short essay on social conflict

Essays About Conflict in Life: Top 5 Examples and Prompts

Conflict is a broad and gripping topic, but most struggle to write about it. See our top essays about conflict in life examples and prompts to start your piece.

Conflict occurs when two people with different opinions, feelings, and behaviours disagree. It’s a common occurrence that we can observe wherever and whenever we are. Although conflicts usually imply negative aspects, they also have benefits such as stronger relationships and better communication.

To aid you in your paper, here are five examples to familiarize you with the subject: 

1. Useful Notes On 4 Major Types Of Conflicts (Motivational Conflict) By Raghavendra Pras

2. encountering conflict by julius gregory, 3. complete guide to understanding conflict and conflict resolution by prasanna, 4. analysis of personal conflict experience by anonymous on gradesfixer, 5. personal conflict resolving skills essay by anonymous on ivypanda, 1. conflict: what is and how to avoid it, 2. conflicts in our everyday lives, 3. review on movies or books about conflicts, 4. actions and conflicts , 5. conflicts at home, 6. conflicts that changed my life, 7. my personal experience in covert conflict, 8. cascading conflicts, 9. how does conflict in life benefit you, 10. the importance of conflict management.

“Conflict… results when two or more motives drive behaviour towards incompatible goals.”

Pras regards conflict as a source of frustration with four types. Experimental psychologists identified them as approach-approach, avoidance-avoidance, approach-avoidance, and multiple approach-avoidance. He discusses each through his essay and uses theoretical analysis with real-life examples to make it easier for the readers to understand.

“The nature of conflict shows that conflict can either push people away or bring them into having a closer, more comfortable relationship.”

The main points of Gregory’s essay are the typical causes and effects of conflicts. He talks about how people should not avoid conflicts in their life and instead solve them to learn and grow. However, he’s also aware that no matter if a dispute is big or small, it can lead to severe consequences when it’s wrongly dealt with. He also cites real-life events to prove his points. At the end of the essay, he acknowledges that one can’t wholly avoid conflict because it’s part of human nature.

“…it is important to remember that regardless of the situation, it is always possible to resolve a conflict in some constructive or meaningful way.”

To help the reader understand conflict and resolutions, Prasanna includes the types, causes, difficulties, and people’s reactions to it. She shows how broad conflict is by detailing each section. From simple misunderstandings to bad faith, the conflict has varying results that ultimately depend on the individuals involved in the situation. Prasanna ends the essay by saying that conflict is a part of life that everyone will have to go through, no matter the relationship they have with others. 

“I also now understand that trying to keep someone’s feelings from getting hurt might not always be the best option during a conflict.”

To analyze how conflict impacts lives, the author shares his personal experience. He refers to an ex-friend, Luke, as someone who most of their circle doesn’t like because of his personality. The author shares their arguments, such as when Luke wasn’t invited to a party and how they tried to protect his feelings by not telling Luke people didn’t want him to be there. Instead, they caved, and Luke was allowed to the gathering. However, Luke realized he wasn’t accepted at the party, and many were uncomfortable around him.

The essay further narrates that it was a mistake not to be honest from the beginning. Ultimately, the writer states that he would immediately tell someone the truth rather than make matters worse.

“To me if life did not have challenges and difficult circumstances we were never going to know the strength that we have in us.”

The essay delves into the writer’s conflicts concerning their personal feelings and professional boundaries. The author narrates how they initially had a good relationship with a senior until they filed for a leave. Naturally, they didn’t expect the coworker to lie and bring the situation to their committee. However, the author handled it instead of showing anger by respecting their relationship with the senior, controlling their emotion, and communicating properly.

10 Helpful Prompts On Essays About Conflict in Life

Below are easy writing prompts to use for your essay:

Define what constitutes a conflict and present cases to make it easier for the readers to imagine. To further engage your audience, give them imaginary situations where they can choose how to react and include the results of these reactions. 

If writing this prompt sounds like a lot of work, make it simple. Write a 5-paragraph essay instead.

There are several types of conflict that a person experiences throughout their life. First, discuss simple conflicts you observe around you. For example, the cashier misunderstands an order, your mom forgets to buy groceries, or you have clashing class schedules. 

Pick a movie or book and summarize its plot. Share your thoughts regarding how the piece tackles the conflicts and if you agree with the characters’ decisions. Try the 1985 movie The Heavenly Kid , directed by Cary Medoway, or Where the Conflict Really Lies: Science, Religion, and Naturalism by philosopher Alvin Plantinga.

In this essay, describe how actions can lead to conflict and how specific actions can make a conflict worse. Make your essay interesting by presenting various characters and letting them react differently to a particular conflict.

For example, Character A responds by being angry and making the situation worse. Meanwhile, Character B immediately solves the discord by respectfully asking others for their reasons. Through your essay, you’ll help your readers realize how actions significantly affect conflicts. You’ll also be able to clearly explain what conflicts are.

Your home is where you first learn how to handle conflicts, making it easier for your readers to relate to you. In your essay, tell a story of when you quarreled with a relative and how you worked it out.  For instance, you may have a petty fight with your sibling because you don’t want to share a toy. Then, share what your parents asked you to do and what you learned from your dispute.

If there are simple conflicts with no serious consequences, there are also severe ones that can impact individuals in the long run. Talk about it through your essay if you’re comfortable sharing a personal experience. For example, if your parents’ conflict ended in divorce, recount what it made you feel and how it affected your life.

Covert conflict occurs when two individuals have differences but do not openly discuss them. Have you experienced living or being with someone who avoids expressing their genuine feelings and emotions towards you or something? Write about it, what happened, and how the both of you resolved it.

Some results of cascading conflict are wars and revolutions. The underlying issues stem from a problem with a simple solution but will affect many aspects of the culture or community. For this prompt, pick a relevant historical happening. For instance, you can talk about King Henry VIII’s demand to divorce his first wife and how it changed the course of England’s royal bloodline and nobles.

People avoid conflict as much as possible because of its harmful effects, such as stress and fights. In this prompt, focus on its positive side. Discuss the pros of engaging in disputes, such as having better communication and developing your listening and people skills.

Explain what conflict management is and expound on its critical uses. Start by relaying a situation and then applying conflict resolution techniques. For example, you can talk about a team with difficulties making a united decision. To solve this conflict, the members should share their ideas and ensure everyone is allowed to speak and be heard.

Here are more essay writing tips to help you with your essay.

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124 Conflict Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Writing an essay on conflict can be both challenging and thought-provoking. Conflict is an unavoidable aspect of human existence, and it can manifest in various forms, such as interpersonal conflicts, societal conflicts, or even conflicts within oneself. To help you explore this complex topic, here are 124 conflict essay topic ideas and examples that can serve as a source of inspiration for your writing.

Interpersonal Conflicts:

• The impact of communication breakdown on interpersonal conflicts.
• Resolving conflicts in romantic relationships: Strategies for success.
• The role of empathy in resolving conflicts between friends.
• The influence of cultural differences on interpersonal conflicts.
• The effects of social media on conflict resolution in friendships.
• The connection between conflict and power dynamics in relationships.
• Conflict resolution strategies for dealing with difficult family members.
• The role of compromise in resolving conflicts between siblings.
• The impact of unresolved childhood conflicts on adult relationships.
• Conflict management techniques for resolving workplace disputes.

Societal Conflicts: 11. The causes and consequences of political conflicts in developing countries. 12. The role of social media in fueling societal conflicts. 13. The impact of religious conflicts on society. 14. The influence of socioeconomic disparities on societal conflicts. 15. The role of education in preventing societal conflicts. 16. The effects of ethnic conflicts on economic development. 17. The connection between gender inequality and societal conflicts. 18. The impact of globalization on societal conflicts. 19. The role of media in perpetuating societal conflicts. 20. Conflict resolution strategies for addressing racial tensions in society.

Internal Conflicts: 21. Exploring the internal conflict between personal desires and societal expectations. 22. The impact of self-doubt on internal conflicts. 23. Overcoming internal conflicts between ambition and contentment. 24. The role of fear in internal conflicts. 25. The connection between guilt and internal conflicts. 26. The effects of trauma on internal conflicts. 27. The influence of cultural norms on internal conflicts. 28. The role of self-reflection in resolving internal conflicts. 29. The impact of unresolved internal conflicts on mental health. 30. Strategies for achieving inner peace amidst internal conflicts.

Conflict in Literature and Film: 31. Analyzing the theme of conflict in Shakespeare's plays. 32. The portrayal of societal conflicts in dystopian literature. 33. Exploring the internal conflicts of the protagonist in a novel. 34. The role of external conflicts in driving the plot of a film. 35. The influence of conflict on character development in literature. 36. The depiction of interpersonal conflicts in romantic comedies. 37. The effects of war-related conflicts in historical novels. 38. Analyzing the symbolism of conflict in a poem. 39. The portrayal of family conflicts in contemporary literature. 40. The impact of moral conflicts on the actions of a film's protagonist.

Global Conflicts: 41. The causes and consequences of wars in the Middle East. 42. The role of diplomacy in resolving global conflicts. 43. The impact of climate change on international conflicts. 44. Analyzing the conflict between developed and developing nations. 45. The influence of resource scarcity on global conflicts. 46. The connection between terrorism and global conflicts. 47. The effects of colonialism on current global conflicts. 48. The role of international organizations in preventing conflicts. 49. The impact of nuclear weapons on global conflicts. 50. Conflict resolution strategies for achieving world peace.

Conflict in History: 51. The causes and outcomes of the American Civil War. 52. Analyzing the conflicts of World War I from multiple perspectives. 53. The influence of ideological conflicts on the Cold War. 54. The effects of colonial conflicts on the decolonization process. 55. The connection between religious conflicts and the Crusades. 56. The impact of territorial disputes on conflicts in Southeast Asia. 57. Exploring the conflicts surrounding the French Revolution. 58. The role of nationalism in fueling conflicts in the Balkans. 59. The effects of conflicts on the rise and fall of empires. 60. Analyzing the conflicts during the Civil Rights Movement.

Conflict in Science and Technology: 61. The ethical dilemmas and conflicts in genetic engineering. 62. The impact of conflicts between scientific progress and religious beliefs. 63. The role of conflicts in the development of artificial intelligence. 64. Analyzing conflicts between privacy and surveillance in the digital age. 65. The effects of conflicts between environmental conservation and industrial development. 66. The connection between conflicts in scientific research and funding. 67. The influence of conflicts over intellectual property in technology. 68. Exploring conflicts in bioethics and medical advancements. 69. The impact of conflicts between scientific evidence and public opinion. 70. Analyzing conflicts in the regulation of emerging technologies.

Conflict in Sports: 71. The effects of conflicts between athletes and team management. 72. The role of conflicts in sports rivalries. 73. Analyzing conflicts between players and referees in sports. 74. The impact of conflicts between fans and players on sports events. 75. The connection between conflicts in sports and nationalism. 76. The influence of conflicts in sports doping scandals. 77. Exploring conflicts between athletes' personal beliefs and sports regulations. 78. The effects of conflicts between sports teams and sponsors. 79. The role of conflict resolution in sports coaching. 80. Analyzing conflicts in gender equality and representation in sports.

Conflict and Social Justice: 81. The causes and consequences of conflicts in the fight against racial discrimination. 82. The influence of conflicts in gender equality movements. 83. The impact of conflicts in LGBTQ+ rights advocacy. 84. Analyzing conflicts in the pursuit of disability rights. 85. The connection between conflicts in immigration policies and social justice. 86. The effects of conflicts in environmental activism. 87. Exploring conflicts in the criminal justice system and prison reform. 88. The role of conflicts in indigenous rights movements. 89. The impact of conflicts in economic inequality and wealth distribution. 90. Analyzing conflicts in the fight against human trafficking.

Conflict and Education: 91. The causes and outcomes of conflicts in school settings. 92. The influence of conflicts between teachers and students on academic performance. 93. The effects of conflicts in standardized testing and educational policies. 94. The connection between conflicts in school bullying and mental health. 95. The role of conflicts in the inclusion of students with disabilities. 96. The impact of conflicts in educational funding and resource allocation. 97. Analyzing conflicts in the implementation of multicultural education. 98. The effects of conflicts in teacher unions and labor rights. 99. The role of conflict resolution in promoting a positive school climate. 100. Exploring conflicts in educational equity and access.

Conflict and Health: 101. The causes and consequences of conflicts in healthcare systems. 102. The influence of conflicts in medical ethics and patient care. 103. The impact of conflicts in vaccination policies and public health. 104. Analyzing conflicts in access to healthcare and healthcare disparities. 105. The effects of conflicts in mental health stigma and treatment. 106. The connection between conflicts in medical research and informed consent. 107. The role of conflicts in the pharmaceutical industry and drug pricing. 108. Exploring conflicts in end-of-life care and euthanasia. 109. The effects of conflicts in reproductive rights and healthcare. 110. Analyzing conflicts in alternative medicine and traditional healthcare systems.

Conflict and Technology: 111. The causes and consequences of conflicts in online privacy. 112. The influence of conflicts in cybersecurity and data breaches. 113. The impact of conflicts in artificial intelligence and job displacement. 114. Analyzing conflicts in social media regulation and freedom of speech. 115. The effects of conflicts in digital divide and access to technology. 116. The connection between conflicts in online harassment and mental health. 117. The role of conflicts in technology addiction and screen time. 118. Exploring conflicts in the regulation of autonomous vehicles. 119. The impact of conflicts in copyright infringement and intellectual property. 120. Analyzing conflicts in technology-based surveillance and civil liberties.

Conflict and the Environment: 121. The causes and consequences of conflicts in climate change policies. 122. The influence of conflicts in natural resource extraction and conservation. 123. The impact of conflicts in environmental activism and protests. 124. Analyzing conflicts in land rights and indigenous environmentalism.

These essay topic ideas and examples cover a wide range of conflict-related themes and can serve as a starting point for your writing. Remember to choose a topic that interests you and aligns with your essay's purpose. Good luck with your essay, and may your exploration of conflict deepen your understanding of the world around you.

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Essay Samples on Conflict

How to resolve conflict without violence: building peaceful communities.

Conflict is an inevitable aspect of human interactions, and while disagreements are a natural part of life, it is essential to address and resolve them without resorting to violence. By employing effective methods and strategies, individuals and communities can navigate conflicts constructively, fostering harmonious relationships...

• Conflict Resolution

The UPS Teamsters Strike: Navigating Negotiations and Economic Impact

The Looming UPS Teamsters Strike After months of negotiations, the UPS Teamsters union and UPS management reached a tentative agreement on July 26, 2023, potentially averting a nationwide strike. The Teamsters strike had been authorized for early August if a deal was not reached, which...

• Employee Engagement

The Enduring Issue of Conflict: From Imperialism to WWI and WWII

Introduction Conflict is a very significant enduring issue in history. Conflict is a serious disagreement or argument. There can be conflict between individuals, groups of people, and even nations, is significant because it affects a lot of people and has long-lasting effects. Some issues of...

• Enduring Issue
• Imperialism

Conflict Theory and Ageism in Aging Discrimination

The advantage characteristic of the conflict theory is that it creates a continuous constant, drive for the middle and upper topmost class of young people to accumulate compile, wealth to maintain preserve their social class. This is good because it ensures guarantee the economy grows....

• Discrimination

The Link Between Identity and Purpose in Life in "Never Let Me Go"

It is known to man that when one knows what when you can find your purpose find a sense of identity to yourself. In “Never Let Me Go” The story focuses on Kathy H., who portrays herself as a guardian, talking about looking after organ...

• Book Review
• Never Let Me Go

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Ton Of Conflict In Sonny's Blues

There is a ton of conflict at work in 'Sonny's Blues.' The general clash in this story is between black presence and white society, and this has unequivocally affected how the storyteller sees the world. He depicts this battle of experiencing childhood in Harlem, where...

• Sonny's Blues

My Personal Opinion on the Types of Conflict Resolution

Normally there are four types of conflict resolution strategies: Avoiding, Competing, Accommodating, and Collaborating. Avoiding is about a withdraw of a conflict. Competing is about a team being divided into two parties and instead of being collaborative they just fight and compete about who idea...

• Collaboration
• Conflict Resolution Theory

Kokata: Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanism of the Kambata People of SNNPRS

Governments may find it usually difficult to find solution for a conflict of any type-be within a particular group, between groups or relating to between their own and outside groups, for example border conflict. This may be as they aspire to address conflict only using...

Analysis of the Salam Model of Conflict Resolution

Man is essentially a social being who necessarily must interact and compete with other members of his social setting to achieve anything. The Holy Qur’an alludes to this innate quality of man when it states that “And everyone has a goal which dominates him; vie,...

• Competition

Theme of Conflict In 'A View From The Bridge'

Conflict is a theme which has quite a large role in this play because all the characters have a little bit of conflict between each other. In 1930s Brooklyn, there was conflict between two cultures due to Italians moving over to America. This caused conflict...

• A View From The Bridge
• Arthur Miller

Don Nardo's The Persian Gulf War and Its Detalisation of Conflicts

The Persian Gulf War By Don Nardo goes into detail about the conflict between Iran and Iraq, Kuwait, United States and more. In the introduction it starts off by stating “The world was stunned on August 2, 1990, by alarming news.[...]¨(7). The alarming news was...

• Persian Gulf

Conflict among Nations as a Global Issue Throughout History

Throughout history, enduring issues have developed across time and societies. One such issue is conflict, this is a disagreement between two opposing parties. This issue is significant as it can destroy empires, encourage innovations, and kill or displace civilians. You can see the significance of...

• Controversial Issue

An Argument for Constructing a Resolution Strategy for Ethnic Conflict

Global conflict refers to the disputes between different nations or states. It also refers to the conflicts between organizations and people in various nation-states. Furthermore, it applies to inter-group conflicts within a country in cases where one group is fighting for increased political, economic, or...

