restrictive ideologies' conjures up the image of rigidity, narrowness and bigotry in the ideological cause. Liberalism, conservatism, socialism, Marxism, fascism and the other ideological traditions and movements all have a recognised body of literature expounding the main tenets of their ideological belief systems.

POINTS TO CONSIDER

• Do ideologies help or hinder us in our understanding of society?
• Is there any sense in which ideologies (or any specific ideology) are ‘true’?
• How might one distinguish between ‘dominant ideologies’ and ‘ideologies of resistance’, and also between ‘restrictive’ and ‘relaxed’ ideologies?
• Are the terms ‘left’ ‘right’, and ‘centre’ still useful ways of categorising ideological positions?
• What do some writers mean by the ‘end of ideology’?
• British political parties nowadays often claim to be ‘non-ideological’ – are they right to do so?

Our lives may be more boring than those who lived in apocalyptic times, but being bored is greatly preferable to being prematurely dead because of some ideological fantasy. (Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History , 2000 )

We are now again in an epoch of wars of religion, but a religion is now called an ‘ideology’. (Bertrand Russell, ‘Philosophy and Politics’, Unpopular Essays , 1950)

Ideology is … a system of definite views, ideas, conceptions, and notions adhered to by some class or political party. [Ideology] is always a reflection of the economic system predominant at any given time. ( Soviet Philosophical Dictionary , 1954)

Political debate is widespread in society. Whether we are aware of it or not, most of us are, at a very simple level, political philosophers. In democratic societies like the UK and the USA citizens are expected to have opinions on a wide range of issues that either directly as individuals or collectively as citizens affect their lives.

Even at a simple, unsophisticated level we have views on the ‘correct’ form of government, freedom, equality and equal rights, the ‘proper’ role of government in society, how ‘democratic’ one’s own political system is, the right levels of public spending, and so on. How we think about these and many other subjects will be influenced by the kinds of ideological beliefs we carry around in our heads, the product of our social conditioning, our life experiences and our reflections on them, the nation we live in, our educational level and our social class.

We regularly draw on this store of ideological beliefs when we try to make sense of the world. They may not be logical, well structured or even consistent (tortured are those who try to force their experiences into an ideological straitjacket; and, given enough power, they will often similarly torture others into wearing the same garment), but one’s opinions and actions will make reference to those beliefs. Ideologies can be seen as a form of intellectual ‘map’ to help us find our way about the world, understand our place in it, analyse the political and social events going on around us. Maps vary in their degree of accuracy. One can assess their value by comparison with objective reality and debate with others.

Ideologies are associated with power structures. Politicians seek power. Their ideology and the social, economic and political circumstances of the time influence what they do with that power when they have achieved it. Indeed, it is impossible to separate the two. This applies even to those who deny having an ideology. The use of power always takes place in a framework of ideology. Modern politics can only be properly understood by reference to the great ideological movements: conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism, and so on.

Ideologies tend to have a bad press. They are often dismissed as ‘errors’ or ‘untruths’. If ideology is ‘a window on the world’ it is a window with glass that distorts the vision. The viewer has difficulty thinking beyond these distortions and assumes what he or she believes to be the ‘truth’. Ideology often distorts ‘reality’ and encourages conflict: ‘One man’s ideology is another man’s falsehood.’ Nevertheless, one must not fall into the trap of assuming that all ideologies are of equal validity. They should be respected as important ways of understanding the world. One should also attempt to examine one’s own ideological beliefs, to better understand the role of ideology in politics and society.

The meaning of the term ‘ideology’

So, given that ideology is very important in politics, what is ‘ideology’? Is there something about ideological thought that is distinct from other forms of thinking? David Joravsky provides a useful starting point:

When we call a belief ideological, we are saying at least three things about it: although it is unverified or unverifiable, it is accepted as verified by a particular group, because it performs social functions for that group. 1

In other words, holders of beliefs do not need to have had them ‘proved’ by some rational, scientific form of testing. To the believers they are the ‘truth’, the ‘reality’. All political ideologies claim ‘true’ definitions of liberty, equality, justice, rights and the ‘best’ society. The ‘particular group’ mentioned above might be any social group: class, nation, profession, religious organisation, party or pressure group. All will have sets of ideological assumptions that are unquestioningly accepted as ‘proper’. The ‘social functions’ ideologies perform are numerous. They will include the creation of a sense of group solidarity and cohesion for members of that group through shared ideological values; an explanation of the past, an analysis of the present, and, usually, a vision of the future with some description of how a better future will come about.

There has always been a widely held view in politics and political philosophy that ‘ideology’ merely provides a cloak for the struggle for power, the real stuff of politics. To justify their power and to persuade the people to obey, follow and support them, rulers use ideologies of various kinds. Machiavelli advised, in The Prince (1513), that religion was a very useful tool for the ruler. To Machiavelli the real objective of politics was the getting and keeping of power. Appeals to the welfare of the people were merely part of what we would call the ideological window-dressing, hiding the raw struggle for power.

Machiavelli put his finger on one of the most important roles of ideological belief systems (if we may include religion as one of these, for the moment). Until the last couple of centuries, in most societies the dominant form of belief was religion. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries rational and scientific forms of thought provided a growing challenge to religion. By the eighteenth century there were sharp and bitter tensions between religious and secular attitudes. One of the features of the Enlightenment was a strong, rational critique of religious beliefs and the perceived baleful influence of religion on politics. It was hoped that one could use reason to discover the laws governing the organisation and functioning of society as the laws of science were being used to discover the workings of nature. Once religion and other forms of irrational thought were removed from political discourse, it was believed, rational programmes would enable human society to improve dramatically.

