Loneliness Essay Example

Loneliness is a feeling that many people experience at one point or another. The impact of it on your life can vary greatly depending on the situation. This sample will explore the different types of loneliness, how to deal with them, and some tips for overcoming loneliness in general.

Essay Example On Loneliness

  • Thesis Statement – Loneliness Essay
  • Introduction – Loneliness Essay
  • Main Body – Loneliness Essay
  • Conclusion – Loneliness Essay
Thesis Statement – Loneliness Essay Loneliness is a consequence of being robbed of one’s freedom. It can be due to imprisonment, loss of liberty, or being discriminated against. Introduction – Loneliness Essay Loneliness is a social phenomenon that has been the subject of much research since time immemorial. Yet there still does not exist any solid explanation as to why some people are more prone to loneliness than others. This paper will seek to analyze this potentially debilitating condition from different perspectives. It will cover the relationship between loneliness and incarceration or loss of liberty; then it will proceed into discussing how emotions play a role in making us feel lonely; finally, it will look at how these feelings can affect our mental stability and overall well-being. Get Non-Plagiarized Custom Essay on Loneliness in USA Order Now Main Body – Loneliness Essay Loneliness is a universal feeling which has the ability to create its own culture within different societies. In detention facilities, there is a unique kind of loneliness that prevails between prisoners who are often divided into various categories and population groups. This has been described by Mandela as a consequence of being robbed of one’s freedom. The fact that it can be due to imprisonment, loss of liberty, or being discriminated against makes it even clearer why this isolation from other people occurs so frequently among detainees. In addition, when one spends time incarcerated in solitary confinement, they may become more experienced at coping with feelings of loneliness and despondency; however, these feelings do not tend to dissipate completely because living in an artificial environment cannot be compared with living out in the open. There is also a difference between feeling lonely and actually being alone; many individuals who do not feel social pressure, meaning that they are more than happy spending time on their own without any external stimulation, may still find themselves surrounded by people every day. Yet even this does not guarantee that one will escape feelings of isolation or rejection. Loneliness becomes an issue when it is chronic and experienced frequently, if only fleetingly. It can affect our psychological balance as well as our physical health because it usually initiates stress responses within the body which cause high blood pressure and prompt addiction to drugs or alcohol consumption. All these reasons may lead to decreased productivity and ultimately affect one’s ability to develop or maintain social connections. Buy Customized Essay on Loneliness At Cheapest Price Order Now Conclusion – Loneliness Essay Loneliness is a condition that we can’t always avoid, but it is something we should be aware of and try to limit. Thus, while the effects of loneliness on the individual may not be able to stimulate any significant changes in society, at least there will always remain one person more who understands what you are going through. Ultimately, it all comes down to empathy and sharing our own stories so that more people learn how to cope with this potentially dangerous emotional response. Hire USA Experts for Loneliness Essay Order Now

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This essay sample has given you some insights into the psychology of loneliness as well as suggestions for how to combat it in your own life.

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A woman sits alone in a Parisian cafe with a glass of wine, while the neighbouring tables are full of socialising groups

Paris, 1951. Photo by Elliot Erwitt/Magnum

Loved, yet lonely

You might have the unconditional love of family and friends and yet feel deep loneliness. can philosophy explain why.

by Kaitlyn Creasy   + BIO

Although one of the loneliest moments of my life happened more than 15 years ago, I still remember its uniquely painful sting. I had just arrived back home from a study abroad semester in Italy. During my stay in Florence, my Italian had advanced to the point where I was dreaming in the language. I had also developed intellectual interests in Italian futurism, Dada, and Russian absurdism – interests not entirely deriving from a crush on the professor who taught a course on those topics – as well as the love sonnets of Dante and Petrarch (conceivably also related to that crush). I left my semester abroad feeling as many students likely do: transformed not only intellectually but emotionally. My picture of the world was complicated, my very experience of that world richer, more nuanced.

After that semester, I returned home to a small working-class town in New Jersey. Home proper was my boyfriend’s parents’ home, which was in the process of foreclosure but not yet taken by the bank. Both parents had left to live elsewhere, and they graciously allowed me to stay there with my boyfriend, his sister and her boyfriend during college breaks. While on break from school, I spent most of my time with these de facto roommates and a handful of my dearest childhood friends.