• Ethnic Identity
• Religious Pluralism

Different Conflict Situations In A Diverse Workplace

Joanne Barrett, a recruitment specialist states that when in a workplace with employees of different cultures, backgrounds, beliefs and values, conflict is bound to happen. Showing respect towards fellow colleagues in the organisation is important as to help solve it. Barret suggested that employers and...

How Conflict Can Be Normal In All Relationships

While conflict can be normal in all relationships, it should be a last resort by all means. Relationships should be a mutual effort and be based on communication. Reason being, it can lead to an unhealthy relationship, create a negative perception of the relationship, and...

• Relationship

Issue Of Conflict Mineral Mining In Congo

It is no major secret that the area of land that makes up the Democratic Republic of the Congo (referred to in this paper by its shortened name, the Congo) has been in a state of conflict for the past 40 years or more, with...

• Natural Resources

Reflection On Conflicts And Its Management In My Company

There is no universal explanation of what a conflict is, but can be considered, any situation in which the people’s perspectives, interests, goals, principles, or feelings are divergent. To ensure cooperation and productivity in any given company, every aspect of conflict must be appropriately dealt...

The War In Yemen: Roots Of The Conflict

The current war in Yemen has been ongoing for three years, since 2015. The Houthi rebels and Yemen’s government are in a bloody war. Roots for conflict started with the failure of a political change when the then president handed over his power to his...

• What Is History

Cultural Conflicts In Multinational Corporations: Michelin Company Case

Michelin was established in the 1800s in France. There are over 120,000 employee around the world and most 20,000 people are working in North America. In 2004, the department of North America faced some challenges includes decreasing in performance and lack of competitiveness. After evaluation,...

Best topics on Conflict

1. How to Resolve Conflict Without Violence: Building Peaceful Communities

2. The UPS Teamsters Strike: Navigating Negotiations and Economic Impact

3. The Enduring Issue of Conflict: From Imperialism to WWI and WWII

4. Conflict Theory and Ageism in Aging Discrimination

5. The Link Between Identity and Purpose in Life in “Never Let Me Go”

6. Ton Of Conflict In Sonny’s Blues

7. My Personal Opinion on the Types of Conflict Resolution

8. Kokata: Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanism of the Kambata People of SNNPRS

9. Analysis of the Salam Model of Conflict Resolution

10. Theme of Conflict In ‘A View From The Bridge’

11. Don Nardo’s The Persian Gulf War and Its Detalisation of Conflicts

12. Conflict among Nations as a Global Issue Throughout History

13. An Argument for Constructing a Resolution Strategy for Ethnic Conflict

14. Different Conflict Situations In A Diverse Workplace

15. How Conflict Can Be Normal In All Relationships

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Article Contents

Introduction, concepts, theory, and selection of studies, trust after conflict, cooperation after conflict, social identities after conflict, concluding discussion.

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What Do We Know about How Armed Conflict Affects Social Cohesion? A Review of the Empirical Literature

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Charlotte Fiedler, What Do We Know about How Armed Conflict Affects Social Cohesion? A Review of the Empirical Literature, International Studies Review , Volume 25, Issue 3, September 2023, viad030, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad030

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How does armed conflict affect the social fabric of societies? This question is central if we want to understand better why some countries experience repeated cycles of violence. In recent years, considerable scientific work has been put into studying the social legacies of armed conflict. This article brings these academic studies together in a novel way, taking a holistic perspective and analyzing each of the three constituent elements of social cohesion—trust, cooperation, and identity—in detail and along both a vertical (state–society relations) and a horizontal (interpersonal and intergroup relations) dimension. Bringing together insights from fifty empirical studies, I call into question the initial optimism expressed by some scholars that conflict increases social cohesion. Only political participation seems to often be positively affected by experiencing conflict. In contrast, social and political trust as well as identification and cooperation across groups declines. However, research in several of these sub-elements of social cohesion is still nascent so that the strengths and shortcomings of the different studies are discussed and future avenues for research are identified.

¿En qué manera afectan los conflictos armados al tejido social de las sociedades? Esta pregunta resulta de vital importancia si queremos entender en mayor medida las razones por las cuales algunos países experimentan ciclos repetidos de violencia. Durante los últimos años, se ha destinado una cantidad considerable de trabajo científico al estudio de los legados sociales en los conflictos armados. Este artículo reúne estos estudios académicos de una manera novedosa, a través de una perspectiva holística y analizando, en detalle y a través tanto de una dimensión vertical (relaciones Estado-sociedad) como de una dimensión horizontal (relaciones interpersonales e intergrupales), cada uno de los tres elementos constitutivos de la cohesión social: confianza, cooperación e identidad. En este artículo, hemos reunido ideas procedentes de 50 estudios empíricos, lo cual nos permite cuestionar el optimismo inicial que había sido expresado por algunos académicos consistente en que el conflicto aumenta la cohesión social. Lo único que parece verse afectado, con frecuencia, de una manera positiva por el hecho de involucrarse en conflictos es la participación política. Por el contrario, tanto la confianza social y política, como la identificación y la cooperación entre grupos, disminuyen. Sin embargo, la investigación existente acerca de algunos de estos subelementos de la cohesión social es todavía incipiente, por lo que, en este artículo debatimos las fortalezas y deficiencias de los diferentes estudios e identificamos futuras vías de investigación.

Quels sont les effets d’un conflit armé sur le tissu social des sociétés ? Cette question s’avère primordiale pour mieux comprendre pourquoi il existe des cycles de violence récurrents dans certains pays. Ces dernières années, un grand nombre de travaux scientifiques ont porté sur l’étude de l’héritage social d’un conflit armé. Cet article rassemble ces études académiques de manière inédite, en adoptant une perspective holistique. Il analyse en détail chacun des trois éléments constitutifs de la cohésion sociale (la confiance, la coopération et l’identité) dans leurs dimensions verticale (relations État-société) et horizontale (relations interpersonnelles et intergroupes). En m’appuyant sur des informations issues de 50 études empiriques, je remets en question l’optimisme initial exprimé par certains chercheurs selon lequel un conflit favorise la cohésion sociale. Il semblerait que seule la participation politique se trouve souvent renforcée par les conflits. Par opposition, la confiance sociale et politique ainsi que l’identification et la coopération entre les groupes chutent. Cependant, la recherche dans plusieurs de ces sous-éléments de cohésion sociale est encore jeune. L’article s’intéresse donc aux forces et faiblesses des différentes études avant de proposer de nouvelles pistes de recherche.

How does conflict affect social cohesion, that is, the social fabric of societies? This question is central if we want to better understand why some countries experience repeated cycles of violence, while others are able to leave their violent past behind. In 2010, Blattman and Miguel (2010 , 42) noted that “the social and institutional legacies of conflict are arguably the most important but least understood of all war impacts.” Since then, considerable work has been put into studying the social legacies of armed conflict. This literature review brings these studies together in a novel way by focusing on the effects of armed conflict on social cohesion.

In a meta-analysis of sixteen studies on how conflict affects prosocial (other-oriented) behavior, 1 Bauer et al. (2016 , 25) find that “people exposed to war violence tend to behave more cooperatively after war.” Is it really the case that conflicts might incur high immediate human costs and result in both short- and long-term economic damage, but at the same time improve a country’s social fabric? To answer this question, I conduct an extensive review of the empirical academic literature on how conflict affects social cohesion by taking a holistic perspective and analyzing each of the three constituent elements of social cohesion—trust, cooperation, and identity—in detail and along both a vertical and a horizontal dimension. Overall, the study compiles insights from fifty empirical studies, most of which analyze the effects of conflict based on comprehensive survey data or behavioral experiments.

Contrary to the initial optimism expressed by some scholars, my main finding is that the literature mainly indicates that conflict harms social cohesion. First, research on political trust and social identities, albeit partially still nascent, clearly points toward conflict having net negative effects with political trust decreasing and group identities increasing. Second, there is quite a large body of literature showing that social trust is negatively affected by the experience of violence. However, in some cases, a positive effect can also be traced suggesting heterogeneous effects that yet need to be better understood. The literature on cooperation quite clearly suggests that cooperation increases after conflict. However, several (and particularly newer) studies demonstrate that an increase in cooperation can often be explained by prosocial behavior toward the in-group but not the out-group, calling into question whether this should be interpreted positively for social cohesion overall. Political participation does, however, seem to be one aspect of social cohesion where a positive effect of victimization can be traced in several contexts. Additionally, reviewing the literature on how conflict affects social cohesion reveals several crucial gaps in current approaches.

This article is organized into six sections beyond this introduction. The second section discusses the concepts of conflict, victimization and social cohesion used, presents the main theoretical arguments on how conflict could affect social cohesion as well as the selection criteria for the studies included in the review. The three following sections analyze the current empirical literature with regard to how conflict affects each of the three core elements of social cohesion: trust, cooperation and identity. The final section gathers the insights from across the three elements together to reveal patterns and remaining gaps as well as providing a concluding discussion.

Key Concepts

In this review, I study how armed conflict affects social cohesion. Regarding armed conflict , I here follow an established definition of armed conflict whereby “A state-based armed conflict is a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths in one calendar year.” ( UCDP 2020 ). Non-state conflict, in turn, is characterized by the fact that the government is not one of the warring parties, whereas in interstate conflicts, both warring parties are governments of a state. Regarding victimization , I include both studies that understand conflict exposure narrowly and therefore focus on bodily harm (to oneself or close relatives), combat exposure, or forced relocation as well as those applying a broader conceptualization of victimization, by including, for example, property damage or witnessing violence.

Social cohesion is now a concept that attracts widespread scholarly as well as policy attention because of the key importance ascribed to it with regard to a large variety of outcomes, including development and peace. As with most complex concepts, there is no single, agreed-upon definition of social cohesion available ( Schiefer and van der Noll 2016 ). Because it follows a minimalist approach, which allows using social cohesion as an analytical concept, but at the same time, develops the well-known Chan, To, and Chan (2006 ) conceptualization further in several important regards, 2 I follow the definition by Leininger et al. (2021 , 3) wherein “Social cohesion refers to the vertical and horizontal relations among members of society and the state that hold society together. Social cohesion is characterized by a set of attitudes and behavioral manifestations that includes trust, an inclusive identity and cooperation for the common good.” Focusing on two dimensions (the vertical and the horizontal) as well as three core elements of social cohesion—trust, identity, and cooperation—is in line with the main arguments put forth in a relatively recent review article by Schiefer and van der Noll (2016 ) on the core elements common to almost all social cohesion concepts.

The studies covered in this review relate to the concept of social cohesion in different ways. While some explicitly reference social cohesion, others connect their work to social capital and still others aim to contribute to the debate on how conflict affects prosociality (social preferences, i.e., caring about others). While the three are clearly interlinked, there are partially extensive definitional debates on each of these concepts, which cannot be covered in detail here. In its most minimal conceptualization, social capital has been associated with social trust, while in a maximalist approach, it can cover several elements of social cohesion (social and political trust, civic and political participation) as well as additional features (e.g., altruism, informal social interactions, social contacts, and shared norms) ( Engbers, Thompson, and Slaper 2017 ). Common to most conceptualizations is a focus on trust, social contacts and membership in social organizations, which is why one can argue that a large part of social capital focuses on a subset of social cohesion, namely aspects of trust, and cooperation on the horizontal dimension ( Klein 2013 ). Social preferences have mostly been studied through the at times rather vague umbrella terms of prosociality or “other-regarding preferences.” Rooted in psychology and behavioral economics, the two largely overlap, as other-regarding preferences aim to study individuals’ “concerns for the well-being of others, for fairness and for reciprocity” ( Fehr and Schmidt 2006 , 617) and prosociality “why people help others at a cost to oneself” ( Bhogal and Farrelly 2019 , 910). Both include behavior that provides the basis for or is constitutive of social cohesion (altruism, fairness, cooperation, and trust). At the same time, social preferences partially go beyond what would be considered at the core of social cohesion while not dealing with other important social cohesion sub-elements—especially identity and more generally the vertical dimension connecting individuals and groups on the one hand and the state on the other hand.

Theoretical Expectations

Different theoretical arguments have been put forth to explain both why victimization through conflict might increase social cohesion and, contrarily, why and how conflict instead might have a negative impact on social cohesion. While some assume that violence changes people’s attitudes and behavior toward one another more generally others focus on how conflict affects attitudes toward and within specific groups. The theories do not differentiate between the elements of social cohesion but allow for more general assumptions about how conflict affects social cohesion.

Several authors have put forward arguments over why conflict might increase social cohesion. Blattman (2009 ) first drew upon psychology’s post-traumatic growth (PTG) theory and applied it to the post-conflict context to ascribe war a positive transformative potential. Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004 , 1) define PTG as “the experience of positive change that occurs as a result of the struggle with highly challenging life crises” and indeed psychologists have found examples of PTG across a wide array of outcomes, including several severe medical diseases, sexual assault, combat, and being a refugee. This theory has been applied by several to the post-civil war context with war and violence experienced during it representing the traumatic event ( Bellows and Miguel 2009 ; Blattman 2009 ; Voors et al. 2012 ; Freitag, Kijewski, and Oppold 2019 ). This is said to be able to lead to a positive re-evaluation of life, political behavior, and personal relationships more generally and hence positively affect social preferences and relationships. In a similar vein, others suggest victims of violence more actively seek to participate in public life to work against stigma and in order to “escape the state of helplessness and feel empowered by this action” ( Freitag, Kijewski, and Oppold 2019 , 408, Koos 2018 ). A second set of explanations for a possible positive change focus on how individuals and societies adapt to conflict. Bauer et al. (2016 ) speak of an “economic mechanism” whereby individuals decide to cooperate more in order to increase personal safety and deal with economic hardship resulting from the war (for a similar argument, see also Krakowski [2020] ). Gilligan, Pasquale, and Samii (2014 , 605) put forward a “purging mechanism” where less social persons disproportionately flee communities plagued by war and a coping mechanism “by which individuals who have few options to flee band together to cope with threats and trauma.” De Luca and Verpoorten (2015a ), in turn, suggest that war disrupts economic activity, which creates the time resources necessary to engage politically, with lasting effects also in the post-conflict period.

A negative mechanism has also been suggested, whereby violence is instead expected to lead to a persistent damage of social cohesion. A first explanation for this is again a psychological mechanism, which I label “post-traumatic withdrawal theory.” This theoretical approach is based on the internationally recognized post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), “a debilitating anxiety disorder resulting from trauma exposure” ( Frans et al. 2005 , 291). PTSD has been linked to a number of traumatic events, including war, rape, natural disasters, accidents, and crime experiences. If PTSD or other forms of “war-related distress” persist after the war, then one can expect victims to feel less close to others, as well as to withdraw from social activities, resulting in a reduction in social cohesion ( Kijewski and Freitag 2018 ). Even if not directly suffering from PTSD, war may more generally teach people to distrust others, especially so if allegiances in the war run through communities ( Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt 2013 ; De Luca and Verpoorten 2015b ). Others have suggested that conflict should reduce cooperation and trust as violence and displacement disrupt social structures, reducing the chances to participate in community groups as well as more permanently altering the composition of communities in ways that are detrimental to cooperation ( Gilligan, Pasquale, and Samii 2014 ; De Luca and Verpoorten 2015b ). Additionally, several authors have put forward a denunciation mechanism whereby victims of violence not only distance themselves from those that perpetrated the violence but also their own community because they are seen as complicit in the violence ( Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt 2013 ; Hager, Krakowski, and Schaub 2019 ; Krakowski 2020 ).

A third mechanism focuses on how individuals interact with one another depending on group membership, arguing that conflict will have mixed effects by increasing in-group bonding while decreasing out-group bridging. It is based on social identity theory, most prominently coined by social psychologists Tajfel and Turner (1979 , 1986 ) who contend that individuals have a strong inclination to feel part of groups, which they do on the basis of social (group) identities. Based on these identities, we then categorize people into groups and distinguish between “us” and “them.” This, in turn, implies that people favor their in-group and behave more prosocially toward its members, which can increase the distance to the out-group ( Tajfel and Turner 1979 , 1986 ). Applying this to the conflict context means that there is an extreme event that intensifies group distinctions, increasing in-group bonding and at the same time decreasing out-group bridging. This argumentation is very similar to an evolutionary mechanism put forth by some economists according to which intergroup conflict should increase internal bonding and cohesion because only groups in which individuals cooperate and behave altruistically toward one another will survive competition ( Bowles 2006 ; Choi and Bowles 2007 ). Since war is an extreme form of competition, it is assumed it will hence increase parochial prosociality—prosocial behavior toward the in-group—while at the same time increasing aversion to the out-group, particularly the opponent in the war (see, for example, Grosjean 2014 ; Bauer et al. 2016 ; Ingelaere and Verpoorten 2020 ). In conflict studies, this mechanism has especially been stressed for societies where ethnicity plays a major role and can act as a marker for the in-group and the out-group ( Horowitz 1985 ). Based on this theoretical argument, one would expect more cooperation and trust within groups and less across groups as a result of conflict. For identity, the theory would predict a strengthening of group identities rather than allowing subordinate identities to overlap or a joint identity to develop.

Overall, the different arguments lead to highly varying expectations with some arguments suggesting conflict should increase social cohesion but others the opposite. Looking at group dynamics, one could expect that war increases cohesiveness within, but not across, groups with a net negative effect on social cohesion for society as a whole. The next section presents and discusses the literature with regard to its empirical findings and theoretical implications.

Selection of Studies

I define several scope conditions for which types of studies are included in the analysis to allow a focused discussion. 3 First, to ensure a comprehensive overview of the research field, this article includes both published, peer-reviewed academic studies and high-quality working papers. 4 Second, only empirical studies are included to cover the current state of knowledge of the effects of conflict on social cohesion. Third, I include both studies that explicitly analyze and reference social cohesion as a whole as well as studies that only focus on one or several of the three core components of social cohesion—trust, cooperation, and identity. Fourth, I am mainly interested in studies on intrastate conflict, but because they also provide interesting insights and because the line between intra- and inter-state conflict is sometimes blurry, I also include a small number of studies that analyze the effects of conflict between states on social cohesion. Non-political violence more generally, however, is not included. Fifth, studies that investigate the short-, medium-, and long-term effects of conflict are considered even though the medium- and long-term effects are likely to be particularly important for post-conflict development and peace because defining a clear conflict end can be challenging at times. The studies were identified first based on searches of academic literature databases (including Web of Science, Scopus, and Google Scholar). I conducted full-text searches and looked for key terms in titles and abstracts. 5 This was complemented by the snowballing technique starting with the influential Bauer et al. (2016 ) meta-analysis that combines sixteen studies on prosociality and conflict.