These ‘rational’ forms of thought contributed to the criticism of the ancien régime in France, the French Revolution, and the development of what we now call ‘political ideologies’ that dominated political debate in Europe and the world during the following two centuries. Far from introducing new forms of rationality into politics, ideological forms of thinking tended to create new forms of ‘irrational’ thinking, stirring up and releasing deep political passions that in many ways resembled the emotional commitment to religion. Indeed, political ideologies for many became ‘pseudo-religious’ belief systems that had many of the hallmarks of religious commitment: ‘heretics’ were persecuted, ‘true’ interpretations of the creed formulated, ideological ‘prophets’ identified and definitive texts written to direct the ‘faithful’ into ‘correct’ ways of thought.

Marxism and economic/class factors

By the middle years of the nineteenth century industrialisation was transforming the economies, societies and the belief systems of the Western world. A new way of thinking about society was required. Many writers at the time contributed to the development of what came to be called a science of society: ‘sociology’. The most influential were Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, who had a striking influence on the study of ideology. In fact, they claimed to have created a ‘science’ of ideology.

In their studies of early industrial society Marx and Engels, especially in The German Ideology (1846), argued that there was a close link between the material conditions of society, the ways in which wealth was produced (the ‘substructure’), and the resultant class structure and belief systems (the ‘superstructure’). As the economic system changed so would the ideological system that sustained it, as would the class system that arose from the economic ‘relations of production’ associated with it. Class interests, in their view, shape ideologies. Take liberalism, for example.

Liberalism is an ideology. It claims, like all ideologies, to be a universal set of ‘true’ values that are appropriate for all people in all societies, and not just in a liberal society . Marxists believe that this is not the case. They argue that liberalism is of considerable use as an ideological tool to protect and reinforce the class interests of the property-owning classes (the ‘bourgeoisie’) and help them to exploit the working classes (the proletariat ). Liberalism may make eminent sense to the bourgeoisie, Marxists argue, and it may even convince members of the proletariat, but it essentially serves the interests of the former and helps the exploitation of the latter.

As ideology is associated with class interests, once society has become a one-class society as a consequence of the inevitable ‘proletarian revolution’, these ‘false’ bourgeois ideologies will disappear.

It is worthwhile identifying the interests behind ideological statements of principle by politicians. There is much that is of value in the Marxist analysis of ideology, despite the failure of political systems that described themselves as ‘Marxist’, such as the Soviet Union. However, there was a tendency for Marx and Engels and their ideological descendants to claim that their analysis of society is the one most in line with objective reality – the ‘truth’.

V. I. Lenin, the Russian revolutionary, refined this doctrine of ideology further. In What is to be Done? (1902) Lenin not only worked out a strategy for a revolutionary party but saw socialist ideology as the ideology of the proletariat, a tool which they could use in their struggle for power with the ruling classes. This is a key development in the study of ideology. Henceforth, all Marxist analysis of ideology would treat it as a tool of class interests, whether working-class or ruling-class. Thus the Soviet Union, created by Lenin and built around his revolutionary party, was governed by people using a socialist ideology as the justification for their rule. The ‘exploitation of man by man’ under capitalism was replaced by the ‘exploitation of man by man’ under Soviet socialism.

‘Dominant ideologies’ and ‘ideologies of resistance’

One can understand that ideologies may be perceived as a tool used by dominant social groups to maintain and enhance their established power position in a struggle of ideas. Antonio Gramsci, in Selections from the Prison Notebooks (1921–35), stressed the important role of dominant, or ‘hegemonic’, ideologies in capitalist societies as the means by which the dominant capitalist classes maintain their rule. Dominant ideologies permeate all aspects of society, from popular culture to the education system, from religious institutions to sports. Such ideologies legitimise the political system and the established social system in the minds of the working classes and ensure that the ‘slave is persuaded that he is free’: ‘The proletariat wear their chains willingly. Condemned to perceive reality through the conceptual spectacles of the ruling class they are unable to recognise the nature or extent of their own servitude.’ 2

However, dominant ideologies do not have the field all to themselves. Social and political groups in subservient power positions do not always accept the legitimacy of the system in which they live. Ideologies of resistance, or ‘counter-ideologies’, develop to give purpose and meaning to the social and political struggles of those wishing to reform or overthrow a given social and political structure.

An ideology may shift from being a counter-ideology to a dominant ideology by means of political success: Lenin’s Bolshevik Party, for example, took over the Russian state and created the Soviet Union. Or an ideology might be one of both domination and resistance. Nationalism, for example, can be used by dominant nations as ‘imperialist nationalism’ or by subject nations as ‘anticolonial nationalism’, the former to support their power, the latter to challenge the status quo.

‘Restrictive’ and ‘relaxed’ ideologies

It would be wrong to assume that, although ideological thinking forms a part of all our waking thoughts, the experience of it and degree or intensity of commitment to a set of ideological beliefs are the same for all people. One can make a distinction between what might be called ‘restrictive’ ideological thought and ‘relaxed’ ideological thought.

‘Restrictive ideologies’ are a tightly argued body of ideas that logically hang together in a well-constructed framework, as can be seen in the ‘great texts’ of the ideological traditions that have shaped modern political life. Liberalism, conservatism, socialism, Marxism, fascism and the other ideological traditions and movements all have a recognised body of literature expounding the main tenets of their ideological belief systems. So, for example, the writings of John Locke, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and John Stuart Mill have considerably influenced the development of liberalism. No study of conservatism in Britain would be complete without reference to the speeches and writings of Edmund Burke, in particular his Reflections of the Revolution in France (1790). Marxism, and its class analysis of capitalist society, is, of course, honoured by its eponymous core thinker and voluminous writer, Karl Marx. Hitler and Nazism, Stalin and Stalinism, Mao and Maoism. In all these cases it is impossible to think of the movement without also thinking of the ideological tracts that shaped its image along lines formulated by the leader.

The term ‘restrictive ideologies’ conjures up the image of rigidity, narrowness and bigotry in the ideological cause. It does not necessarily describe some of the great texts associated with political movements. They provide a reference point for thought and action, a sense of identity with, and commitment to, the movement, and often demonstrate a degree of flexibility in practical use that enables ideologies to keep in touch with the world around us and so remain relevant to contemporary concerns. Indeed, democratic politicians sometimes clearly state their political programme in terms of a struggle of ideologies

Paradoxically unless we stake out our ideological boundaries and defend them against external assault and internal subversion we will not attract to our cause the millions of non-ideological supporters who are necessary for our victory. A clear statement of our philosophy is essential to our success and perhaps our survival as a major political force. 3

However, all too often restrictive ideologies can become mere excuses for lack of rationality on the part of the ideologically committed. Ideology becomes a source of narrow-mindedness and unthinking conformity that crushes the originality of the individual adherent. The lives of millions can be oppressed, distorted or lost by political movements driven to impose an ideological ‘truth’ on their society.

‘Relaxed ideologies’, on the other hand, are sets of ideological assumptions shared by a social group. Such beliefs are often not clearly thought out or logical or coherent. They may be indirect and accidental connections of ideology and power. We are all creatures of ideology, even though our ideologies are not necessarily well thought out or logical. The holders of relaxed ideological beliefs may not even be aware that their opinions are ideological; they seem to be just ‘common sense’.

‘Left’, ‘Right’, and ‘Centre’

These terms are a common shorthand in discussions of politics – so common, in fact, that one often uses them without a real grasp of what they mean. The application of ‘left’ and ‘right’ to politics derives from the French Estates General (1789), chaired by King Louis XVI. Delegates were divided into aristocratic members, who sat at the right hand of the king, and the revolutionary and populist members, who sat to the left.

Those on the political right stress patriotism, order, social discipline, traditional values, suspicion of over-powerful governments, and freedom and individuality as a higher political ‘good’ than equality. The centre has somewhat different political values, involving less inequality, a greater role for the state in helping individuals, a greater stress on freedom, and optimism about the possibilities for improving human nature and society. To the left of the centre the emphasis on the role of the state in creating greater social equality grows, including collective ownership of the means of production, greater emphasis on class rights and a class analysis of society. One might imagine a political ‘spectrum’, a horizontal axis , with these ideas and principles shading into one another, rather than distinctive ‘boxes’ with sharp dividing lines between them on principles of social and economic policy.

Political scientists also identify a vertical axis of degrees of ‘authoritarian’ or ‘democratic’ inclinations of ideological supporters. Another vertical axis might be identified as leaning towards the ‘status quo’, or ‘conservative’, view of resisting change as compared with the ‘revolutionary’ or ‘radical change’ wings of an ideological movement.

In recent years the political ‘spectrum’ has been largely replaced as a conceptual tool by a ‘political horseshoe’, in which the far left and far right bend round to be so close as to have much in common in terms of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It is relatively easy for some voters to shift their support from communist to fascist parties and vice versa.

The nature of modern domestic and international politics has raised questions about the continuing validity of the spectrum model of political values and ideologies, which originated in the nineteenth century, for the early twenty-first century. Green politics, environmentalism, feminism, gay politics and animal rights, as well as religious politics, do not fit very easily into such a conceptual framework.

The end of ideology?

It might seem strange, given our view that ideological thought is a permanent feature of politics, to claim that ideology is in decline or even ‘dead’. Yet several writers have argued this, most notably Daniel Bell and Francis Fukuyama.

Daniel Bell, in The End of Ideology ( 1960 ) and later in an article in Government and Opposition (1988), argued that ideological debate was in decline as a means of understanding society. Societies have changed so much that ‘old ideological’ forms of analysing those societies, especially Marxism, are virtually useless. Modern societies are concerned with non-ideological problem solving. They have become more moral, more liberal and only distantly connected with a class analysis of society. Bell’s analysis was greatly influenced by the Cold War struggle and the need to show that Marxism was defunct both as a conceptual tool and for political action.

Francis Fukuyama, in The End of History and the Last Man (1992), elaborated ideas he had previously published to argue that the end of the Cold War had shown the triumph of liberalism and liberal democracy to be the ideologies of modern scientific and technological societies. Liberal democracy was of universal application and represented the ultimate objective of mankind. Ideological conflicts arising out of feminism, nationalism, environmentalism and anti-racism are merely representations of the fundamental worth of liberal-democratic values. Indeed, they take place within a framework of liberal-democratic ideological assumptions.

Bell and Fukuyama and other ‘end of ideology’ writers have been very influential. But they have been attacked for being propagandists for American economic and political domination of the planet. They have also been attacked for having ideas that are in fact highly ideological in themselves and for systematically ignoring evidence that challenges their thesis. There are many peoples, such as those in the Islamic world, who adhere to ideological systems that do not assume that the ‘American’ way is best, or that liberal democracy is the answer to their social and economic problems.