Overall, I identify fifty relevant articles. 6 Table 1 gives an overview of the key characteristics of the studies included and demonstrates that a majority of them are single-country studies published in political science or economics journals. There is a strong focus on intrastate conflict, while methodologically most papers work with surveys.  Table 1 also shows that the number of articles studying social cohesion after conflict has greatly increased in recent years. 7

Overview of studies included

Notes: **Three papers include different types of conflicts and are, therefore, counted several times.

Source: Author.

The next section presents and discusses these studies with regard to their empirical evidence on how conflict affects social cohesion, more specifically trust, cooperation, and identity.

How does conflict affect the first core component of social cohesion, namely trust? This question is relevant both regarding trust between groups (social trust) as well as between the state and its citizens (political trust). Because these two types of trust have mostly been addressed by different studies, I summarize and discuss insights on each type of trust individually.

Social Trust

Overall, social trust has been studied quite extensively in the literature. The majority of studies suggest that conflict negatively impacts social trust. This holds both for studies analyzing generalized trust, that is, trust in strangers, and out-group trust, lending support to post-traumatic withdrawal and in-group/out-group mechanisms. However, a number of studies find either the opposite or that there is no statistically significant effect, suggesting heterogeneous effects that warrant further analyses.

A relatively large number of studies finds that conflict negatively impacts social trust. Cassar, Grosjean, and Whitt (2013 ) analyze the effects of the legacy of the Tajik Civil War on particularized trust using the central experimental approach for measuring trust, the so-called “trust game.” 8 Based on 426 respondents, the authors find that victims of the civil war are significantly less trusting, but only toward their local neighbors, not distant villagers. Cassar et al. (2013 ) explain this somewhat surprising result with the fact that in the Tajik Civil War, political allegiances oftentimes cut across villages. Rohner, Thoenig, and Zilibotti (2013 ) study the effects of violence on generalized trust in Uganda. Comparing Afrobarometer data before and after a peak of violence between 2002 and 2005, their results show that generalized trust decreases significantly in areas that witnessed more intense fighting and that especially out-group trust suffers as a result of conflict. Also focusing on Uganda, De Luca and Verpoorten (2015b ) are able to compare Afrobarometer survey results before, during, and after the civil war (2000, 2005, and 2012). Their findings suggest that levels of generalized trust strongly decreased during conflict and particularly so in areas heavily affected by violence. After the civil war, however, trust increased and fully recovered to pre-violence levels. Finding an effect more than 10 years after the conflict ended, Kijewski and Freitag (2018 ) use a version of “the wallet question 9 ” when analyzing survey data from 930 respondents in Kosovo and find that conflict exposure significantly decreases social trust. Conzo and Salustri (2019 ) study the effects of World War II on generalized trust in thirteen European countries. The authors find a significant decrease in trust among adults who were exposed to violence in their childhood. Applying an even longer-term perspective, Besley and Reynal-Querol (2014 ) combine historical conflict data with the Afrobarometer survey of 2008, and show that respondents from countries that experienced historical conflict between 1400 and 1700 show significantly lower out-group trust—up to 600 years later. Focusing on a particularly severe conflict, Ingelaere and Verpoorten (2020 ) find clear and persistent negative effects of the Rwandan genocide on social trust. Based on 400 collected life stories, they find that both for the Hutu and the Tutsi, inter-group trust significantly decreased as a result of the violence. The decrease is more pronounced for the Tutsi and is especially strong among those who were directly exposed to violence. In-group trust, in turn, stayed relatively stable among the Tutsi but declined among the Hutu, which can be explained by the violence targeted at the moderate Hutu. Also suggesting that several types of social trust suffer as a result of armed conflict, Lewis and Topal (2023 ) find that proximate conflict exposure is negatively correlated with generalized, out-group and in-group trust, based on combining data from Afrobarometer and the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) for fourteen African countries.

Interesting insights on possible conditional effects of conflict on social trust stem from two studies on non-state conflict. Werner and Graf Lambsdorff (2019 ) conduct several experiments on prosocial behavior with 724 students in the Maluku region of Indonesia, which experienced repeated non-state conflict between 1999 and 2011. Their experiments show that only once identity is revealed, less is allocated to members of both the in-group and the out-group and that this effect is stronger for those who report victimization. Becchetti, Conzo, and Romeo (2013 ) exposed 404 Kenyan slum inhabitants to experimental games and find that only if people are confronted with the other ethnic group or opportunistic behavior in a game played in-between two others, is there a significant reduction in their trust level in the second trust game.

Six studies instead find a significant, positive relationship between conflict exposure and trust levels. Bellows and Miguel (2009 ) study the aftermath of the civil war in Sierra Leone based on two waves of household surveys in 2005 and 2007. They find no effect with regard to trust in people from one’s own community and a positive effect on trust toward people from outside the community. Bauer, Fiala, and Levely (2017 ) study 668 former child soldiers in Uganda using a variant of the trust game and a survey. They find that those who were abducted at an early age (<14 years) display considerably more trusting behavior toward people from a “nearby but different village.” Focusing on social cohesion within communities, Gilligan, Pasquale, and Samii (2014 ) study the effects of the Nepalese Civil War. Based on experimental games, including the trust game with 252 household heads, they find that “members of communities that suffered greater exposure to fatal violence during Nepal’s 10-year civil war are significantly more prosocial in their relations with each other than were those that experienced lower levels of violence” ( Gilligan et al. 2014 , 605). Two more recent studies also find positive effects. Studying 450 Burundian refugees, Haer, Scharpf, and Hecker (2021 ) find an overall positive effect of armed conflict on generalized trust, but also that respondents with mental health problems had lower social trust. Hall and Werner (2022 ) similarly find a positive relationship between victimization and generalized trust, based on data collected among 832 refugees from Syria and Iraq in Turkey in 2016. Finally, seven studies fail to find significant effects between conflict and social trust. The studies include surveys studying inter-state as well as intra-state conflict in Africa, Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia ( Bellows and Miguel 2006 ; Grosjean 2014 ; Voors and Bulte 2014 ; Child and Nikolova 2018 ; Ferguson and Leroch 2022 ; Koos and Traunmüller 2022 ) as well as the meta-analysis by Bauer et al. (2016 ).

Recent studies that do not directly measure social trust but related outcomes come to somewhat contradictory results. Both Wayne and Zhukov’s (2022 ) study on the legacy of the holocaust as well as work by Hartman and Morse (2020 ) and  Hartman, Morse, and Weber (2021 ) in Liberia and Syria find that victimization increases empathy toward vulnerable out-groups, namely refugees. Similarly, Rapp, Kijewski, and Freitag (2019 ) find that in Sri Lanka victimization increased political tolerance, even toward the outgroup and trace the effect to PTG. However, Canetti-Nisim et al. (2009 ), Beber, Roessler, and Scacco (2014 ), and  Kibris and Cesur (2022 ) all find that experiencing violence increased negative attitudes toward the outgroup or minorities more generally in their studies on Sudan, Israel, and Turkey.

While a majority of the studies suggest a negative relationship between experiencing conflict and social trust there are also some indications for heterogeneous effects that warrant further scrutiny. In order to do so, the literature needs to more systematically distinguish between the different types of social trust analyzed and the corresponding type of underlying conflict. The majority of studies focus only on generalized trust, two studies exclusively analyze particularized trust, and only four compare effects across the two types. The fact that the differences regarding the underlying conflict are not taken into account properly in many of the studies can at least partially explain some seemingly contradictory findings and theoretical arguments. For example, Cassar et al. (2013 ) find that particularized trust decreases, which they explain by the fact that loyalties in the Tajik Civil War cut across villages, whereas Gilligan et al. (2014 ) find the opposite effect regarding community cohesion in Nepal where violence was primarily externally-led. In contrast, the studies that explicitly differentiate between the relevant in-group and out-group tend to find clear negative effects. While the relevance of such an explicit distinction is clearer in conflicts with a strong ethnic or religious dimension, a definitional differentiation between what constitutes the in- and out-group in the conflict at hand would greatly help contrast findings and, hence, sharpen insights on the effects of conflict on social trust more generally. It is also interesting to note that especially some newer literature suggests a positive effect of conflict exposure on generalized trust. However, these findings come exclusively from studies among refugee populations, raising the question what role the type of victimization may play to explain the effects found. Table 2 summarizes the studies on social trust after armed conflict.

Overview of studies on social trust after conflict

a A core challenge when analyzing how conflict exposure affects social and political attitudes is causal identification, particularly the question whether individuals with certain characteristics are more likely to be targeted by violence in the first place. If not through (survey) experiments, in statistical analyses of survey data authors can try to alleviate (if not eliminate) this concern through an identification strategy. These often include providing a qualitative account of why violence was random, analyzing factors connected to victimization, employing fixed effects, analyzing subsamples that are particularly unlikely to have been strategically targeted, including pre-exposure controls, employing an instrumental variable approach or making use of matching techniques.

Political Trust

Political trust regards the trust citizens place in current incumbents—which I label personalized political trust—as well as institutional trust, which describes trust in the “formal, legal organizations of government and state, as distinct from the current incumbents nested within those organizations” ( Mattes and Moreno 2018 , 357). 10 With only eleven studies on the topic, the research field on political trust after the conflict is still relatively nascent and, hence, not yet well developed. The majority of studies looking at the relationship between conflict and political trust suggest that conflict reduces political trust. However, a few studies find positive or no effects.

Six studies find that conflict negatively affects political trust. De Juan and Pierskalla (2016 ) analyze the effect of exposure to violence based on survey data collected from 8,822 households in Nepal. They show that respondents in areas that experienced more violence were significantly less trusting regarding the national government. This negative relationship is confirmed by Hutchison and Johnson (2011 ). The authors analyze Afrobarometer survey data for sixteen African countries between 2000 and 2005 and find that respondents from countries that recently experienced internal violence are significantly less trusting in state institutions. Grosjean (2014 ), in turn, covers thirty-five countries in Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. Measuring trust as the sum of trust in the presidency, the government and the parliament, and looking at within-country variation only, she finds that “political trust is strongly and negatively associated with victimization in conflict” ( Grosjean 2014 , 443). Focusing on inter-state war, Hong and Kang (2017 ) find persistent effects of violence against civilians during the Korean War (1950–1953). Sixty years later they find clear effects, with those who experienced the war displaying significantly lower trust in political institutions, particularly those institutions that were directly involved in violence. Gates and Justesen (2020 ), in turn, reveal interesting immediate short-term effects in a quasi-experimental setting in Mali. Comparing survey rounds of the Afrobarometer executed days before and after a rebel attack in 2008, they find a clear short-term effect of the attack showing that mainly the president is held responsible, albeit not state institutions more broadly. Finally, controlling for victimization in their study on peace agreements in Guatemala, Nepal and Northern Ireland, Dyrstad, Bakke, and Binningsbø (2021 ) find that victims of government-perpetrated violence are significantly less trusting of government institutions.

In a similar vein, studies looking at related outcomes find negative effects of armed conflict on relations between society and the state. Based on data from Guatemala, Nepal, and Northern Ireland, Dyrstad and Hillesund (2020 ) find that victims are more likely to support political violence. Similarly, data from 7,500 individuals across the Sahel region collected by Finkel et al. (2021 ) suggests that respondents from areas that experienced more communal violence are significantly more likely to support violent religious extremism.

There are also studies questioning a clear-cut negative relationship between conflict and political trust. Bakke et al. (2014 ) analyze political trust as one dimension of regime legitimacy in Abkhasia, a break-away region of Georgia. They find that respondents who had experienced violence had significantly higher trust levels in the president but find no effect with regard to trust in the parliament. Focusing on the police as a central state institution, Blair and Morse’s (2021 ) findings reveal the importance of differentiating who perpetrated the violence with victims of rebel-perpetrated violence being statistically significantly more trusting of the police. Focusing on sexual violence, Koos and Traunmüller (2022 ) find heterogeneous effects across three cases, suggesting that different conflict dynamics might be important to better understand the relationship between victimization and political trust. Finally, two studies suggest that the type of victimization may matter. Child and Nikolova (2018 ), focus on the long-term effects of World War II. Using a subjective measure of victimization, they find a significant, negative relationship between victimization and political trust. However, the sign is reversed and the coefficient is no longer significant when substituting the subjective survey measure with an objective measure of whether violence took place where the respondent lives, raising the question whether self-reported victimization is biasing results. Kibris and Gerling (2021 ) similarly find heterogeneous effects among 5,024 military conscripts in Turkey with increased trust levels among respondents exposed to a more intense conflict environment, but those with direct experience of violence displaying significantly lower political trust.

Overall the still relatively nascent literature on political trust after conflict so far rather suggests that victimization reduces political trust, which can be explained by two main theoretical arguments. First, several authors put forward a performance-based approach ( Hutchison and Johnson 2011 ; De Juan and Pierskalla 2016 ; Gates and Justesen 2020 ). Violence demonstrates that the state is not able to protect its citizens whereby it is a “blatant sign of the government’s inability to maintain its monopoly over the use of force” ( De Juan and Pierskalla 2016 , 68). This should reduce trust toward state institutions and particularly in areas where the population witnesses more violence. Second, trauma and distrust can result directly from the government being a main perpetrator of violence with both short- and long-term effects on trust particularly in those institutions that are viewed as most responsible for violence ( De Juan and Pierskalla 2016 ; Hong and Kang 2017 ; Dyrstad, Bakke, and Binningsbø 2021 ).

Overall, relatively few studies have systematically analyzed the effect of conflict on political trust compared with the breadth of literature on the other elements of social cohesion. While a majority of studies so far point to a negative relationship, some central questions regarding the relationship remain unanswered. This is due to a number of important differences between the studies that make it difficult to generalize findings.

First, the studies vary widely with regard to the underlying conflict being analyzed. Especially the newer studies among these suggest that both who perpetrated violence and whether individuals were directly or indirectly exposed to violence are important to understand how political trust is affected by armed conflict, but these dynamics are rarely theoretically spelled out and empirically fully investigated.

Second, the findings are difficult to compare because the studies vary greatly with regard to when trust is measured. Studies to date, analyze institutional trust at points in time that differ widely from one another, spanning from only several days after an attack to over 50 years after a conflict. More systematic longitudinal analyses on how political trust is affected by civil war are needed.

The third important difference is that the studies vary in how they measure political trust. Institutional trust is usually captured by creating an additive index measuring trust across several institutions. How sensitive the results are to the specific institutions included and whether these studies all measure the same institutional trust is unclear, because the included institutions vary widely. Furthermore, the difference between institutional and personalized political trust has not been explored systematically, leaving ample room for further research. Table 3 provides an overview over the studies on political trust after armed conflict.

Overview of studies on political trust after conflict

How does conflict affect the second core component of social cohesion: cooperation? In order to answer this question, it is important to take into account different types of cooperation: (1) political participation , which can be seen as vertical cooperation between individuals or groups and the state and second, and (2) civic cooperation , which describes horizontal cooperation between individuals or groups. Similar to the distinction with regard to trust, cooperation can also focus on the in-group or the out-group with the former often being referred to as “bonding” and the latter as “bridging.”

With over twenty-five academic studies on the topic, cooperation after conflict is the component of social cohesion that has received the most scholarly attention. A majority of studies finds that conflict significantly increases cooperation. However, more recent research calls this supposed positive effect into question.

Positive effects of conflict on cooperation have been traced both through survey and experimental data across different contexts. Bellow and Miguel’s (2009 ) study of 10,000 households in Sierra Leone shows a robust, positive relationship between exposure to violence and participation in community meetings, social and political groups, and school committees as well as registering to vote, especially among males. They also show that respondents who experienced conflict are more engaged in local public goods activities. Blattman (2009 ) studies political and civic participation among 741 ex-combatants in Uganda and finds that “forced recruitment leads to greater postwar political participation—a 27 percent increase in the likelihood of voting and a doubling of the likelihood of being a community leader among former abductees” ( Blattman 2009 , 231). Based on four rounds of the Afrobarometer survey in Uganda, De Luca and Verpoorten (2015a ) find that the experience of violent conflict encourages political discussions and attendance at local meetings, albeit only in the years immediately after the conflict. Focusing on a very specific type of violence, Koos (2018 , 219) shows that civic participation is significantly higher among survivors of sexual violence in Sierra Leone: “they are more likely to be members of community organizations and more likely to contribute to social events, such as weddings and funerals, and they donate more often.” Similarly, using a list experiment to measure sexual violence more directly, Koos and Traunmüller (2022 ) find that survivors of sexual violence show significantly higher levels of civic participation in Sri Lanka, Liberia, and the DRC. Broadening the analysis to different types of conflict, Grosjean (2014 ) finds that “victims of a civil conflict or an international conflict are 20–30 percent more likely to be active members of an association and 13–20 percent more likely to have participated in acts of civic collective action” ( Grosjean 2014 , 445). Similarly, Freitag, Kijewski, and Oppold (2019 ) find that conflict in Kosovo positively affected noninstitutionalized forms of political participation, including attending demonstrations and strikes and signing a petition. Voors et al. (2012 ) study three hundred household heads across thirty-five communities in Burundi combining surveys and the social value orientation game. 11 They find that individuals exposed directly to violence or from communities exposed to violence display more altruistic behavior toward other villagers. Finally, Gilligan et al.’s (2014 ) behavioral experiments with 252 household heads in Nepal also corroborate this finding: Participants from victimized communities both behave more altruistically in a dictator game 12 and contribute more in a public goods game, 13 although only the latter is statistically significant.

Four studies find conditional, positive effects. Based on survey data from Bosnia, Hadzic and Tavits (2019 ) show that when primed with cues on violence between the main ethnic groups (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) men were more interested and willing than women to engage in politics. Also focusing on conditional effects, Krakowski (2020 ) analyses data from 224 Colombian villages finds that cooperation in the form of collective action and charity membership increased, but only after symmetric wars, which involve rebels as well as paramilitary groups. This is explained by the fact that symmetric wars increase identity lines and activate collective coping mechanisms. Haer et al.’s (2021 ) survey among Burundian refugees also suggests positive effects with those exposed to violence being significantly more active in community meetings and communal works. However, the authors also analyze mental health as a mediating factor and find this positive association does not hold for those affected by mental health problems. Finally, suggesting that the degree of victimization may make a difference, Ferguson and Leroch (2022 ) conduct experiments with 654 Kenyan men 8 years after the electoral violence of 2007/2008 and also find increased altruism, but only amongst those personally injured.

While some have interpreted the positive findings with regard to cooperation as a sign of remarkable resilience of conflict victims and an opportunity for post-conflict development, other results call into question whether an increase in cooperation should be regarded as beneficial for post-conflict societies. In Mali, Calvo et al. (2019 ) find that in conflict-affected areas participation increased significantly, but primarily based on kinship ties. Participation in organizations that span groups instead decreased in fragmented areas that witnessed violent events. Calvo et al. (2019 , 4) therefore “interpret these findings as evidence that an increase in associational membership, far from being prosocial, actually forms a veiled withdrawal behind inner group or community frontiers and can therefore spawn exclusion and local tensions.” A similar argument is put forward by Bauer et al. (2016 ). They identify a “positive and statistically significant [relationship] for participation in social groups, community leadership and participation, prosocial behavior in experimental games, voting, and knowledge of politics” ( Bauer et al. 2016 ). However, when differentiating the studies further, they find that people do behave significantly more prosocially, but only toward their in-group, not the out-group. Based on this insight, Bauer et al. (2016 , 271) conclude that “this evidence for parochial altruism, while preliminary, matters because war might enhance intragroup cooperation and facilitate post-conflict reconstruction while simultaneously raising the risk of future social divisions and renewed intergroup conflict.”

A number of behavioral studies suggest that parochial altruism, that is, behaving more altruistically but only toward your in-group, might be a consequence of conflict. Bauer et al. (2014 ) apply different dictator games with 543 children in Georgia and 586 adults in Sierra Leone. The results reveal that “for those who were more affected, rates of egalitarian sharing choices increased among those sharing with an in-group member but either declined or did not change for those sharing with an out-group member” ( Bauer et al. 2014 , 4). Cecchi, Leuveld, and Voors (2016 ) study competitiveness among rural Sierra Leonean youth based on a soccer tournament pitting teams from different streets against each other and find that victimized youth behave more altruistically, but only toward their teammates. Using experiments that include the dictator game, the ultimatum game, and the public goods game with 466 adults in Kosovo, Mironova and Whitt (2016 ) find that subjects behave more altruistically and cooperate more in games in which the other player is from the same ethnicity. The effect is even stronger for those subjects who have experienced victimization. Finally, Canevello, Hall, and Walsh (2022 ) also find support for parochial altruism in their study with 1660 refugees from Syria and Iraq. In order to analyze the mechanism behind their findings, they introduce specialized questionnaires and find that posttraumatic stress was associated with less empathy and altruism, whereas posttraumatic growth predicted more of both.

Recent studies looking at outcomes closely related to cooperation also mostly find evidence for increased cooperation within rather than between groups. Based on experiments with 751 adults in Sierra Leone, Cassar et al. (2022 ) find conflict to increase in-group egalitarianism, albeit only for non-parents and especially for men. Cavatorta, Zizzo, and Daoud (2023 ) study reciprocity among 5,732 Palestinian youth using experimental games and find that exposure to violence increases within group reciprocity—both with regard to cooperation and aggression. Finally, Skoog’s (2021 ) study among refugees in Iraq suggests that types of economic cooperation significantly vary between in- and out-groups.

Several other studies instead find clear negative effects of conflict victimization on cooperation. Focusing on Uganda, De Luca and Verpoorten (2015b ) find a significant decrease of membership in religious and community associations. Conzo and Salustri (2019 ) analyze early-life exposure to violence due to World War II. Regarding citizens’ engagement, their analysis reveals a negative relationship between victimization and voluntary work. Grossman, Manekin, and Miodownik (2015 ) study the effects of combat exposure in the ongoing Israeli–Palestinian conflict and identify significantly lower levels of diverse forms of political participation among ex-combatants. Hall and Kahn (2020 ) study the effect of conflict on altruism among Syrian refugees in Turkey. Based on survey questions resembling the dictator game, Hall and Kahn (2020 ) find that the more participants were exposed to trauma, the less altruistically they answered and the more clearly they differentiated between in-group and out-group targets. Hager, Krakowski, and Schaub (2019 ) analyze the effect of interethnic violence in Kyrgyzstan based on behavioral experiments between 880 Uzbeks and 220 Kyrgyz. The results of a dictator’s game and a prisoner’s dilemma game 14 show that Uzbeks, the victims of the violence, cooperate less—both within their group as well as with the out-group. Based on qualitative interviews with Uzbek victims, Hager, Krakowski, and Schaub (2019 , 14) argue that the reduction in cooperation within the in-group can be explained by two mechanisms: “a feeling of being let down by one’s co-ethnics, and suspicion toward non-victimized neighbors.” Werner and Graf Lambsdorff (2019 ) find similar effects for non-state conflict in Maluku, Indonesia. Prosociality is generally higher when the identity of the receiver is not revealed. In games in which identity is revealed, less is allocated both to members of the in-group and the out-group. The effect is strongest for respondents who experienced violence. Finally, Cecchi and Duchoslav (2018 ) findings suggest an intergenerational, negative effect of violence on cooperation. They combine a public goods game with 442 children and their caregivers, survey data on both groups as well as biometric data shown by the authors to be a “reliable marker of prenatal stress” ( Cecchi and Duchoslav 2018 , 36). 15 The results robustly show that caregivers who have experienced violence, as well as their children, are significantly less likely to contribute to the public good and that prenatal stress is one important explanation for why this is the case.

Overall, while some earlier and often-cited work suggests that conflict has a positive effect on cooperation, this finding must be called into question as the results are now rather ambiguous. Regarding the theoretical mechanism at play, there is indeed some indication of PTG with regard to political participation, an important element of the vertical dimension of social cohesion. However, on the horizontal dimension of cooperation, several studies demonstrate that it is often only cooperation toward the in-group not the out-group that increases. These findings suggest an in-group/out-group mechanism and do not bode well for a society’s social cohesion overall. While suggested by some studies, the doubts about a possible PTG mechanism are further strengthened by the fact that several relatively recent studies have found significant negative effects of conflict on cooperation.

Bringing together the main results from the different studies on the relationship between conflict and cooperation raises several overarching issues. First, very different outcomes are subsumed under “cooperation,” which might blur important differences between the studies and explain why the results are partially contradicting. Second, several studies focus too little on the quality of cooperation as well as clearly defining and exploring differences between the in-group and the out-group most relevant to the conflict at hand. The two experimental studies that find positive effects and are often cited for doing so, only focus on in-group cooperation by pairing players from the same village with one another ( Voors et al. 2012 ; Gilligan et al. 2014 ). 16 This lack of explicitly explaining which in-group and out-group will be analyzed and how this relates to the underlying conflict is also present in a number of other studies.

Finally, the studies vary widely in how victimization is measured. Most studies employ only one measure of victimization rather than combining a subjective and an objective approach, which would be best to address potential biases stemming from each type of measurement ( Child and Nikolova 2018 ). Even more problematically, others do not measure victimization directly at all, such as Gilligan et al. (2014 ), who assume that in their experimental set-up players from communities exposed to violence can be considered to have experienced victimization. Findings are furthermore difficult to compare as some authors focus on very specific types of violence only, such as combat exposure ( Blattman 2009 ; Grossman et al. 2015 ) or forced displacement ( Haer, Scharpf, and Hecker 2021 ; Canevello, Hall, and Walsh 2022 ). Overall this strand of the literature hence currently does not deal with differences with regard to the type, degree and concrete measurement of victimization rigorously enough. Table 4 provides an overview over the studies on cooperation after armed conflict.

Overview of studies on cooperation after conflict

How does conflict affect the third core component of social cohesion: identity? Identities exist on three levels: the personal, the group and the national level, of which the latter two are conceived as social identities ( Abdelal et al. 2009 ). Both for social cohesion and for conflict, these social identities and the relationship between them, in particular how the subordinate (group identity) relates to the superordinate (national level), are considered highly important.

Overall, empirical research on how conflict shapes the third core element of social cohesion—social identity—is surprisingly scarce and only addressed by five studies to date. However, so far, results are mostly consistent across these studies with conflict increasing group identities and negatively impacting the identification with one overarching, inclusive identity.

Studying the Ugandan Civil War through Afrobarometer data, Rohner, Thoenig, and Zilibotti (2013 ) find a clear negative effect of victimization on national identification. Also based on Afrobarometer data, Besley and Reynal-Querol (2014 )show that, in 2008, respondents from countries that experienced precolonial conflict exhibited statistically significantly stronger ethnic identification and a significantly weaker identification with the national state. In the region of Kashmir, Nair and Sambanis (2019 ) study national identification toward the Indian state. Based on diverse measures of identification and a survey experiment in which respondents are confronted with videos of state violence, the authors find that violence exposure is consistently negatively correlated with national identification. Finally, analyzing ongoing conflicts, Ananyev and Poyker (2023 ) find that areas more affected by the Tuareg rebellion in Mali display a stronger ethnic and lower national identity, whereas Barrie (2021 ) suggests ISIS’s attack on Mosul to have widened ethnic cleavages in Iraq: Members of the dominant in-group (Shi’is) identified more with the nation, but members of the Sunni minority significantly less.

Studies analyzing outcomes closely related to identity come to similar conclusions. Focusing on ethnic voting, Hadzic, Carlson, and Tavits (2017 ) analyze election results in 109 municipalities before and after the Bosnian Civil War and show that “the higher the casualty rate, the higher the level of post-war ethnic voting” ( Hadzic, Carlson, and Tavits 2017 , 13). Also focusing on ethnic voting but after the Spanish Civil War, Martinez (2021 ) shows that the type of violence matters: Only indiscriminate violence is associated with stronger ethnic/in-group identification. Based on data from World War I, De Juan et al. (2021 ), in turn, argue and show that civilians’ indirect exposure to war fatalities strengthens support for nationalist parties, which runs counter to an inclusive national identity.

Overall, the literature currently suggests that experiencing violent conflict increases ethnic identification and decreases national identification. However, given the small amount of studies focusing on this specific outcome, these results must still be seen as preliminary.

From a theoretical perspective, the finding that conflict increases ethnic identity compared with national identity lends support to social identity theory and the in-group/out-group mechanism. If violence occurs along identity lines, individuals will turn to their own group for support and protection and interact less with the out-group that is seen as the enemy. This will increase identification with the in-group both during and after conflict while at the same time decreasing out-group bridging and lowering national identification in general ( Hadzic et al. 2017 ). In a similar vein, Nair and Sambanis (2019 , 334) argue that “ethnic violence makes ethnic identities more salient because it draws attention to the incompatibilities between the state and an ethnic minority and it heightens the significance of ethnic attributes that differentiate the minority from the rest of the nation.”

Given the persistent academic interest in and discussions around social (particularly ethnic) identity as an explanatory factor for conflict, it is surprising how little empirical evidence there is tackling the opposite causal direction, namely how conflict affects social identity. Taken together, the current results point toward an increase in ethnic identity and a decrease in national identification as a result of conflict. However, only very few studies cited above explicitly focus on the relationship between conflict and social identity. They are also contradictory in terms of how the effect develops over time. A third shortcoming is that the studies that exist exclusively focus on ethnic identity. While this is understandable because ethnicity does play a role in many (particularly African) conflicts, conflict could strengthen social identities beyond ethnicity, including, for example, religious or linguistic differences. This is also again connected to taking a closer look at the type of underlying conflict, which is likely to make an important difference regarding how conflict affects social identities. Clearly, more research is needed to better understand how armed conflict affects social identities. Table 5 provides an overview over the studies on social identities after armed conflict.

Overview of studies on social identities after conflict

Reviewing the literature shows that contrary to the initial optimism expressed by some scholars, conflict mostly harms social cohesion. With regard to trust a majority of findings suggest that both the vertical (political trust) and horizontal (social trust) dimensions suffer due to conflict, even though open questions about possibly more heterogeneous effects remain. On cooperation , the results are mixed with roughly half of the studies finding positive and the other half negative effects. These mixed results can at least partially be explained, first, by a positive effect with regard to political participation and secondly more cooperation toward the in-group, with the latter not boding well for social cohesion as a whole. Identity , the third core element of social cohesion, has by far been studied the least, but the research that does exist almost unequivocally points toward increased group identification and decreased national identity as a result of victimization. Taking the results from the different elements together, the literature thereby suggests that despite some positive effects on particular aspects of cooperation and trust, conflict overall decreases social cohesion.

Regarding the theoretical mechanisms at play, no clear picture emerges, which is also because this strand of research struggles with the fact that theoretical mechanisms are mostly assumed but rarely empirically assessed, although newer studies have begun to more systematically analyze causal mechanisms. Results on decreased trust due to violence exposure speak for an out-group effect as well as post-traumatic withdrawal more generally. The results on identity provide support for social identity theory and an in-group/out-group mechanism to be at play. Regarding cooperation, there are also some indications of an in-group/out-group effect but with regard to political participation results currently point toward PTG. At the same time, some newer studies that find also in-group cooperation decreases suggest a denunciation mechanism might be important. How exactly social cohesion is affected by violent conflict hence seems to vary across elements but at the same time is still explored too little. Overall, the literature would benefit from more careful considerations and evaluations of the theoretical mechanisms at play.

Reviewing the literature also demonstrates that while the field has considerably expanded in recent years and has produced many interesting findings, considerable shortcomings still exist. Addressing these suggests five particularly fruitful avenues for future research.

First, the field would benefit greatly from more explicitly differentiating between the different subtypes of trust, cooperation and identity and systematically comparing results within each of them. This is especially the case for trust and cooperation where, for example, social trust can be broken down into particularized, generalized, in-group and out-group trust, and participation can be divided into political (both formal and informal) and civil forms. Being specific about which subtype one is addressing and using more similar measures to study them would greatly increase comparability across studies. This would also allow more meta-analyses to be conducted to strengthen confidence in the effects found so far. At the same time, it would be equally important to not only focus on specific elements and even subtypes thereof but also to study social cohesion as a whole. Studying social cohesion more holistically could provide a more encompassing picture of the social legacies of conflict and at the same time help strengthen our knowledge about interdependencies between the different elements of social cohesion.

Second, studies would benefit greatly by further exploring how the type of underlying conflict theoretically and empirically affects whether social cohesion (or a specific element thereof) increases or decreases. For example, if the state played a central role in perpetrating violence, then one could expect political trust to decrease. However, some state institutions might be associated more with violence than others and the configuration of the post-conflict political elite might also be an important factor here. Similarly, only if conflicts are fought along clear group lines, in-group and out-group trust are most likely affected. However, allegiances can also cut across groups or generally bring people closer together if they see the state as the primary, external enemy, for example. Taking a closer look at who perpetrated the violence and how this affects an individual’s attitudes and behavior is an important avenue for further research.

Third, it is also important to note that the studies vary strongly with regard to how conflict exposure is measured. Self-reported, individual-level data aims to directly measure victimization but might suffer from reporting bias. Other studies rely on objective conflict data to construct community-level indicators of violence and assume respondents from these communities experienced at least a certain degree of conflict exposure. They in turn are not able to directly measure whether this was indeed the case and explicitly take migration dynamics into account, for example. Both measures should hence be carefully reflected upon and improved, in particular in regard to trying to distill the concrete mechanism behind empirical findings. Furthermore, more careful analyses of the type and degree of victimization would benefit the literature greatly. For example, only a small number of studies focuses on direct combat exposure and find different effects across different elements of social cohesion suggesting that this type of exposure is still too poorly understood. How conflict exposure is measured also raises questions on the ethical implications of this strand of research ( Campbell 2017 ; Kaplan, Kuhnt, and Steinert 2020 ). Discussions thereof are remarkably absent from a large number of the articles reviewed, although more recent articles have begun to reference ethical approvals as well as using survey items explicitly developed to be non-intrusive.

Fourth, the research field currently focuses heavily on single cases, which makes it difficult to infer generalizable results. Although not without methodological flaws, the debate has so far produced remarkably rigorous research that is mostly based on detailed analyses of survey or experimental data collected in single countries. Nevertheless, there is a certain bias in the literature toward African countries. Research in less-studied contexts as well as across different country contexts would hence be an important contribution to the field.

Fifth, another common blind spot across the studies on all three elements of social cohesion is that most of them are not able to study developments over time. Instead, the effect of conflict is analyzed statically. While trust, cooperation, and identity are sticky concepts that are unlikely to change rapidly over time, tracing more closely how they are affected by conflict across the short-, mid-, and long-term would be an important addition to current insights.

Overall, while the study of the social legacies of armed conflict has vastly expanded in recent years, many open questions on how conflict affects social cohesion remain. In particular, we need to study in more detail how conflict affects social cohesion as a whole, what role the type of underlying conflict and conflict exposure plays as well as how effects develop over time.

More specifically, political and civil participation as well as trust.

It does so first, by focusing on an inclusive identity rather than only a sense of belonging and, second, by moving from the willingness to cooperate to actual cooperation and only cooperation for the common good. This is important because both modifications allow a more nuanced view on social cohesion that might be particularly important in post-conflict contexts. Especially after conflict an inclusive identity, which allows for both superordinate and subordinate identities to coexist is key for peaceful societal relations. Cooperation per se need not be community, i.e., common-good oriented but can also be pursued for egoistic purposes, which however would be less conducive for reconciliation.