The transmission of ideologies

We have observed that ideologies arise out of particular social circumstances and reflect the structures of power in society. An ideology, however, is customarily presented as a natural and rational analysis of society. It will carry with it the assumption, overt or covert, that opposing ideologies are somehow unnatural and irrational. Ideologies claim they are universally applicable to all peoples in all societies and are not the product of a particular time and place. They create a particular language of meaning and explanation to encourage the individual to develop a sense of being a full member of a major movement for social reform. Certain words and images will act as ‘triggers’ to stimulate a chain of ideas associated with a particular ideology, to encourage solidarity among its supporters and stress the divisions among the supporters of counter-ideologies. As part of this, criticism of the ideology will be associated with negativity and can be dismissed as such by its supporters.

These points may give the impression that one is talking about the restrictive ideological forms of ideology, but they also apply to the relaxed forms of ideology in society. A study of newspapers, television programmes and advertisements reveals many subtle, and not so subtle, conscious or unconscious, ‘tricks’ of the ideological transmission trade.

Ideological assumptions thus affect all aspects of society: family, political parties and pressure groups, local and national politics, and international politics. One must not, however, think that ideologies emerge as part of a conspiracy by a Machiavellian elite to brainwash the public. This would be far too simplistic a view of how ideology develops. Members of the elite in any society rise from that society and generally share the ideological and cultural values of most of its members. There is an ideological element to most aspects of culture. The elite themselves may not realise they are acting selfishly. They may genuinely believe that their views are in the interests of all in society. Marxists, however, would claim such a view of the elite’s awareness of their interests and ideology to be naive.

There are many vehicles by which ideological values are transmitted to society: they include family, work, friends, the mass media, political parties and other political and social institutions. The family plays a crucial role in the socialisation of new citizens into the ideological values of their society. There are power relations between men and women, parents and children, all of whom are influenced by ideological concepts, often unthinkingly acted upon by the members of that family. A child’s first experiences of power in society and the ideological values it acquires occur, almost literally, with their mother’s milk in the context of the family.

Families have an enormous effect on the life chances of their members. Especially important are their occupational and social-class positions, which will play a major role in influencing the educational level of the children, their future occupations, their religious and moral values and their choice of friends. All of these factors will have ideological messages that influence the political values of the individuals concerned. Most such ideological values will be of the relaxed kind, but some people will seek a more restrictive ideological expression of their political views and will join a political party.

Political parties are clearly ideological vehicles, designed to fight elections by appealing to the electorate with a manifesto containing policy proposals that are shaped by ideological values. They must appeal to the electorate with some resonance with the electorate’s own ideological values, garnering enough support to win seats in parliament and, possibly, control of the local or national government. Appointments to cabinet posts by, say, the British prime minister, will be made with reference to a range of factors, which will include experience, competence, intelligence, loyalty; but one of the most important will be ideological compatibility and conformity with the prime minister’s outlook and the broad ideological and policy aims and objectives of the party.

The importance of ideology in modern history

By now the importance of ideologies in political discourse should be clear. But if there are any lingering doubts, the importance of ideology can be observed in the shaping of world history.

The musings of thinkers have ideological content which, in a myriad of direct and indirect ways, influences the thoughts, policies and actions of politicians and people alike. There is not some ‘real’ world where people act in a pragmatic manner. We can only understand the world by reference to ideological points of view, while at the same time being aware of the limitations and distortions of our own deeply held ideological beliefs. One can, therefore, gain some idea of the importance of this key link between ideology, thinkers, power and society by studying examples from history.

Ideological debate was an important feature of political life before the twentieth century, but it has influenced politics during the twentieth century in ways that are different from previous times. To begin with, governments and politicians seek clear ideological justifications for their actions and consciously attempt to carry out policies in line with an ideological agenda. Next, modern communications technology ensures that ideological debate and competition is now global in scope. Furthermore, modern states buttress their power by manipulating public opinion along ideological lines by appealing to ideological principles shared by voters and rulers alike. Third, the role of genuine public opinion (formed as a result of people’s own experiences) in influencing policy is reduced. Ideological ‘spin doctors’ manipulate public opinion to such an extent that there is little ideological debate that does not originate from within the political elites. Finally, sections of the intellectual classes in liberal societies adopt the ideological views and positions of extreme political parties and provide political and economic elites with powerful ideological tools for manipulation of the citizenry.

Political ideology now, more than ever before, is very closely linked to state power whatever the political system. The twentieth century, and one sees little hope that this will change in the twenty-first, was one in which ideological falsification, exaggeration and simplification held sway. Ideologies have often taken on the guise of ‘political religions’, pursuing some form of human perfection, the elimination of all social conflicts, and making claims of being the only vehicles for the ‘truth’. It seems as if this form of ideological politics is a natural product of the mobilisation of millions of voters in a mass democracy.

If one accepts Eric Hobsbawm’s thesis, in The Age of Uncertainty ( 1994 ), that the twentieth century makes historical coherence by being considered as lasting from 1914 to 1991, then it was dominated by ideological struggles for dominance among liberal democracy, fascism and communism.

Societies shaped by liberalism dominated the international system at the start of the twentieth century, although a strain of pessimism seemed to be in the ideological and intellectual air, despite a previous century of great economic, social, political, technological and cultural progress. A belief that the onward march of liberal civilisation would not last was a theme among many thinkers as 1900 dawned.