In this review, I focus on how the academic literature that studies how conflict affects social cohesion. For excellent overviews over the also highly relevant literature on what types of governmental or donor interventions may foster social cohesion (and peace) in post-conflict contexts (see Matanock 2021 ; Sonnenfeld et al. 2021 ).

This means working papers had to have been published in an established working paper series in order to be included in the review.

The key terms, that led to the relevant literature, were adapted to each database and include: “civil war trust,” “civil war ethnicity,” “civil war prosocial behaviour,” “social trust war,” “social cohesion war,” “exposure to violence trust,” and “conflict political trust.” The journals that were individually searched for relevant literature include the American Journal of Political Science , the American Political Science Review , the British Journal of Political Science , the Journal of Conflict Resolution , the Journal of Economic Growth, Oxford Economic Papers , the Journal of Peace Research , and Conflict Management and Peace Science , among others.

I thereby include over thirty studies more than Bauer et al. (2016 ) cover in their meta-analysis, the majority of which (20) were published at a later stage but would have fit their inclusion criteria. Twelve studies focus on outcomes Bauer et al. (2016 ) were not interested in (political trust and identity) and four on minor armed conflict, whereas Bauer et al. (2016 ) exclusively focus on civil wars.

This paper covers literature up until December 2022.

The central experimental approach for the measurement of trust is the trust game. It was designed by Berg, Dickhaut, and McCabe (1995 ) and is based on the distribution of money between two players—a “truster” and a “trustee.” In the first step, the truster decides how much of an initial amount of money she is endowed with she would like to send to the trustee. If she decides to send something, the amount is multiplied by a constant before reaching the trustee. The trustee then decides how much she will keep and how much she sends back to the truster. The amount the truster sends to the trustee is usually interpreted as a measure of trust, while the amount the trustee returns is considered a measure of trustworthiness (repaying trust).

This question asks respondents how likely they think it is that their wallet would be returned with nothing missing should they lose it in their neighborhood.

For an excellent overview over central discussions regarding political trust, see Zmerli and Van der Meer (2017 ).

In this one-shot game, individuals make multiple decisions with respect to the distribution of resources for themselves and for others.

In the dictator game, one player—the dictator—receives an amount of money and can decide how much of it to share with the passive, other player. It is used to measure altruism, an important precondition for cooperation.

A public goods game includes multiple players who can decide to contribute to a common pool of money or take money out of it. Played in several rounds, the game reveals whether participants decide to cooperate or to free-ride (benefit from the public good without contributing to it).

The prisoner’s dilemma game is similar to the public goods game and measures cooperation between two subjects.

More specifically, they measure the children’s 2D:4D digit ratio, which is the relative length of the index finger with respect to the ring finger and influenced by hormones during pregnancy.

Gilligan et al. (2014 ) put these findings into perspective by discussing the peculiarities of the Nepalese Civil War.

This research was financially supported by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development. I would like to warmly thank Christopher Rohles for his invaluable contribution to the research as well as Jana Kuhnt, Julia Leininger, Sebastian Ziaja, and two anonymous reviewers for their excellent comments.

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Social conflict refers to the tension, disagreement, or antagonism between individuals or groups within a society arising from opposing interests, values, or actions. It is a fundamental concept in sociology, highlighting the role of power, resources, and societal structures in shaping conflicts that can range from interpersonal disputes to large-scale social movements.

1. Introduction

Social conflict, a fundamental concept in sociology, encapsulates the tensions, disputes, and opposing interests that permeate human societies. Social conflict, broadly defined, refers to the discord arising from conflicting interests, values, or actions between individuals or groups within a society. It encompasses a spectrum of conflicts, ranging from personal disputes to societal upheavals. Examining social conflict unveils the power struggles, inequalities, and structural tensions that influence the functioning of societies.

1.1. Theoretical Foundations: Marxian, Weberian, and Durkheimian Perspectives

The theoretical landscape of social conflict is rich, with seminal contributions from key sociological thinkers. Karl Marx, with his Marxian perspective, emphasized class struggle as a driver of social conflict, rooted in economic inequalities. Max Weber expanded the framework by incorporating multiple sources of conflict, including cultural and political factors. Emile Durkheim, on the other hand, focused on the functional role of conflict in maintaining societal cohesion. These foundational perspectives provide lenses through which sociologists analyze the complexities of social conflict.

The study of social conflict holds paramount significance in sociology. It unveils the power dynamics, social inequalities, and structural flaws that underpin societal functioning. By understanding the roots and manifestations of social conflict, sociologists gain insights into the forces shaping human interactions, institutions, and collective behaviors. Moreover, the examination of conflict is instrumental in developing strategies for fostering social cohesion and addressing systemic issues.

2. Types of Social Conflict

Social conflict, a pervasive aspect of human societies, manifests in various forms, reflecting the diverse nature of disagreements, tensions, and opposing interests. Examining the types of social conflict provides insight into the multiple levels and dimensions where conflicts arise.

2.1. Interpersonal Conflict: Micro-Level Dynamics

At the micro-level, interpersonal conflict involves disputes, tensions, or disagreements between individuals. These conflicts may arise from differences in personal values, communication styles, or competition for resources. Everyday scenarios, such as family disagreements, workplace conflicts, or disputes among friends, fall within the realm of interpersonal conflict. The roots of interpersonal conflict often lie in the complexities of individual personalities and interactions. Factors like miscommunication, misunderstandings, or divergent expectations can escalate seemingly trivial issues into significant conflicts. Understanding interpersonal conflict is crucial for fostering healthy relationships and creating environments where individuals can navigate differences constructively.

2.2. Organizational Conflict: Conflict within Institutions

Organizational conflict unfolds within formal structures, including workplaces, educational institutions, or any organized setting. This type of conflict emerges from disputes over goals, resource allocation, power dynamics, or differences in organizational culture. Conflicts in organizations may surface in various forms, such as disagreements between employees, disputes over policies, or power struggles within hierarchical structures. Organizational conflict is inherent to complex institutions, and its effective management is essential for maintaining productivity and employee well-being. Unresolved conflicts within organizations can lead to decreased morale, hindered innovation, and compromised efficiency. Analyzing organizational conflict provides insights into the dynamics of formal structures and the ways internal tensions impact the functioning of institutions.

2.3. Structural Conflict: Macro-Level Inequalities

At the macro-level, structural conflict is deeply rooted in societal structures, systemic inequalities, and power imbalances. This type of conflict arises from disparities in access to resources, opportunities, and rights embedded in the social fabric. Structural conflicts encompass issues like economic inequality, racial discrimination, gender disparities, and other forms of societal injustice.

Structural conflicts often lead to social movements and collective actions seeking systemic change. Movements advocating for civil rights, labor rights, or environmental justice exemplify responses to structural conflicts. Understanding and addressing structural conflicts are crucial for fostering social justice and creating more equitable societies.

Analyzing these types of social conflict reveals the multi-dimensional nature of disagreements within societies. From the interpersonal dynamics shaping individual relationships to conflicts within formal organizations and the systemic inequalities embedded in societal structures, social conflict permeates various aspects of human interactions. In the subsequent sections, we explore the causes and contributing factors to social conflict, shedding light on the intricate forces that give rise to tensions within societies.

3. Causes and Factors Contributing to Social Conflict

3.1. economic inequality and class struggle.

One of the primary drivers of social conflict is economic inequality, particularly disparities in wealth, income, and access to resources. Economic inequality creates divisions between social classes, exacerbating tensions and grievances among marginalized groups. Karl Marx's theory of class struggle highlights the inherent conflict between the bourgeoisie, who own the means of production, and the proletariat, who sell their labor for wages. In societies characterized by significant economic disparities, conflicts often arise from struggles for economic justice, fair wages, and equitable distribution of resources. Discontentment stemming from economic inequality can fuel social movements, labor strikes, and protests aimed at challenging existing power structures and advocating for systemic change.

3.2. Cultural and Religious Differences

Cultural and religious diversity can be both a source of enrichment and a catalyst for social conflict. Differences in values, beliefs, customs, and traditions can lead to misunderstandings, tensions, and even hostility between individuals or groups with divergent cultural backgrounds. Conflicts arising from cultural or religious differences often manifest in forms of discrimination, prejudice, and ethnocentrism. Religious conflicts, in particular, have historical roots in disputes over religious practices, doctrines, or territorial control. Such conflicts may escalate into violence, sectarian strife, or even civil wars in extreme cases. Similarly, clashes between cultural norms and modernization efforts can generate tensions within societies undergoing rapid social change.

3.3. Power Imbalances and Political Conflict

Political conflict often stems from power imbalances within societies, where certain groups or individuals wield disproportionate influence over political processes and decision-making. Authoritarian regimes, corrupt governance structures, and lack of political representation can breed resentment and opposition among marginalized populations. Political conflicts may arise from struggles for democracy, human rights, or self-determination.

Moreover, disputes over political ideologies, governance models, and resource allocation can lead to polarization and ideological divides within societies. Political factions, interest groups, and rival political parties may engage in contentious debates, electoral competitions, or even violent confrontations to advance their agendas and secure power.

3.4. Social Identity and Group Dynamics

Social identity plays a significant role in shaping interpersonal relationships and group dynamics, often contributing to conflicts based on in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination. Individuals identify with various social categories, such as race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexuality, or social class, forming social identities that influence their perceptions and behaviors. Conflicts stemming from social identity may arise from perceived threats to group identity, cultural heritage, or collective interests. Discrimination, prejudice, and stereotypes can exacerbate tensions between different social groups, leading to inter-group conflicts and social divisions. Addressing social identity-based conflicts requires fostering inclusivity, promoting empathy, and challenging discriminatory attitudes and practices.

3.5. Environmental Degradation and Resource Scarcity

Environmental degradation and resource scarcity are increasingly recognized as potential sources of social conflict, particularly in regions facing ecological challenges or natural resource exploitation. Competition over land, water, minerals, or energy resources can fuel conflicts between communities, indigenous groups, corporations, and governments.

Conflicts over environmental resources may manifest in disputes over land rights, water access, or environmental pollution. In some cases, environmental degradation exacerbates existing social inequalities, leading to social unrest, displacement, or even armed conflicts. Sustainable resource management and equitable distribution of environmental benefits are crucial for mitigating environmental-related social conflicts.

3.6. Historical Trauma and Social Memory

Historical trauma and collective memory of past injustices can perpetuate social conflicts across generations, fueling resentment, grievances, and inter-group animosity. Historical events such as colonialism, genocide, slavery, or ethnic cleansing leave enduring scars on societies, shaping collective identities and narratives of victimhood or oppression.

Conflicts rooted in historical trauma often involve demands for recognition, apology, reparations, or restitution for past wrongs. Failure to address historical injustices can impede reconciliation efforts and perpetuate cycles of violence and retribution. Acknowledging historical trauma and promoting dialogue and reconciliation are essential steps toward healing societal wounds and fostering social cohesion.

4. Dynamics of Social Conflict

4.1. escalation and de-escalation.

Social conflicts exhibit dynamic trajectories that can escalate or de-escalate based on various factors. Escalation may result from unresolved grievances, political repression, or economic hardships. Conversely, de-escalation can occur through effective conflict resolution, dialogue, or systemic changes addressing underlying issues. Understanding the dynamics of conflict escalation and de-escalation is crucial for developing strategies to manage societal tensions.

4.2. Role of Communication in Conflict Resolution

Communication plays a pivotal role in resolving social conflicts. Effective dialogue and open communication channels can foster understanding, bridge differences, and contribute to conflict resolution. Conversely, breakdowns in communication or the spread of misinformation can exacerbate conflicts. Analyzing the role of communication in social conflict provides insights into how information influences perceptions and actions.

4.3. Long-Term Effects on Social Structures

The outcomes of social conflicts have lasting effects on societal structures. Successful resolution can lead to positive societal changes, such as increased justice, equality, and political representation. However, unresolved conflicts may result in persistent tensions, social divisions, or even cycles of violence. Exploring the long-term effects of social conflict helps assess the resilience and adaptability of societal structures.

5. Social Movements and Protest

5.1. emergence and objectives of social movements.

Social movements often arise in response to perceived injustices, inequalities, or systemic issues. These movements mobilize individuals and groups to advocate for change. Understanding the emergence and objectives of social movements sheds light on the underlying societal issues and the aspirations of those seeking social transformation.

5.2. Tactics and Strategies in Protests

Protests and demonstrations are common forms of expressing dissent and pushing for change. The tactics employed in protests, whether peaceful demonstrations, civil disobedience, or more confrontational methods, shape the dynamics of social conflict. Analyzing protest strategies provides insights into the efficacy and potential impact of collective actions.

5.3. Impact on Societal Change

Social movements and protests can have a profound impact on societal change. They contribute to shifts in public opinion, influence policy decisions, and catalyze institutional reforms. The examination of these impacts offers valuable lessons on the role of collective action in shaping the trajectory of societies.

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By Claudia Seymour

September 2003

Introduction

So much less tangible than the physical destruction of war, the effects of conflict on the psychology of individuals and a society are as profound as they are neglected. If the attitudes that lead to conflict are to be mitigated, and if it is taken that psychology drives attitudes and behaviors of individuals and groups, then new emphasis must be placed on understanding the social psychology of conflict and its consequences. The suffering and trauma that are the results of war need to be addressed and prioritised in plans for peace. Effective means for dealing with these less-visible consequences of violent conflict must be developed if a true and sustained peace is to be realised.

For a comprehensive understanding of conflict and conflict management, social psychology as a frame of analysis should be used as a complement to the political and economic analyses usually used. Economic analysis explains the underlying inequities and injustices that exist in conflicted societies, while political analysis contributes to understanding the nature and inadequacies of states, ideally leading to models of responsible and legitimate governance. Both the political and economic approaches are essential for understanding the root causes of violence, and for offering necessary perspectives on effective conflict management. Yet for a comprehensive analysis of conflict, social-psychological dimensions must also be understood and addressed. Social-psychological analysis, when combined with political and economic analyses, allows for deeper insights into conflict and conflict management.

Components of the Social-Psychological Dimension

Social psychology permeates all aspects of intractable conflict. While history, perceptions and identity are inherently present in the escalation of conflict, they are also intrinsic to managing conflict and contributing to a sustainable peace. Acknowledging history, building awareness, learning empathy , according legitimacy , and recognising fears are among the most powerful tools for building peace.

Any analysis of conflict requires learning its history, the progression of events which led to the eruption of violence. As groups or nations interact with each other, patterns of interaction develop over time. Repeated experience leads to the formation and solidification of beliefs and perceptions of self and others. While this can be a positively reinforcing process in which the relationship between the two parties is based on trust and cooperation , in situations of conflict such processes are largely negative . If the history shared between two nations is competitive -- either over resources or over power -- then the other party is viewed as a threat . Wars fought in the past will create a collective history, the loss and suffering transferred in collective memory from one generation to the next. When there is a history of domination of one party over the other, there is little basis for trust or cooperation. Each of these past experiences lays the foundation for interactions in the present and the future.

As history builds upon itself, individuals and societies mobilise against the negative other, and soon define themselves according to their opposition of that other. Continuing conflict or threats of conflict lead to the formation of vested interests, expressed in the various aspects of war, defense, and opposition. Each of these interests becomes an integral component of the conflict dynamic, as ending the conflict effectively threatens their own existence.

In the social-psychological analysis of conflict, emphasis is placed on the importance of acknowledging history. Previous wars fought, previous aggressions committed, or previous actions that led to the loss of trust are not easily forgotten. Denying these past realities does not remove them from history. On the contrary, denying claims rooted in history creates fear and insecurity , challenging the existence of other groups and nations, exacerbating tensions, and heightening conflict.

It is important to acknowledge the negative experiences and consequences of history between parties in order to reduce tensions. Tensions can thus be limited to contemporary issues over which control and change can be affected. Acknowledging the aspects of history in the national discourse, specifically its darker aspects, allows for at least the possibility of positive transformation , where lessons can be learned and new relationships built .

Perceptions

In relations between nations and groups, perceptions are formed by interactions over time. Values of and threats from others, power distribution, and resource control, each contribute to these perceptions. The realist school of international-relations theory describes conflict as a result of a shift in power and the display of relative strength. In social-psychological terms, it is the perception of power, rather than the actual possession of power, which is important. Power is most often perceived in military, economic or political terms. If these terms are perceived as zero-sum , it is likely that conflict will erupt or escalate . However, if the terms of conflict and their perception can be moved from zero-sum to positive sum, then options for conflict management are greatly augmented.

Kelman's exposition of mirror image theory[1] describes how parties develop parallel images of the other, with self-perceptions largely positive and perceptions of the other mostly negative. Violence and aggression become associated with the other party while virtue and justice are qualities possessed by oneself or one's own group. Deutsch's folk theory of war, in which one side perceives itself as only good and the other side as only evil, can lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy, where violence rapidly escalates.[2] In both cases, the best tools to counter the negative effects of mirror-imaging and the good-versus-evil dialectic is empathy , a capacity rarely found in the realm of international relations.

Perceptions are formed early in life, and unless otherwise challenged, continue to solidify. The danger with perceptions is that, while they are drawn from reality, over time they create reality: the self-fulfilling prophecy. Perceptions, however, are not perfect images of reality; through social experience, they can change. New perspectives can be learned, values and interests can be shared. Exchange programs and group workshops can be valuable opportunities to learn empathy, build trust, open communication , increase sensitivity, and augment perspectives and appreciation for the other.

Identity can be described as the norms, beliefs, practices, and traditions with which one engages one's environment. Self-perception underlies the notion of identity, a pivotal component of social-psychological analysis. Identity and perceptions of the self provide the lens through which one views others. Identity is not an immutable concept, rather, it forms and changes depending on the particular historical moment. Conceptions of identity influence the process of conflicts. Yet identity is still overlooked when attempting to understand the origins of conflict, or in planning its management.

The mutability or adaptability of identity gives it vast potential as a tool for conflict management. While national identity can easily become a negative influence, it can just as easily be transformed to a positive impetus for peace. Intentional manipulation of any national identity should inspire wariness -- as exemplified with the rise of hyper-nationalist movements or of calls to genocide or "ethnic cleansing." Yet leaders and peacemakers can affect significant positive change through identity transformation. Increasing awareness of the self and supporting a more equitable perception of others can be facilitated through cross-cultural exchanges, or high-level and highly visible dialogues . Sharing of each group's unique history, traditions, and culture are all positive initiatives that mutually reinforce one's own and the other's identity.

Social Psychology in Negotiations

In negotiations, the importance of perceptions in terms of power distribution or relative positioning is key. Social-psychological dimensions -- perception in particular -- are key in even beginning negotiations. According to Zartman,[3] negotiations are usually only initiated -- and successful -- in certain "ripe" situations. These include:

• the occurrence of a recent or incipient national crisis,
• a change in the military situation, leading to the perception of a real and immediate threat of new or heightened violent conflict,
• the perception of a mutually hurting stalemate ,
• a perception that continued violence is more costly than the negotiations themselves,
• a change in power to a more equitable distribution. If parties perceive that power is distributed more equitably, they are more likely to come to the negotiating table.

Parties naturally fear the compromises involved in attaining negotiated settlements. Fears of concessions threaten the sense of security for both sides, making parties less likely to enter into negotiations in the first place. The social-psychological approach can assist in bringing contending parties to the peacemaking process. If each side is able to recognise the fears and perceptions of the other -- thus accepting mutual legitimacy -- negotiations can create positive change. Third-party peacemakers can also support the process by providing reassurance in the form of acknowledgements and confidence-building measures . Outside of negotiations, conflict-resolution workshops are useful for changing negative perceptions, acknowledging history, and addressing destructive divisions in identity. By addressing the fears and perceptions of threats, these peacemaking initiatives can support the transition from conflict to sustainable peace.

Other essays discuss frames and framing and emotions in more detail.

[1] Herbert Kelman, "Israelis and Palestinians: Psychological prerequisites for mutual acceptance", International Security 3, no. 1 (Summer 1978): 162-186.

[2] Daniel Druckman, "Nationalism, Patriotism, and Group Loyalty: A Social Psychological Perspective", Mershon International Studies Review 38 (1994): 43-68.

[3] I. William Zartman, "Prenegotiation: Phases and Functions", Getting to the Table: The Process of International Prenegotiation , ed. Janice Gross Stein (USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).

Use the following to cite this article: Seymour, Claudia. "Social Psychological Dimensions of Conflict." Beyond Intractability . Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2003 < http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/social-psychological >.

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Chapter 12. Competition and Cooperation in Our Social Worlds

12.2 How the Social Situation Creates Conflict: The Role of Social Dilemmas

Learning Objectives

• Explain the concepts of public goods and social dilemmas, and how these conflicts influence human interactions.
• Describe the principles of the prisoner’s dilemma game that make it an effective model for studying social dilemmas.
• Review the different laboratory games that have been used to study social dilemmas.
• Summarize the individual difference and cultural variables that relate to cooperation and competition.

If human beings are well equipped to cooperate with each other, and if morality, social fairness, and other human features favor cooperation, why are so many social relationships still competitive? If you guessed that the competition comes not so much from the people as it does from the nature of the social situation, then you would be correct. In short, competition is often caused by the social dilemma itself—the dilemma creates patterns whereby even when we want to be good, the situation nevertheless rewards us for being selfish. Ross and Ward (1995) found that participants played a game more competitively when it was described as a “Wall Street broker game” than when the same game was called a “community game.” And other studies have found that subliminal priming of money or business materials (e.g., boardroom tables and business suits) increases competition (Kay, Wheeler, Bargh, & Ross, 2004; Vohs, Meed, & Goode, 2006).

Social dilemmas occur when the members of a group, culture, or society are in potential conflict over the creation and use of shared public goods. Public goods are benefits that are shared by a community at large and that everyone in the group has access to, regardless of whether or not they have personally contributed to the creation of the goods (Abele, Stasser, & Chartier, 2010). In many cases, the public good involves the responsible use of a resource that if used wisely by the group as a whole will remain intact but if overused will be destroyed. Examples include the cod off the coast of Newfoundland, water in local reservoirs, public beaches, and clean air. In other cases, the public good involves a service—such as public television or public radio—that is supported by the members of the community but that is used freely by everyone in the community.

Let’s consider first a case in which a social dilemma leads people to overuse an existing public good —a type of social dilemma called a harvesting dilemma . One example, called the commons dilemma , was proposed by Garrett Hardin (1968). Hardin noted that in many towns in Europe, there was at one time a centrally located pasture, known as the commons, which was shared by the inhabitants of the village to graze their livestock. But the commons was not always used wisely. The problem was that each individual who owned livestock wanted to be able to use the commons to graze his or her own animals. However, when each group member took advantage of the commons by grazing many animals, the commons became overgrazed, the pasture died, and the commons was destroyed.

Although Hardin focused on the particular example of the commons, he noted that the basic dilemma of individual needs and desires versus the benefit of the group as whole could also be found in many contemporary public goods issues, including the use of limited natural resources and public land. In large cities, most people may prefer the convenience of driving their own car to work each day rather than taking public transportation. Yet this behavior uses up public goods (roads that are not clogged with traffic, and air that is free of pollution). People are lured into the dilemma by short-term self-interest, seemingly without considering the potential long-term costs of the behavior, such as air pollution and the necessity of building even more highways.

Social dilemmas such as the commons dilemma are arranged in a way that make it easy to be selfish because the personally beneficial choice (such as using water during a water shortage or driving to work alone in one’s own car) produces benefits for the individual, no matter what others do. Furthermore, social dilemmas tend to work on a type of “time delay.” Because the long-term negative outcome (the extinction of fish species or dramatic changes in the climate) is far away in the future, and yet the individual benefits are occurring right now, it is difficult to see how many costs there really are. The paradox, of course, is that if everyone takes the personally selfish choice in an attempt to maximize his or her own rewards, the long-term result is poorer outcomes for every individual in the group. Each individual prefers to make use of the public goods for himself or herself, whereas the best outcome for the group as a whole is to use the resources more slowly and wisely.

Another type of social dilemma—the contributions dilemma —occurs when the short-term costs of a behavior lead individuals to avoid performing it, and this may prevent the long-term benefits that would have occurred if the behaviors had been performed . An example of a contributions dilemma occurs when individuals have to determine whether or not to donate to the local public radio or television station. If most people do not contribute, the TV station may have lower quality programming, or even go off the air entirely, thus producing a negative outcome for the group as a whole. However, if enough people already contribute, then it is not in anyone’s own best interest to do so, because the others will pay for the programming for them. Contributions dilemmas thus encourage people to free ride, relying on other group members to contribute for them.

H5P: TEST YOUR LEARNING: DRAG THE WORDS – COVID-19 SOCIAL DILEMMAS

The following scenarios relevant to the COVID-19 pandemic are examples of either a commons or contributions dilemma. Read through each situation below, and decide which dilemma applies. If you need to, look back at the key differences between these two types of social dilemma in this section of the chapter, and then drag your chosen option into each box.

• The stockpiling of items like hand sanitizers and face masks in the early months of the pandemic, to be sold on at large mark ups, and leaving many without access to these items.
• Some people who chose not to get a COVID-19 vaccination to avoid any potential side effects, hoping that enough others will get it, so that some form of herd immunity is achieved anyway.
• A management team who decide not to comply with a mask mandate in their workplace, knowing that most companies will comply, which will in turn reduce transmission rates.
• The bulk buying of items that were believed to be likely to become scarce, including rolls of bathroom tissue, which naturally then created the very scarcity people feared.

The Prisoner’s Dilemma

One method of understanding how individuals and groups behave in social dilemmas is to create such situations in the laboratory and observe how people react to them. The best known of these laboratory simulations is called the prisoner’s dilemma game (Poundstone, 1992). The prisoner’s dilemma game is a laboratory simulation that models a social dilemma in which the goals of the individual compete with the goals of another individual (or sometimes with a group of other individuals) . Like all social dilemmas, the prisoner’s dilemma makes use of the assumptions of social learning approaches to behavior that assume that individuals will try to maximize their own outcomes in their interactions with others.

In the prisoner’s dilemma, the participants are shown a payoff matrix in which numbers are used to express the potential outcomes for the each of the players in the game, given the decisions made by each player. The payoffs are chosen beforehand by the experimenter to create a situation that models some real-world outcome. Furthermore, in the prisoner’s dilemma, the payoffs are normally arranged as they would be in a typical social dilemma, such that each individual is better off acting in his or her immediate self-interest, and yet if all individuals act according to their self-interest, then everyone will be worse off.

In its original form, the prisoner’s dilemma involves a situation in which two prisoners (we’ll call them Frank and Malik) have been accused of committing a crime. The police have determined that the two worked together on the crime, but they have only been able to gather enough evidence to convict each of them of a more minor offense. In an attempt to gain more evidence and thus to be able to convict the prisoners of the larger crime, each prisoner is interrogated individually, with the hope that he will confess to having been involved in the more major crime in return for a promise of a reduced sentence if he confesses first. Each prisoner can make either the cooperative choice (which is to not confess) or the competitive choice (which is to confess).

The incentives for either confessing or not confessing are expressed in a payoff matrix such as the one shown in Figure 12.5. The top of the matrix represents the two choices that Malik might make (either to confess that he did the crime or to not confess), and the side of the matrix represents the two choices that Frank might make (also to either confess or not confess). The payoffs that each prisoner receives, given the choices of each of the two prisoners, are shown in each of the four squares.

In the prisoner’s dilemma, two suspected criminals are interrogated separately. The payoff matrix indicates the outcomes for each prisoner, measured as the number of years each is sentenced to prison, as a result of each combination of cooperative (don’t confess) and competitive (confess) decisions. Outcomes for Malik are in the darker color, and outcomes for Frank are in lighter color.

If both prisoners take the cooperative choice by not confessing (the situation represented in the upper left square of the matrix), there will be a trial, the limited available information will be used to convict each prisoner, and each will be sentenced to a relatively short prison term of three years. However, if either of the prisoners confesses, turning “state’s evidence” against the other prisoner, then there will be enough information to convict the other prisoner of the larger crime, and that prisoner will receive a sentence of 30 years, whereas the prisoner who confesses will get off free. These outcomes are represented in the lower left and upper right squares of the matrix. Finally, it is possible that both players confess at the same time. In this case, there is no need for a trial, and in return, the prosecutors offer a somewhat reduced sentence (of 10 years) to each of the prisoners.

Characteristics of the Prisoner’s Dilemma

The prisoner’s dilemma has two interesting characteristics that make it a useful model of a social dilemma. For one, the prisoner’s dilemma is arranged so that a positive outcome for one player does not necessarily mean a negative outcome for the other player (i.e., the prisoner’s dilemma is not a fixed-sum situation but an integrative one). If you consider again the matrix in Figure 12.5, you can see that if one player takes the cooperative choice (to not confess) and the other takes the competitive choice (to confess), then the prisoner who cooperates loses, whereas the other prisoner wins. However, if both prisoners make the cooperative choice, each remaining quiet, then neither gains more than the other, and both prisoners receive a relatively light sentence. In this sense, both players can win at the same time.

Second, the prisoner’s dilemma matrix is arranged such that each individual player is motivated to take the competitive choice because this choice leads to a higher payoff regardless of what the other player does. Imagine for a moment that you are Malik, and you are trying to decide whether to cooperate (don’t confess) or to compete (confess). And imagine that you are not really sure what Frank is going to do. Remember that the goal of the individual is to maximize rewards. The values in the matrix make it clear that if you think that Frank is going to confess, you should confess yourself (to get 10 rather than 30 years in prison). And it is also clear that if you think Frank is not going to confess, you should still confess (to get no years rather than three years in prison). So the matrix is arranged so that the “best” alternative for each player, at least in the sense of pure self-interest, is to make the competitive choice, even though in the end both players would prefer the combination in which both players cooperate to the one in which they both compete.

Although initially specified in terms of the two prisoners, similar payoff matrices can be used to predict behavior in many different types of dilemmas involving two or more parties and including choices between helping and not helping, working and loafing, and paying and not paying debts (Weber & Messick, 2004). For instance, we can use the prisoner’s dilemma to help us understand a contributions dilemma, such as why two roommates might not want to contribute to the housework. Each of them would be better off if they relied on the other to clean the house. Yet if neither of them makes an effort to clean the house (the cooperative choice), the house becomes a mess and they will both be worse off.

Variations on the Prisoner’s Dilemma

In many cases, the prisoner’s dilemma game is played over a series of trials, in which players can modify their responses based on those given by their partners on previous trials. For example, the ongoing arms race between neighbors and rivals India and Pakistan can be seen as a social dilemma that occurs over time. Over a period of years, each country chooses whether to compete (by building nuclear weapons) or to cooperate (by not building nuclear weapons). And in each case, both countries feel that it is in their best interest to compete rather than cooperate.

The prisoner’s dilemma can also be expanded to be played by more than two players. The behavior of individuals leaving a crowed parking lot, as an example, represents a type of prisoner’s dilemma in which it is to each person’s individual benefit to try to be the first to leave. However, if each person rushes to the exit without regard for others, a traffic jam is more likely to result, which slows down the process for everyone. If all individuals take the cooperative choice—waiting until their turn—everyone wins.

Resource Dilemma Games

In addition to the prisoner’s dilemma, social dilemmas have been studied using games in which a group of individuals share a common pool of resources. In these resource dilemma games , the participants may extract or harvest resources from the pool, and it is to their individual advantage to do so. Furthermore, as the resources are used, the pool can replenish itself through a fixed schedule, which will allow the individuals to continue to harvest over long periods of time. Optimal use of the resource involves keeping the pool level up and harvesting only as much as will be replenished in the given time period. Overuse of the pool provides immediate gain for the individuals but has a long-term cost in the inability to make harvests at a later time.

In one version of a resource dilemma game (Edney, 1979), the participants sit around a bowl of metal nuts, and the goal is to get as many nuts as one can. The experimenter adds nuts to the bowl so that the number of nuts in the bowl doubles every 10 seconds. However, the individual players are also motivated to harvest nuts for themselves and are allowed to take out as many nuts as they like at any time. In Edney’s research, rather than cooperating and watching the pool grow, the participants almost immediately acted in their self-interest, grabbing the nuts from the bowl. In fact, Edney reported that 65% of the groups never got to the first 10-second replenishment!

Research Focus

The trucking game.

Another example of a laboratory simulation that has been used to study conflict is the trucking game. In the original research (Deutsch & Krauss, 1960), pairs of women played the trucking game. Each woman was given $4 to begin with and was asked to imagine herself as the owner of one of two trucking companies (Acme or Bolt) that carried merchandise over the roads shown in Figure 12.6. Each time either player’s truck reached the destination on the opposite side of the board, she earned 60 cents, minus operating costs (1 cent for each second taken by the trip). However, the game was also arranged to create the potential for conflict. Each participant wanted to travel on the main road in order to get to the destination faster, but this road was arranged to be so narrow that only one truck could pass at a time. Whenever the two trucks met each other on this narrow road, one of them was eventually forced to back up. Thus there are two choices to getting to the destination. The players had to either take the long, winding roads, thus eliminating their profits (each player would lose 10 cents on each trip if they were forced to take the long road) or figure out a way to share the use of the one-lane road.

Deutsch and Krauss made the game even more interesting by creating experimental conditions in which either or both of the truck company owners had a gate that controlled access to the road. In the unilateral-threat condition , only Acme had a gate. Thus if Bolt attempted to use the main road, Acme could close the gate, forcing Bolt to back up and enabling Acme to reopen the gate and proceed quickly to the destination. In the bilateral-threat condition , both sides had gates, whereas in the no-threat condition , there were no gates.

As shown in Figure 12.7, participants without gates soon learned to share the one-lane road, and, on average, each made a profit. However, threat in the form of a gate produced conflict and led to fewer profits, although in many cases the participants learned to deal with these problems over time and improved their payoffs as the game went on (Lawler, Ford, & Blegen, 1988; Shomer, Davis, & Kelley, 1966). Participants lost the most money in the bilateral-threat condition in which both sides were given gates that they could control. In this situation, conflict immediately developed, and there were standoffs on the middle road that wasted time and prevented either truck from moving.

Two results of this study are particularly surprising. First, in the unilateral threat condition, both players (including Acme, who had control of the gate) made less money than did those in the no-threat condition (although it is true that in this condition, Acme did lose less than Bolt). Thus being able to threaten the other was not successful for generating overall profits. Second, in the conditions in which both individuals had gates, both individuals actually did worse than they did when only one individual had a gate. Thus when an opponent is able to threaten you, it may be to your benefit to not return with a threat of your own—the ability to counteract the threats of your partner may not always help you but rather may produce even more conflict and losses for both parties.

Who Cooperates and Who Competes?

Although we have to this point focused on how situational variables, such as the nature of the payoffs in the matrix, increase the likelihood that we will compete rather than cooperate, not everyone is influenced the same way by the situation—the personality characteristics of the individuals also matter. In general, people who are more self-oriented are more likely to compete, whereas people who are more other-oriented are more likely to cooperate (Balliet, Parks, & Joireman, 2009; Sagiv, Sverdlik, & Schwarz, 2011). For instance, Campbell, Bush, Brunell, and Shelton (2005) found that students who were highly narcissistic (i.e., very highly self-focused) competed more in a resource dilemma and took more of the shared resource for themselves than did the other people playing the game.

Self- and Other-Orientations in Social Dilemmas

Paul Van Lange and his colleagues (Van Lange, 1999; Van Lange & Kuhlman, 1994) have focused on the person determinants of cooperation by characterizing individuals as one of two types—those who are “pro-social,” meaning that they are high on other-concern and value cooperation, and those who are “pro-self” and thus tend to behave in a manner that enhances their own outcomes by trying to gain advantage over others by making competitive choices.