The First World War was a greater shock than people could possibly have imagined. It badly disrupted the global economic system that had been created by Britain in the nineteenth century and wrecked the liberal assumption of inevitable progress. During the two decades after 1918 pessimism deepened as liberalism appeared discredited and out-dated to millions of Europeans. Many therefore turned to fascism and communism, which they envisaged as offering youthful, optimistic and more effective ideologies of renewal and progress.

One could hardly say that ideology does not matter when one considers its impact on the domestic politics of Italy, Germany and the USSR under Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin, respectively. Fascism and communism contained the most extreme elements of ideology found among the many forms of twentieth-century ideological thought. Complex realities were simplified into one fundamental truth of a struggle of good and evil, right and wrong, with a chosen group based on class, race or belief leading the way to a better world. Political opponents, ‘undesirable’ racial groups and whole social classes were subject to stereotyping, oppression, incarceration and extermination in line with ideological considerations. Common also to both fascist and communist movements was the hatred and contempt for liberal values and parliamentary democracy, which supposedly betrayed the nation or the class.

The consequences for the international balance of power were very great. Nazi foreign policy was formed by an aggressive ideology of expansion. Western liberal democratic suspicions of communist Russia (suspicions that were reciprocated by Stalin) dogged attempts to create a united diplomatic front in the face of the Nazi threat and contributed to the slide into war in the late 1930s. The Nazi–Soviet Pact of August 1939 was shocking not only in terms of its strategic implications, but also in the breathtaking implausibility of two ideological enemies making a non-aggression treaty. Equally implausible was the alliance between liberal democracy and communism that arose during the war that followed.

The Second World War was an ideological struggle with several military dimensions. Fascism and Nazism fought a war against liberal democracies in the West, which their leaderships hoped could be ended by a negotiated peace, despite the Allied declared policy of ‘unconditional surrender’. Nazism fought another war against Soviet communism in the East, a war in which there could be no ideological compromise, no end other than the total defeat of side or the other, a war of incredible levels of ferocity and brutality. Nazi ideology defined whole groups as ‘sub-human’ and the extermination of millions of Jews, Gypsies and Slavs followed. A third ideological conflict, that between the liberal West and Soviet communism, was suspended while Nazi Germany still posed a threat. But even before fighting in Europe had ended, the conflict that was to lead to the Cold War was well under way, with growing suspicion and hostility between the Anglo-Americans on one side of a divided Europe and the Soviets on the other.

The Cold War was the second great ideological struggle of the century. The planet divided into a bi-polar world of liberal-democratic nations under the leadership of the USA and a communist world under Soviet leadership. A ‘Third World’ between the two, neither communist nor capitalist, progressively became the battleground for the ideological and military conflicts of the Cold War. Only the possession of massive conventional forces and nuclear weapons by both the USA and the USSR prevented the deep ideological animosity between the two superpowers from erupting into war during the many crises that punctuated their struggle. By the mid-1980s the Cold War was coming to an end and the ideological conflict was winding down. However, nothing prepared the world for the dramatic end of the Soviet Union and the communist regimes in Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991.

The post-Cold War world seemed to be one in which the ideological struggles of the previous seventy years had come to an end. Liberal democracy appeared triumphant, with the last of its totalitarian enemies gone. However, the end of communism did not mean the end of ideology. Virulent nationalism erupted in Yugoslavia, tearing the state apart, and again in Chechnya, Georgia and other parts of the former Soviet Union. Fascism began to march again in many of the previously communist nations of the East and gained new supporters in the West. Finally, as the new century dawned, virulent Islamic fundamentalism offered a massive challenge to the smug ideological assumptions of the West of a decade earlier.

Ideology was not dead. It had never been absent even in the supremely pragmatic politics of Britain.

The role of ideology in British politics during the age of consensus

It is often stated that the British are ‘pragmatic’ in their political and social arrangements and not greatly influenced by ideological considerations. Implied in this is an assumption, itself ideological (related to nationalism), that British politics is a superior way of doing things compared to the consciously ideological ‘European’ politics. Yet ideological values greatly influenced the development of British politics during the twentieth century, as one can see from a quick resumé of British political thought.

Adam Smith, in The Wealth of Nations ( 1776 ), and David Ricardo, in Principles of Political Economy (1817), have had great influence on the development of free-market economics in Britain during the last two hundred years. Liberal ideas about the minimal state and free trade as the best means towards economic growth and the generation of wealth owe much to their works. Indeed, it is impossible to follow an economic debate today without hearing people, often unconsciously, using the ideas of these long-dead liberal economists. John Locke, writing almost a century before Smith, expressed key liberal elements of the importance of property and individual conscience in economic and political discourse in his Two Treatises of Government (1690). John Stuart Mill, in On Liberty (1859), drew together widespread liberal beliefs of his day to create a powerful statement on behalf of individual freedom. Late nineteenth-century New Liberals reinterpreted liberalism to encourage a greater role for the state in society so as to enhance individual potential in ways that the minimal state would not do. These thinkers and their ideas have had a considerable influence on the development of the post-war consensus , and will no doubt continue to influence twenty-first century politics and economics.

The modern British political debate over the welfare state, the NHS, education, employment and taxation levels makes reference to ideological values. Modern Neo-Liberals (who make a strong case for a return to nineteenth-century classical liberalism) face an uphill battle against the dominance of social-democratic ideology in the debate. So strong is the ideological consensus, so deeply entrenched in the social and political values of modern Britain, that it is almost impossible for us to imagine life in a society without these values and the institutions created to bring them into existence.

This may be true in the case of the restrictive view of ideology. There is, apart from the political extremes, very little reference to liberalism, socialism, conservatism, and so on, in the debates that occur in British politics. Even at election time, so it is argued, there is little that might be called ideological, only a pragmatic reference to, for example, what level of taxes to pay for public services.

However, that is not the case with relaxed ideologies. Some writers, such as Samuel Beer, in Modern British Politics (1965) and Britain Against Itself (1982), and Peter Jenkins, Mrs Thatcher’s Revolution (1987), have argued that British politics is very ideological; so ideological, in fact, that it has damaged the country’s economic performance as incoming governments abruptly changed policies in line with their ideological commitments: nationalisation and privatisation, high taxes or low taxes, high public spending or spending cuts, and so on.

The post-war consensus and ideology

Even if the arguments of Beer and Jenkins are not completely accepted there are grounds for claiming that British politics has been very ideological in the relaxed sense of the term, even if not in the restricted sense.

The post-war era since 1945 has been dominated by an ideological ‘consensus’, whatever the pragmatic claims made for it. Policy considerations, while acquiring the label ‘pragmatic’ or even ‘common-sense’, can be ideological in their underlying assumptions, in a sense that is associated with social democracy. From the wartime coalition government until the early 1980s all the major parties, both in and out of government, largely agreed on the basics of government policy. These included the following:

• a commitment to full employment by the use, if necessary, of Keynesian Demand Management techniques;
• the creation of a welfare state with extensive social benefits in terms of health (the NHS), pensions, childcare and benefits, unemployment and sickness payments and expanding educational opportunities;
• the encouragement of economic growth to ensure full employment and the means to pay for welfare state provision;
• a ‘mixed economy’ of state-owned (‘nationalised’) key industries, such as coal, steel, railways, working within an economy that largely remained in private hands;
• a ‘corporatist’ (sometimes called ‘tri-partist’) approach to economic planning that involved the co-operation of government, business and organised labour;
• the dissolution of the empire (largely completed within twenty years of 1945);
• a commitment in defence and foreign policy to the Atlantic Alliance with the USA, the acquisition and maintenance of a nuclear deterrence, and, from the late 1950s, closer political and economic links with the states of Western Europe.

There was often little difference between Labour and Conservative governments. Their pragmatism was based on the acceptance of similar policy goals in order to win elections. Yet this is clearly an example of ideology. It assumes a significant role for the state in the economy and society. There is a strong belief in state intervention to improve social and economic conditions, a belief based on a very clear set of ideological assumptions that can be identified as being ‘centre-left’ or ‘social-democratic’ in their orientation.

However, even during the high point of this consensus, from, say, 1945 to the early 1970s, there were those in both major parties who were opposed to the consensus policies of their respective leaderships. The left of the Labour Party wanted greater state intervention and control in society and the economy, while the right of the Conservative Party wanted a massive withdrawal of the state from any areas of social and economic activity and a significant reduction in the levels of taxation. They had little actual effect on the policies of their parties, as consensus politics appeared to be what the majority of the electorate wanted. Political debate and electoral competition revolved around who could manage the system best, who could deliver the greatest level of economic growth, public services and social improvement for least cost and effort.

This social-democratic consensus was successful in establishing an ideological grip on British politics for a number of reasons. The mass unemployment, poverty and failure of the 1930s discredited the minimal state policies of the governments of the day. The Second World War involved massive state intervention in the form of ‘War Socialism’ that led to victory. If such methods could defeat the Nazis why, it was widely demanded, should state planning not defeat poverty and unemployment afterwards? At last, the long economic boom of the 1950s and 1960s appeared to show that Keynesian economics worked and governments did not have to make difficult choices about state spending and private income levels. Economic growth would enable Britain to have both excellent public services and high individual standards of living.

Challenges in the 1970s

The 1970s challenged the post-war consensus. There were a number of reasons for this. The post-war economic boom came to an end with growing economic difficulties, especially rising inflation and unemployment. Economic decline became more obvious as mining, shipbuilding, steelmaking, textiles and heavy engineering went into apparently terminal decline. With that decline came the shrinking of trade-union membership. By the 1970s the postwar generation that grew up with the welfare state and social democracy were a majority of the electorate. At the same time economic prosperity was growing in the new service sector and white-collar areas of the economy. With that came a new individualism, a new impatience at the inefficient and collectivist provision of state-run services and industries.

In both the Labour and the Conservative parties the anti-consensus elements recognised their opportunities for power. The Labour Party moved to the left, thereby losing both members and a close connection with the Labour Government (1974–79). In 1981 it split over ideological issues, with many of its right wing going on to form the Social Democratic Party (before ending up after its demise a few years later in the Liberal Democrat Party). The Conservatives moved to the right, slowly at first, but gathering pace under the leadership of Mrs Thatcher after 1975. These ideological changes were of significance in the following decade. The Labour Party was condemned by voters as extreme, and it subsequently lost four elections in a row. The Conservative Party, in power (1979–97), was able to pursue policies that challenged many aspects of the post-war consensus.

A new consensus?