Sonja Utz (2004) tested how people who were primarily self-concerned would respond differently than those who were primarily other-concerned when the self-concept was activated. In her research, male and female college students first completed a measure designed to assess whether they were more pro-social or more pro-self in orientation. On this measure, the participants had to make choices about whether to give points to themselves or to another person on a series of tasks. The students who tended to favor themselves were classified as pro-self, whereas those who tended to favor others were classified as pro-social.

Then all the students read a story describing a trip to a nearby city. However, while reading the story, half of the students (the self-priming condition) were asked to circle all the pronouns occurring in the story. These pronouns were arranged to be self-relevant and thus to activate the self-concept—“I,” “we,” “my,” and so forth. The students in the control condition, however, were instructed to circle the prepositions, which were not self-relevant (e.g., “of” and “after”).

Finally, the students participated in a series of games in which they had to make a choice between two alternative distributions of points between themselves and another person. As you can see Figure 12.8, the self-manipulation influenced the pro-self students (who were primarily self-oriented already) in a way that they became even less cooperative and more self-serving. However, the students who were initially pro-social became even more cooperative when the self-concept was activated.

Although it is possible that people are either self-concerned or other-concerned, another possibility is that people vary on both of these dimensions simultaneously, such that some people may be high on both self-concern and other-concern. The dual-concern model of cooperation and competition  (Pruitt & Rubin, 1986) is based on this approach, and the four resulting personality types are outlined in Figure 12.9.

The dual-concern model suggests that individuals will relate to social dilemmas, or other forms of conflict, in different ways, depending on their underlying personal orientations or as influenced by the characteristics of the situation that orient them toward a given concern . Individuals who are focused primarily on their own outcomes but who do not care about the goals of others are considered to be contending in orientation. These individuals are expected to try to take advantage of the other party, for instance, by withholding their contributions in social dilemmas. Those who are focused primarily on the others’ outcomes, however, will be yielding and likely to make cooperative choices. Individuals who are not concerned about the interests of either the self or others are inactive and unlikely to care about the situation or to participate in solving it at all.

The interesting prediction of the dual-concern model is that being concerned with one’s own outcomes is not necessarily harmful to the possibility of cooperation. The individuals who are focused on maximizing their own outcomes but who are also concerned with the needs of the others (the problem solvers ) are expected to be as likely to cooperate as are those who are yielding. In fact, the dual-concern model suggests that these individuals may be the best negotiators of all because they are likely to go beyond the trap posed by the dilemma itself, searching for ways to produce new and creative solutions through creative thinking and c ompromise.

Gender and Cultural Differences in Cooperation and Competition

You might be wondering whether men or women are more cooperative. Because women are on average more concerned about maintaining positive relationships with others, whereas men are on average more self-concerned, it might be expected that women might be more likely to cooperate than men. And some research has supported this idea. For instance, in terms of whether or not people accepted an initial offer that was made to them or demanded more, Babcock, Gelfand, Small, and Stayn (2006) found that about half of the men they sampled negotiated a salary when they took their first job offer, whereas only about one-eighth of the women reported doing so. Not surprisingly, women received substantially lower average annual starting salaries than did the men, a fact that is likely to contribute to the wage gap between men and women. And Small, Gelfand, Babcock, and Gettman (2007) found that, overall, women were less likely than men to try to bargain for personal gain in an experimental task. Small and colleagues concluded that women felt that asking for things for themselves was socially inappropriate, perhaps because they perceive that they have less social power than do men.

But although some studies have found that there are gender differences, an interactionist approach to the situation is even more informative. It turns out that women compete less than men in some situations, but they compete about as much as men do in other situations. For example, Bowles, Babcock, and McGinn (2005) showed that the roles that are activated at the negotiation table (i.e., whether one is negotiating for oneself or on behalf of others) are important triggers for gender differences. Women negotiated as well as men when they were negotiating for others, but they negotiated less strongly than men did for themselves. And Kray, Galinsky, and Thompson (2002) showed that gender differences in negotiation behavior are strongly affected by cognitive constructs that are accessible during negotiation. In general, gender differences in negotiation seem to occur in situations in which other-concern is highly accessible but are reduced or eliminated in situations in which other-concern is less accessible (Gelfand, Major, Raver, Nishii, & O’Brien, 2006). A recent meta-analysis of 272 research studies (Baillet, Li, Macfarlan, & van Vugt, 2011) found that overall, men and women cooperated equally. But men cooperated more with other men than women cooperated with other women. In mixed-sex interactions, women were more cooperative than men.

And there are also cultural differences in cooperation, in a direction that would be expected. For instance, Gelfand et al. (2002) found that Japanese students—who are more interdependent and thus generally more other-concerned—were more likely to cooperate and achieved higher outcomes in a negotiation task than did students from the United States (who are more individualistic and self-oriented; Chen, Mannix, & Okumura, 2003).

Key Takeaways

• The behavior of individuals in conflict situations is frequently studied using laboratory games such as the prisoner’s dilemma game. Other types of laboratory games include resource dilemma games and the trucking game.
• Taken together, these games suggest that the most beneficial approach in social dilemmas is to maintain a balance between self-concern and other-concern.
• Individual differences in cooperation and competition, such as those proposed by the dual-concern model, show that individuals will relate to social dilemmas depending on their underlying personal orientations.
• Although women do compete less than men in some situations, they compete about as much as men do in other situations. There are cultural differences in cooperation.

Exercises and Critical Thinking

• Consider a time when you were in a type of social dilemma, perhaps with friends or family. How did your self-concern and other-concern lead you to resolve the dilemma?
• Review and critique the laboratory games that have been used to assess responses in social dilemmas. What are their strengths and the limitations?

Abele, S., Stasser, G., & Chartier, C. (2010). Conflict and coordination in the provision of public goods: A conceptual analysis of continuous and step-level games. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14 (4), 385–401. doi: 10.1177/1088868310368535

Babcock, L., Gelfand, M., Small, D., & Stayn, H. (Eds.). (2006). Gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations . Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Balliet, C., Li, N. P., Macfarlan, S. J., & Van Vugt, M. (2011). Sex differences in cooperation: A meta-analytic review of social dilemmas. Psychological Bulletin, 137 (6), 881-909.

Balliet, D., Parks, C., & Joireman, J. (2009). Social value orientation and cooperation in social dilemmas: A meta-analysis. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 12 (4), 533–547.

Bowles, H. R., Babcock, L., & McGinn, K. L. (2005). Constraints and triggers: Situational mechanics of gender in negotiation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89 (6), 951–965.

Campbell, W. K., Bush, C. P., Brunell, A. B., & Shelton, J. (2005). Understanding the social costs of narcissism: The case of the tragedy of the commons. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31 (10), 1358–1368.

Chen, Y.-R., Mannix, E. A., & Okumura, T. (2003). The importance of who you meet: Effects of self- versus other-concerns among negotiators in the United States, the People’s Republic of China, and Japan. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 39 (1), 1–15.

Deutsch, M., & Krauss, R. M. (1960). The effect of threat upon interpersonal bargaining. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 61 , 181–189.

Edney, J. J. (1979). The nuts game: A concise commons dilemma analog. Environmental Psychology and Nonverbal Behavior, 3 (4), 252–254.

Gelfand, M. J., Higgins, M., Nishii, L. H., Raver, J. L., Dominguez, A., Murakami, F.,…Toyama, M. (2002). Culture and egocentric perceptions of fairness in conflict and negotiation. Journal of Applied Psychology, 87 (5), 833–845.

Gelfand, M. J., Major, V. S., Raver, J. L., Nishii, L. H., & O’Brien, K. (2006). Negotiating relationally: The dynamics of the relational self in negotiations. Academy of Management Review, 31 (2), 427–451.

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Kay, A. C., Wheeler, S. C., Bargh, J. A., & Ross, L. (2004). Material priming: The influence of mundane physical objects on situational construal and competitive behavioral choice. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 95 (1), 83–96. doi: 10.1016/j.obhdp.2004.06.003.

Kray, L. J., Galinsky, A. D., & Thompson, L. (2002). Reversing the gender gap in negotiations: An exploration of stereotype regeneration. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 87 (2), 386–409.

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Sagiv, L., Sverdlik, N., & Schwarz, N. (2011). To compete or to cooperate? Values’ impact on perception and action in social dilemma games. European Journal of Social Psychology, 41 (1), 64–77.

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Small, D. A., Gelfand, M., Babcock, L., & Gettman, H. (2007). Who goes to the bargaining table? The influence of gender and framing on the initiation of negotiation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93 (4), 600–613.

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Image Descriptions

Figure 12.9 The Dual-Concern Model

The dual-concern model of cooperation and competition and the resulting personality types:

• high concern about own outcomes, high concern about other’s outcomes: problem solving
• low concern about own outcomes, high concern about other’s outcomes: yielding
• high concern about own outcomes, low concern about other’s outcomes: contending
• low concern about own outcomes, low concern about other’s outcomes: inactivity

[Return to Figure 12.9]

Occur when the members of a group, culture, or society are in potential conflict over the creation and use of shared public goods. Public goods are benefits that are shared by a community at large and that everyone in the group has access to, regardless of whether or not they have personally contributed to the creation of the goods

Benefits that are shared by a community at large and that everyone in the group has access to, regardless of whether or not they have personally contributed to the creation of the goods.

A social dilemma leads people to overuse an existing public good.

When the short-term costs of a behavior lead individuals to avoid performing it, and this may prevent the long-term benefits that would have occurred if the behaviors had been performed.

A laboratory simulation that models a social dilemma in which the goals of the individual compete with the goals of another individual (or sometimes with a group of other individuals).

Individuals will relate to social dilemmas, or other forms of conflict, in different ways, depending on their underlying personal orientations or as influenced by the characteristics of the situation that orient them toward a given concern.

Principles of Social Psychology - 1st International H5P Edition Copyright © 2022 by Dr. Rajiv Jhangiani and Dr. Hammond Tarry is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Mastering The Art Of Writing A Great Conflict Essay

Table of Contents

… But how to write a conflict essay?

This task can become a real stone of stumbling for many students, especially when they write admissions essays.

The practice shows that students tend to describe conflicts in the one-dimensional narrative, where one side of the conflict is depicted as a knight in shining armor and the other side is a complete villain.

Of course, it is the simplest way to manage conflicts (as anyone sees clearly, who is right), however, this approach highlight the inability to give an unbiased assessment of both sides of the conflict.

Here we will cover the essentials of writing such essays and how to avoid the most common mistakes in the conflict papers.

Studying the basics of the conflict essay

What is conflict, and what are its causes? Is it possible to avoid it, and how to solve it? Who are the participants, and is there a possibility for them to have a peaceful order? Here are the main points that should be covered in your text.

But what are you going to write about?

Different vocabularies give so many different definitions of this term that it is so easy to be bamboozled by all these meanings.

• A war of a fight.
• A mental struggle.
• An opposition of persons or forces.
• Anything that sets the character back from achieving a specific goal (in fiction).

That is why it is crucial to read and understand the task before you start writing.

Writing guideline for the essays about conflict

Your journey to the perfect paper should start with the proper investigation:

• What is the type of conflict you are writing about?
• What are its reasons?
• What are the consequences?
• How to solve it?

Taking into consideration all mentioned above, it becomes clear that the disagreement between two people does not limit the type of conflict. It also may cover a conflict between a man and society or nature, or even a fight against self.

And do not forget about the key players: the protagonist and antagonist of the conflict.

As soon as you have defined the central conflicts and leading players, it is time to gather facts that prove this point of view. Arm yourself with a pen and start searching for the evidence of conflict in the literary work, if your task is to cover the conflict depicted in a novel or a poem.

You may use many sources for data collection; however, make sure that they are reliable and relevant. And do not forget to jot down the information about the source for proper referencing; otherwise, using materials without appropriate arrangement will be considered plagiarism.

Carefully analyze gathered material and single out a precise thesis statement that will be the basis of the paper. Later it will become the last sentence of the introduction, but now it is the basis of the outline for your essay on conflict. The basic outline template for such paper will look like this:

• A hook sentence – an interesting fact, question, quote, or anecdote.
• Introduction part that makes readers aware of the conflict.
• Thesis statement.
• 3 body paragraphs , each with one issue of the conflict and several proofs.
• Address whether the conflict was resolved or not.
• You may also discuss the ways of avoiding or solving the conflict.
• The conclusion  should cover the main points of the paper with the rephrasing of a thesis.

Breaking down a personal conflict essay

Two types of conflict can be covered in the essay – personal and internal. Personal, on its turn, can be divided into a conflict between people, or a person and organization, or a person and a state (especially in the countries of the totalitarian regime).

Usually, students prefer to describe their own conflict experience, for example, with parents or peers. In this case, one has to define the purpose of writing as thereon hangs the tone of the text. For example, the aim is to show that there are no right or wrong, but two legitimate points of view.

Then the tone of the paper will be empathic as the writer has the insight into the opposite point of view and there are two sides of every story.

What about an internal conflict essay?

Such essays deal with the psychological conflicts inside one person. Thus, they discuss what happens when we have to do something that is against ethical standards or values, or the clash of logical and emotional response to something.

Here much prominence should be given to the ways of overcoming this conflict and as a result, becoming a better person.

And in both cases, it is necessary to follow these guidelines to improve the quality of the text:

• Pay attention to the task requirements: do not exceed the word limit , arrange the quotes according to the chosen referencing style, format the paper properly.
• Make sure that the paper is plagiarism-free .
• Edit and proofread the text.

Take advantage of a well-written conflict essay example

As they say, seeing once is better than hearing twice. When you look through a top-notch paper written by a professional writer, everything clicks into place.

What is more, you can use such paper as a template for your own paper and as a source of inspiration.

…What’s not to love?

Can’t complete such task in time? Entrust it to the professionals! Save time and energy, while your flawless paper will be ready for you in no time!

How Do You Spell Check the Essay?

How to start a research paper.

How to Write a Great Narrative Essay Outline

How to Write an Essay on Conflict

How to Write a Motif Paper

In both real life and in fiction, conflict describes an enduring struggle between two opposing forces. Whether you're watching a cartoon or reading a serious literary tome, conflict is a key component of plot. Writing an essay on conflict requires a focus, clarity, and an understanding of the different types of conflict presented in a story.

Identify the Type of Conflict

While most people think of conflict as a fight between two characters, it can be categorized as internal or external or both. Conflict can present itself in four primary ways: externally, as man versus man, man versus society, or man versus nature and internally, as man versus self, as exemplified by the tragic struggle of Shakespeare’s Hamlet trying to avenge his father’s murder.

Find Supporting Evidence

Whether you’re analyzing a piece of literature or a clash between two nations, you’ll first need to identity the two opposing forces that comprise your central argument, and then find evidence to support your claim. For example, if your central conflict is man versus nature – think Sebastian Junger’s “The Perfect Storm” – you’ll want to find specific examples of where the sea rises up against the sailors. As with any analytical essay, analyzing conflicts requires you to look for specific quotes, phrases or parts of dialogue that reinforce your position.

Draft Your Thesis

Once you've figured out your protagonist and antagonist and the type of conflict to address in your essay, narrow your focus and write a concise thesis statement that states the central conflict you plan to address. For example, If you’re analyzing “man versus society” in your essay, such as when Atticus Finch fights against a racist society in “To Kill a Mockingbird,” you could state, "In 'To Kill a Mockingbird,' Harper Lee uses Atticus Finch’s defense of Tom Robinson to both illustrate and combat the rampant racism that has infected his Southern town." Your thesis statement will provide you with a road map for the rest of your paper and will help you decide upon the main points of your paper. Your thesis should be the very last sentence in your introduction.

Start Writing

Once you’ve found your examples and written your thesis, write your first draft. Remember to start your essay with a “hook” – a question, a quote, or a statistic, for example that will introduce the conflict you’ll be analyzing. Start each body paragraph with a topic sentence that states a main point, and then support that point with three or four of your examples from your initial research. Repeat this process for each remaining body paragraph. Within the body of the paper, address whether the conflict was resolved, and how. In your conclusion, summarize your main points and restate -- but don’t repeat verbatim -- your thesis.

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Jennifer Brozak earned her state teaching certificate in Secondary English and Communications from St. Vincent College in Latrobe, Pa., and her bachelor's degree in journalism from the University of Pittsburgh. A former high school English teacher, Jennifer enjoys writing articles about parenting and education and has contributed to Reader's Digest, Mamapedia, Shmoop and more.

Social Conflict

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This chapter summarizes research on the relationship between inequality and conflict over the past three decades. The end of the Cold War marked a caesura in theorizing and studying conflict and inequality. Three major themes are discussed in this chapter. First, in the decade spanning from 1990 to 2000, an early strand of research treated group-based, religious, and ethnic inequalities as drivers of conflict, eventually leading to current debates on horizontal inequalities and relative deprivation. Second, a strand developed as a counter-theory to group-based approaches during the early 2000s and emphasized greed as a motive for civil war and conflict over grievances. This approach was later applied to the idea of new wars in the Global South. Here, authors claiming a qualitative change in warfare pointed to greed and tribalistic identity politics as sources of war in the Global South – and threats against which the Global North should protect itself. Third, the last strand of scholarship discussed has changed the focus from large N datasets to more fine-grained disaggregated data collected – among others – from surveys and interviews. This micropolitical turn took off after 2006 and analyses variances in violent practices, pointing to the reproduction and changes in social structures during times of war and beyond.

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Although not expressively theorized as such, Collier’s rationalist model clearly seems that it should refer to all human action in violent conflicts, not only in the Global South. The model and its data deal with conflicts in the Global South and are often perceived as an explanation for violence outside the Global North but – as do most of the authors discussed – propose a rationalist action for all belligerents in violent conflicts, thus marking an anthropological constant. Collier and other economists working on opportunity structures believe in the calculability of all human action in conflict. Consequently, their models are (primarily) informed not by a tendency of othering the Global South (despite language that might not have been used to analyse wars in the Global North) but by a neoliberal understanding of human action that social groups compete over profits and always chose what benefits them (cf. Rehbein & Souza, 2014 : 22–23).

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Bultmann, D. (2023). Social Conflict. In: Jodhka, S.S., Rehbein, B. (eds) Global Handbook of Inequality. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97417-6_7-1

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Secondary Classrooms 10 Meaningful Friendship and Conflict Stories for Students

Allie Liotta

These ten texts will teach students about friendship and conflict in relationships!

Adolescence is a time of change. As kids get older, they may find their friendships change with them. Reading about kids dealing with conflict from moving to a new town, navigating peer pressure, or feeling left out of social events can help students gain perspective on these issues and realize they are not alone in dealing with them.

Here is an excellent selection of ten multi-genre conflict stories for students in middle and high school from CommonLit!

“ We Have Been Friends Together ” by Caroline Elizabeth Sarah Norton (6th Grade)

In this poem, the speaker describes a conflict that arises in a friendship. The speaker talks about the relationship, which began when both people were very young, and she remarks on the joys and struggles they have overcome together before their falling out. This text is an excellent introduction to poetry with a subject many students can relate to! Students can discuss what small words or actions they think could undo a long friendship.

“ My Lucy Friend Who Smells Like Corn ” by Sandra Cisneros (7th Grade)

In this classic short text about friendship by renowned Chicana author Sandra Cisneros, the narrator describes her friendship with Lucy Anguiano. Written in the voice of a young girl, this story is sure to remind students of their friends who feel close enough to be family. Challenge your students to write a similar short story about one of their own friends!

“ The Party ” by Pam Muñoz Ryan (7th Grade)

In this short story about conflict for students, the narrator deals with not being invited to a popular girl’s birthday party when most of her friends are. This is a great text for talking about how the desire to be accepted can make us behave differently, and what really counts in a genuine friendship. Have students track how the narrator’s feelings towards Bridget and going to the party change over the course of the story to start a discussion about what it truly means to be a friend.

“ Old Games, New Territory ” by Khat Patrong (7th Grade)

This engaging CommonLit Original conflict resolution short story for students follows Rashid as he tries to adjust to his new life in Florida after a loss forces him to move. A game of basketball gets ugly when a talented player named Gigi joins in and Rachid is injured when trying to defend her. The pair form an unlikely friendship as Rashid discovers the two have a lot more in common than he realizes. Have students make text-to-self connections by discussing how they might have reacted in Rachid’s position, and what they might have done differently.

“ Amigo Brothers ” by Piri Thomas (7th Grade)

Competition can bring friends closer, or push them apart. In this short story about conflict between friends, students will read about how friends Antonio Cruz and Felix Vargas prepare for the boxing match of their lives as they struggle to reconcile their dreams with their friendship. They have grown up together, trained together, and now they must face each other in the ring. Your student athletes will relate deeply to this text!

“ Momentum ” by Catherine Doty (7th Grade)

In this poem by Catherine Doty, the speaker describes the consequences of doing something reckless in order to impress a group of friends. The bold imagery and free verse structure create tension in this poem, which can be used to talk about what happens when peer pressure goes awry. Students can annotate passages they find particularly important or moving in this story about conflict between friends.

“ The Stolen Party ” by Liliana Heker (7th Grade)

In this short conflict story for students, Rosaura attends a birthday party for Luciana, a girl for whose family Rosaura’s mother is employed as a maid. Despite her mother’s misgivings, Rosaura gets her wish to go, only to discover that Luciana does not actually see her as a friend. This story provides a great opportunity to discuss how social class differences can be a source of conflict within friendships, as well as family relationships.

“ More Facebook Friends, Fewer Real Ones, Says Cornell Study ” by ABC News (8th Grade)

This news article discusses findings of a Cornell study which showed that although people had greater friend numbers on social media, such as Facebook, they had fewer close friends to support them in real life. Study participants said they had, on average, fewer close friends as compared to a similar study done in 1985. However, the article does also acknowledge that social media is not entirely a negative influence. Use this text to spark debate among students: do they think social media has made them feel more or less connected to their peers? Why or why not?

“ Going to School As A Refugee ” by Caroline Garrison (8th Grade)

In this informational text about friendship, students will read about how two refugee children navigate classes, social life, and learning English as a second language as they attend an American public school. Although students SB and Salomon discuss difficulties with exclusion and prejudice from other students in this new environment, they find common ground in their experience as refugees despite having very different backgrounds. Use this text to highlight the importance of community and foster class discussion about how friends help us to overcome challenges in school.

“ Help-Giving ” by Set to Go (9th Grade)

This informational article examines a set of skills we develop as we move into adolescence: “help-giving.” Help-giving is all about how we help others. It is an important responsibility that includes skills like identifying that peers might be struggling, actively listening and communicating with others, and identifying how and when to take action should one of their friends need professional help. Use this text about friendship to spark conversation about when it’s important to seek help for a friend, and why it might be difficult for them to reach out.

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Essay On Social Issues

500 words essay on social issues.

Social Issues is an undesirable state which opposes society or a certain part of society. It refers to an unwanted situation that frequently results in problems and continues to harm society . Social issues can cause a lot of problems that can be beyond the control of just one person. Through an essay on social issues, we will learn why they are harmful and what types of social issues we face.

Drawbacks of Social Issues

Social issues have a lot of drawbacks that harms our society. They are situations that have an adverse and damaging result on our society. They arise when the public leaves nature or society from an ideal situation.

If you look closely, you will realize that almost all types of social issues have common origins. In the sense that they all are interconnected somehow. Meaning to say, if one solves the other one is also most likely to resolve.

Social issues have a massive lousy effect on our society and ultimately, it affects all of us. In order to solve some social issues, we need a common approach. No society is free from social issues, almost every one of them has some social issue or the other.

For instance, in India, you will find a lot of social issues which the country is facing. It ranges from the caste system to child labour and gender inequality to religious conflicts. Thus, we are going through a critical time where we all must come together to free our society from undesirable social evils.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Major Social Issues

There are a lot of social issues we are facing right now, some more prominent than the others. First of all, poverty is a worldwide issue. It gives birth to a lot of other social issues which we must try to get away with at the earliest.

Further, countries like India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and more are facing the issue of the caste system since times unknown. It results in a lot of caste violence and inequality which takes the lives of many on a daily basis.

Moreover, child labour is another major social issue that damages the lives of young children. Similarly, illiteracy also ruins the lives of many by destroying their chances of a bright future.

In developing countries mostly, child marriage still exists and is responsible for ruining many lives. Similarly, dowry is a very serious and common social issue that almost all classes of people partake in.

Another prominent social issue is gender inequality which takes away many opportunities from deserving people. Domestic violence especially against women is a serious social issue we must all fight against.

Other social issues include starvation, child sex abuse, religious conflicts, child trafficking, terrorism , overpopulation, untouchability, communalism and many more. It is high time we end these social issues.

Conclusion of the Essay on Social Issues

A society can successfully end social issues if they become adamant. These social issues act as a barrier to the progress of society. Thus, we must all come together to fight against them and put them to an end for the greater good.

FAQ on Essay on Social Issues

Question 1: What is the meaning of social problem?

Answer 1: A social problem refers to any condition or behaviour which has a negative impact on a large number of people. It is normally recognized as a condition or behaviour that needs to be addressed.

Question 2: What are the effects of social issues?

Answer 2: Social issues affect our society adversely. Most importantly, it disturbs the harmony of society and gives rise to hostility and suspicion. Moreover, it creates large-scale social dissatisfaction, suffering and misery.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Conflict Theory

Introduction, history and overviews.

• Handbooks and Textbooks
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• Classics of the Conflict Theory Paradigm
• Contemporary Works of the Conflict Theory Paradigm
• Multiparadigmatic Conflict Theory
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Conflict Theory by Jörg Rössel LAST REVIEWED: 29 October 2013 LAST MODIFIED: 29 October 2013 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0035

Conflict theory is a rather fuzzy theoretical paradigm in sociological thinking. The term conflict theory crystallized in the 1950s as sociologists like Lewis Coser and Ralf Dahrendorf criticized the then dominant structural functionalism in sociology for overly emphasizing the consensual, conflict-free nature of societies (see Classics of the Conflict Theory Paradigm ). Therefore, they put forward conflict theory as an independent paradigm of sociological theory with a distinct focus on phenomena of power, interests, coercion, and conflict. Basically, conflict theory assumes that societies exhibit structural power divisions and resource inequalities leading to conflicting interests. However, the emergence of manifest conflicts is a rather rare phenomenon, since it depends on the mobilization of power resources by social actors and on their social organization. Therefore, conflict theory assumes that societies and other forms of social organization usually exhibit rather stable structures of dominance and coercion, punctuated only infrequently by manifest conflicts. However, apart from some authors like Randall Collins (see Contemporary Works of the Conflict Theory Paradigm ), only few contemporary sociologists use the label conflict theory to identify their paradigmatic stance. Thus, conflict theory has not become an established paradigm in social theory (see History and Overviews ). However, apart from the notion of conflict theory as independent theoretical paradigm, the term is often used in at least three other important meanings: firstly, to summarize the theoretical tradition in sociological theory, which deals with conflict, power, domination and social change, exemplified by authors like Karl Marx, Max Weber (b. 1864–d. 1920), and Georg Simmel (b. 1858–d. 1918) (see Classics of the Conflict Theory Tradition ). Secondly, it is applied to denote the analysis and explanation of social conflicts in different sociological paradigms and in other behavioral sciences (see Multiparadigmatic Conflict Theory and Perspectives from Other Disciplines ). Finally, the label conflict theory is often applied to substantive research on power structures, domination, conflict, and change (see Fields of Conflict ). Conflict theory as a paradigm had a kind of catalytic function in the social sciences. It was able to show that the sociological classics also had a focus on phenomena of power and conflict (see Classics of the Conflict Theory Tradition ), it inspired other theoretical paradigms to broaden their focus to include hitherto neglected issues (see Multiparadigmatic Conflict Theory ), and it contributed to the emergence of conflict-oriented research in several fields of sociology (see Fields of Conflict ). In contemporary sociological discussions, therefore, conflict theory is less important as an independent sociological paradigm than in the various forms of conflict theorizing it has inspired.

Since conflict theory is not a fully established, independent sociological paradigm, the number of introductory texts and reflections on the history of conflict theoretical thinking is rather limited. Bartos and Wehr 2002 provide a general and comprehensive introduction to the explanation of social conflict. Binns 1977 is a thorough overview of neo-Weberian and Marxist conflict theory. Bonacker 2008 gives an excellent insight into multiparadigmatic conflict theory, covering most theoretical approaches to social conflicts in contemporary social science. Collins 1994 deals exhaustively with the conflict theory tradition, especially Marx and Weber, whereas Collins 1990 creates a link between the conflict theoretical paradigm and contemporary work in comparative historical sociology. Demmers 2012 introduces the most important general theories of violent conflict. The chapter in Joas and Knöbl 2011 is an excellent overview of classic work in the conflict theory paradigm in the 1950s and discusses reasons for the demise of conflict theory as an independent sociological paradigm. Finally, Turner 2003 briefly discusses the conflict theoretical tradition and the classical conflict theory paradigm and focuses especially on contemporary neo-Weberian, neo-Marxist, and feminist conflict theory.

Bartos, Otomar J., and Paul Wehr. 2002. Using conflict theory . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.

DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511613692

This is a comprehensive approach to the explanation of social conflict. It has an introductory character and links different theoretical perspectives with empirical examples.

Binns, David. 1977. Beyond the sociology of conflict . New York: St. Martin’s.

This is a historical reflection of the conflict theoretical tradition, focusing especially on the Weberian and neo-Weberian tradition in its relationship to Marxism.

Bonacker, Thorsten, ed. 2008. Sozialwissenschaftliche Konflikttheorien: Eine Einführung . Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

This volume covers a broad range of social scientific theories dealing with the phenomenon of social conflict. All contributions have a systematic structure and introduce complex theories in a very comprehensible way.

Collins, Randall. 1994. The conflict tradition. In Four sociological traditions . By Randall Collins. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

This monograph introduces the history of sociological theory by focusing on four major strands of theory building: the conflict, the rational/utilitarian, the Durkheimian or normative, and the micro-interactionist tradition. Because of the author’s readable style and the annotated list of references, the book’s first chapter is a very good introduction to the conflict theoretical tradition.

Collins, Randall. 1990. Conflict theory and the advance of macro-historical sociology. In Frontiers of social theory . Edited by George Ritzer, 68–87. New York: Columbia Univ. Press.

This chapter discusses the contemporary situation of conflict theoretical thinking and links the classical conflict theory paradigm to contemporary work in comparative historical sociology, especially the work in Mann 1986–2013 (see Contemporary Works in the Conflict Theory Paradigm ). It thereby illustrates Collins’s rather encompassing notion of the term conflict theory.

Demmers, Jolle. 2012. Theories of violent conflict: An introduction . Abingdon, UK: Routledge.

This is a book with an introductory character. It explains the most important theories of violent conflict of social psychology, sociology, and political science.

Joas, Hans, and Wolfgang Knöbl. 2011. Conflict sociology and conflict theory. In Social Theory: Twenty introductory lectures . By Hans Joas and Wolfgang Knöbl, 174–198. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.

This book gives an exhaustive and readable overview of contemporary sociological theorizing. It was originally published in German (Sozialtheorie) in 2004. The chapter not only introduces the main authors and discussions of the classical conflict theory paradigm of the 1950s and 1960s, but it also depicts the failure of conflict theory to establish itself fully as an independent sociological paradigm.

Turner, Jonathan H. 2003. The structure of sociological theory . Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

The four sub-chapters about conflict theorizing offer a very dense and systematic account of classical and contemporary conflict theory, especially in its neo-Weberian, neo-Marxian, and feminist variety. Turner presents the theories in a very analytic way, summarizing each of them by providing tables of major, empirically testable propositions.

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• DOI: 10.5860/choice.26-5309
• Corpus ID: 142572995

The Modern Social Conflict: An Essay on the Politics of Liberty

• R. Dahrendorf
• Published 15 December 1989
• Political Science, History

148 Citations

Citizenship and social policy: t. h. marshall and poverty, civic republicans and liberal individualists: the case of britain, society, space and citizenship: a human geography for the 'new times', political myth as a legitimation strategy, making dust: the symbolic landscape of homelessness, the perception of social conflicts and attitudes to democracy, social citizenship in the context of europeanization and growing inequalities: an empirical contribution to the theoretical debate, post-industrial solidarity or meritocracy, citizenship and social justice, the paradox of democratic regimes: fragility and transformability*, related papers.

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Structural-Functional vs. Social-Conflict Theory Essay

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The theory of functionalism defines social institutions as a collective whole necessary to fulfil the various needs of individuals and centers on the means by which these institutions meet their social needs. One of the significant theses regarding this concept is that solidarity can lead to cohesion for survival (Wandi et al., 2021). The opposition between structural functionalism vs conflict theory is manifested in the different approaches of these concepts to equality, opportunity and flexibility in society.

The first subject in question emphasizes social order more than social change, unlike conflict theory, which believes that fundamental changes and conflicts are unavoidable in a society. In the concept of functionalism, it is believed that an individual is simply an occupant of their social role and is, thus, not as significant as a person but rather as a combination of social roles and status (Izadi et al., 2020). While this notion believes that social inequality and oppression may be necessary for the stability, integration and functioning of a society, the theory of conflict holds exploitation by dominant groups to be the main reason for social problems.

The study of structural functionalism and conflict theory is characterized by dissimilar value orientations since they have the same perception of inequality, which is that the dominant groups profit from discrimination. According to the first subject of study, discrimination fits perfectly into society because it produces positive results, but second idea states that social change is inevitable and will occur continuously and rapidly (Rusu, 2020). This can be explained by the fact that different social groups strive to take each other’s place in the social hierarchy.

Structural functionalism says that when a society becomes complex, differentiation takes place, and integration takes place among the new institutions. Thus, even though changes occur, structures inside a society emerge to compensate for the change. These new integrated structures guarantee the smooth running of our society, and thus, it argues that the members are responsible for its stability and order. However, the conflict theory says that the probability of change is embedded in the basic structures and relations among the classes of our society (Rusu, 2020). Therefore, when people reach a point where further growth of society is not possible, a crisis takes place, which transforms the society. Consequently, change is a continuous process until it reaches a crisis point where transformation takes place.

Functionalism intently focuses on the equilibrium of a society and says that it consists of mutually dependent parts working together to maintain that equilibrium. In addition, social institutions can mainly be described through their consequences, which, however, does not fully explain the reasons for these effects (Wandi et al., 2021). The theory of conflict was actually developed to demonstrate the shortcomings of structural functionalism.

Structural functionalism and conflict theory have opposing views on the dynamics of society since the first concept believes that society is inclined towards stability, and the second reason is that there is constant conflict. This is the main difference between both concepts. The perspective of the second idea overlooks societal equilibrium (Rusu, 2020). Although societies are constantly changing, the changes are often minimal, and thus, the essential elements of a society remain pretty stable. This proves the significance of structural functionalism. Therefore, this is how both these theories fall short of being complete explanations. However, since sociological theories are complementary, we cannot say which one is better and only when they are combined do we get a better understanding of society.

Izadi, A., Mohammadi, M., Nasekhian, S., & Memar, S. (2020). Structural functionalism, social sustainability and the historic environment: a role for theory in urban regeneration . The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice, 11(2-3), 158-180.

Rusu, M. S. (2020). Street names through sociological lenses. Part I: Functionalism and conflict theory . Social Change Review, 18, 144-176.

Wandi, J. I., Afnita, N., & Hefni, H. (2021). Study of” Functional Structure” Emilie Durkheim Reviewed From Educational Anthropology on Character and Behavior Society . Ikhtisar, 1(1), 39-51.

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