The Thatcher and Major governments attempted to create a new right-ofcentre ideological consensus for British politics, heavily influenced by neoliberalism, and to bring about a fundamental shift away from the social-democratic consensus. The features included the following:

• The concept of the mixed economy was to be challenged by the transfer of state-owned industries to the private sector, a process known as ‘privatisation’.
• Corporatism was to be rejected and the role for trade unions and business in formal government economic planning was to be ended.
• There was a strong commitment to market economics as the best means of ensuring economic efficiency and high levels of economic growth.
• Keynesian economic management was to be abandoned, along with the commitment to maintaining full employment. Inflation was to be the major economic ‘dragon’ for the government to slay, by the adoption of free-market and ‘monetarist’ policies.
• The welfare state was to be challenged with cuts in benefits and entitlements, the introduction of more means testing for claimants, and the introduction of market solutions into the health and education services.
• The level of taxation on both individuals and businesses was to be steadily reduced as incentives for both to work harder, and take risks and succeed. There were clearly strong elements of liberalism at work here in the economic policies and in the stress on individualism and individual choice and effort. Conservatism raised the role of the family, traditional values, patriotism, discipline and hierarchy. It was even possible to see elements of Marxism in the emphasis on the role of economics in building society.

The new consensus can be recognised in the Labour Party’s shift to a right-of-centre programme under Neil Kinnock, John Smith and, especially, Tony Blair. There was no significant reversal of Conservative policies after Labour came to power in 1997. Welfare spending was kept under tight control, helped by high levels of economic growth and low unemployment. Attacks were made on benefit fraudsters and the automatic nature of some benefits. There was considerable support for free-market capitalism, no return to corporatism and no great changes to the tough trade-union legislation of the 1980s. No nationalisation occurred, although Conservatives claimed that the end of RailTrack in 2001, during Labour’s second term, was the thin end of the wedge leading to renationalisation. Even policies such as the minimum wage and family income-tax credits were designed to encourage people into work rather than rely on state benefits. Pragmatic policies, yes, but with ideological underpinnings familiar to the post-war consensus and its successor.

People have ideological beliefs, even if these beliefs are not very coherent. Ideological beliefs are beyond rational or scientific testing, whatever the claims of their proponents. Such beliefs perform a social role for those who hold them. Some critics argue that ideologies are simply instruments of power, wielded by the dominant groups in society. Another hostile opinion is that ideologies, especially ‘restrictive’ ones, mentally enslave those who believe in them. Some modern thinkers have argued that ‘ideology is dead’, that no one believes in any ideology, and that conflicts no longer have an ideological basis. Opponents of such views can point to abundant evidence that liberal capitalism is deeply influenced by ideology. Ideological beliefs were of profound influence in twentieth-century history. New forms of ideology, such as militant Islamism, seem likely to be important in the twenty-first century. While it may be true that ideology in the ‘restrictive’ sense is largely absent from British politics, this is certainly not the case with ‘relaxed’ ideology. From 1945 to 1979 there was a clear consensus between the major parties which constituted such an ideology. A consensus exists today, though it is far more influenced by neo-liberalism than was the case in the period before 1979.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER READING

1 D. Joravsky, ‘Soviet Ideology’, Soviet Studies , 18 (1966).

2 J. Femia, Gramsci’s Political Thought (Oxford University Press, 1981).

3 R. Hattersley, Choose Freedom (Michael Joseph, 1987).

Barry, N. ‘Ideology’, in P. Dunleavy et al. , Developments in British Politics 3 (Macmillan, 1990), pp. 17–41.

Dutton, D. British Politics Since 1945: The Rise and Fall of Consensus (Blackwell, 1991).

Eagleton, T. Ideology: An Introduction (Verso, 1991).

Eatwell, R. ‘Ideologies: Approaches and Trends’, in R. Eatwell and A. Wright (eds.), Contemporary Political Ideologies (Pinter, 1993), pp. 1–22.

Goodwin, B. ‘Ideology’, in B. Goodwin, Using Political Ideas (John Wiley and Sons, 2001), pp. 17–31.

Heywood, A. ‘Introduction: Understanding Ideology’, in A. Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction (Macmillan, 1992), pp. 1–23.

Leach, R. British Political Ideologies (Philip Allen, 1991).

MacKenzie, I. ‘Introduction: The Arena of Ideology’, in R. Eccleshall et al. , Political Ideologies: An Introduction (Routledge, 1994), pp. 1–27.

McLellan, D. Ideology (Open University Press, 1986).

Plamenatz, J. Ideology (Macmillan, 1972).

Plant, R. ‘The Resurgence of Ideology’, in H. Drucker et al. , Developments in British Politics (Macmillan, 1984), pp. 7–29.

Plant, R. ‘Ideology’, in H. Drucker et al. , Developments in British Politics 2 (Macmillan, 1988), pp. 8–33.

Seliger, M. Ideology and Politics (Allen and Unwin, 1976).

Thomas, G. P. ‘British Politics 1945 to Date: The Postwar Consensus’, Taking Politics , 7:2 (1995), pp. 117–24.

Vincent, A. ‘The Nature of Ideology’, in A. Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies (Blackwell, 1996), pp. 1–21.

SAMPLE QUESTIONS

1 Are ideologies simply a cloak for the pursuit of power?

2 Are ideologies developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of any value in the twenty-first?

3 ‘While ideology shaped the twentieth century, we have now come to the end of ideology.’ Do you think this is true, and if so is it a cause for rejoicing?

4 Why do you think ‘ideological’ is seen as such a term of abuse in modern Western democracies?

5 To what extent would you agree with the opinion that politics has become less ideological?

6 ‘In Britain at least, the old ideological divisions between the parties are obsolete.’ Is this true?

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Annual Review of Political Science

Volume 18, 2015, review article, the new look in political ideology research.

• Edward G. Carmines 1 , and Nicholas J. D'Amico 1
• View Affiliations Hide Affiliations Affiliations: Department of Political Science, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana 47405; email: [email protected] , [email protected]
• Vol. 18:205-216 (Volume publication date May 2015) https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-060314-115422
• First published as a Review in Advance on December 17, 2014
• © Annual Reviews

Over 50 years of research into American political ideology have left scholars with a contested paradigm. One side argues that the mass public is distinctly nonideological. The other side argues that ideological thinking is not beyond the public. The way forward for research in political ideology does not lie in rehashing this debate but in advancing two new areas of work. The first considers the role that values and principles play in determining the political and ideological thinking of individuals. The second questions the current conception and measurement standards of political ideology. This research argues that ideology among the American mass public is formed by positions along two related but separate dimensions. In this article, we summarize the major arguments of and criticisms of current ideology research. Then we discuss recent research on principles and values and the measurement of ideology.

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Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Political Ideology — A Comparison Of Political Philosophy And Political Ideology 

A Comparison of Political Philosophy and Political Ideology 

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Published: May 31, 2021

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Introduction, the meaning of political philosophy and political ideology, the nature of political philosophy and ideology, the functions of political philosophy and ideology.

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Study suggests political ideology is associated with differences in brain structure, but less so than previously thought

by Cell Press

Conservative voters have slightly larger amygdalas than progressive voters—by about the size of a sesame seed. In a replication study published September 19 in the journal iScience, researchers revisited the idea that progressive and conservative voters have identifiable differences in brain morphology, but with a 10x larger and more diverse sample size than the original study.

Their results confirmed that the size of a person's amygdala is associated with their political views but failed to find a consistent association between politics and the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC).

Anatomical differences in both the amygdala and ACC varied depending on a person's economic and social ideology—which aren't necessarily aligned—indicating that relationships between political ideology and brain structure are nuanced and multidimensional.

"It was really a surprise that we replicated the amygdala finding," says first author and political psychology and neuroscience researcher Diamantis Petropoulos Petalas of The American College of Greece and member of the @HotPoliticsLab at the University of Amsterdam. "Quite honestly, we did not expect to replicate any of these findings."

The new study, which aimed to replicate a widely shared 2011 study that was based on 90 UK university students, used pre-existing MRI brain scans from 928 individuals aged 19-26 whose levels of education and political identities were representative of the Dutch population.

Because the Netherlands has a multi-party political system, the study was also able to compare brain structures along the continuum from left- to rightwing, in contrast to the two-party UK system. In addition, the researchers looked at the participants' "ideology" from various angles, including their political identity and stance on socioeconomic issues, which allowed them to compare brain structures along different dimensions of progressivism and conservativism.

The researchers paired the brain data with a questionnaire about the participants' politics, which included questions about their social and economic identity (e.g., how they view themselves on a sliding scale of progressive to conservative, and which political party they identify with), and questions pertaining to their social and economic ideology (e.g., where they stand on different social and economic issues , such as women's and LGBQT rights, income inequality, and profit sharing).

"We see ideology as a complex, multidimensional product that includes different attitudes on social and economic matters, as well as identification with progressive or conservative ideals; it's really not just about the left or the right," says Petropoulos.

In agreement with the original study, the researchers found an association between conservatism and the volume of gray matter in the amygdala; however, this association was three times weaker compared to the original study.

"The amygdala controls the perception and the understanding of threats and risk uncertainty, so it makes a lot of sense that individuals who are more sensitive towards these issues have higher needs for security, which is something that typically aligns with more conservative ideas in politics," says Petropoulos.

The association between amygdala size and conservatism also depended on the political party that the individual identified with—for example, participants who identified with the socialist party, which has radically left-wing economic policies but more conservative social values, had on average more gray matter in the amygdala compared to other progressive parties.

"The Netherlands has a multi-party system, with different parties representing a spectrum of ideologies, and we find a very nice positive correlation between the parties' political ideology and the amygdala size of that person," says Petropoulos.

"That speaks to the idea that we're not talking about a dichotomous representation of ideology in the brain, such as Republicans versus Democrats as in the US, but we see a more fine-grained spectrum of how political ideology can be reflected in the brain's anatomy."

However, in contrast to the original study, the team did not find any association between conservatism and a smaller volume of gray matter in the ACC, a brain region involved in error detection, impulse control, and emotional regulation.

The researchers also extended their analysis to examine potential associations between political identity and other regions of the brain. This analysis uncovered a positive association between the gray matter volume in the right fusiform gyrus, a region in the temporal lobe that is essential for visual and cognitive functions, and economic and social conservatism.

"These regions have to do with facial recognition, so it makes sense that they might be involved when one is thinking about political issues, because political issues often remind us of the political personas that represent ideology on those issues," says Petropoulos. "Just the memory of the face of a politician, for instance, might make the fusiform gyrus light up a little."

The MRI scans used in this study provide information only on the anatomy of different brain regions, but the researchers say that future work should integrate information about the functional connections between the amygdala and different parts of the brain.

"I think the future of this endeavor to identify political orientations in the brain will be to look more towards functional connectivity network and neural synchrony studies—how brain networks organize and synchronize between individuals, and whether there are differences in this synchronization when individuals with different political ideologies consume similar content," says Petropoulos.

Journal information: iScience

Provided by Cell Press

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