When I returned from Italy, there was so much I wanted to share with them. I wanted to talk to my boyfriend about how aesthetically interesting but intellectually dull I found Italian futurism; I wanted to communicate to my closest friends how deeply those Italian love sonnets moved me, how Bob Dylan so wonderfully captured their power. (‘And every one of them words rang true/and glowed like burning coal/Pouring off of every page/like it was written in my soul …’) In addition to a strongly felt need to share specific parts of my intellectual and emotional lives that had become so central to my self-understanding, I also experienced a dramatically increased need to engage intellectually, as well as an acute need for my emotional life in all its depth and richness – for my whole being, this new being – to be appreciated. When I returned home, I felt not only unable to engage with others in ways that met my newly developed needs, but also unrecognised for who I had become since I left. And I felt deeply, painfully lonely.

This experience is not uncommon for study-abroad students. Even when one has a caring and supportive network of relationships, one will often experience ‘reverse culture shock’ – what the psychologist Kevin Gaw describes as a ‘process of readjusting, reacculturating, and reassimilating into one’s own home culture after living in a different culture for a significant period of time’ – and feelings of loneliness are characteristic for individuals in the throes of this process.

But there are many other familiar life experiences that provoke feelings of loneliness, even if the individuals undergoing those experiences have loving friends and family: the student who comes home to his family and friends after a transformative first year at college; the adolescent who returns home to her loving but repressed parents after a sexual awakening at summer camp; the first-generation woman of colour in graduate school who feels cared for but also perpetually ‘ in-between ’ worlds, misunderstood and not fully seen either by her department members or her family and friends back home; the travel nurse who returns home to her partner and friends after an especially meaningful (or perhaps especially psychologically taxing) work assignment; the man who goes through a difficult breakup with a long-term, live-in partner; the woman who is the first in her group of friends to become a parent; the list goes on.

Nor does it take a transformative life event to provoke feelings of loneliness. As time passes, it often happens that friends and family who used to understand us quite well eventually fail to understand us as they once did, failing to really see us as they used to before. This, too, will tend to lead to feelings of loneliness – though the loneliness may creep in more gradually, more surreptitiously. Loneliness, it seems, is an existential hazard, something to which human beings are always vulnerable – and not just when they are alone.

In his recent book Life Is Hard (2022), the philosopher Kieran Setiya characterises loneliness as the ‘pain of social disconnection’. There, he argues for the importance of attending to the nature of loneliness – both why it hurts and what ‘that pain tell[s] us about how to live’ – especially given the contemporary prevalence of loneliness. He rightly notes that loneliness is not just a matter of being isolated from others entirely, since one can be lonely even in a room full of people. Additionally, he notes that, since the negative psychological and physiological effects of loneliness ‘seem to depend on the subjective experience of being lonely’, effectively combatting loneliness requires us to identify the origin of this subjective experience.

S etiya’s proposal is that we are ‘social animals with social needs’ that crucially include needs to be loved and to have our basic worth recognised. When we fail to have these basic needs met, as we do when we are apart from our friends, we suffer loneliness. Without the presence of friends to assure us that we matter, we experience the painful ‘sensation of hollowness, of a hole in oneself that used to be filled and now is not’. This is loneliness in its most elemental form. (Setiya uses the term ‘friends’ broadly, to include close family and romantic partners, and I follow his usage here.)

Imagine a woman who lands a job requiring a long-distance move to an area where she knows no one. Even if there are plenty of new neighbours and colleagues to greet her upon her arrival, Setiya’s claim is that she will tend to experience feelings of loneliness, since she does not yet have close, loving relationships with these people. In other words, she will tend to experience feelings of loneliness because she does not yet have friends whose love of her reflects back to her the basic value as a person that she has, friends who let her see that she matters. Only when she makes genuine friendships will she feel her unconditional value is acknowledged; only then will her basic social needs to be loved and recognised be met. Once she feels she truly matters to someone, in Setiya’s view, her loneliness will abate.

Setiya is not alone in connecting feelings of loneliness to a lack of basic recognition. In The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), for example, Hannah Arendt also defines loneliness as a feeling that results when one’s human dignity or unconditional worth as a person fails to be recognised and affirmed, a feeling that results when this, one of the ‘basic requirements of the human condition’, fails to be met.

These accounts get a good deal about loneliness right. But they miss something as well. On these views, loving friendships allow us to avoid loneliness because the loving friend provides a form of recognition we require as social beings. Without loving friendships, or when we are apart from our friends, we are unable to secure this recognition. So we become lonely. But notice that the feature affirmed by the friend here – my unconditional value – is radically depersonalised. The property the friend recognises and affirms in me is the same property she recognises and affirms in her other friendships. Otherwise put, the recognition that allegedly mitigates loneliness in Setiya’s view is the friend’s recognition of an impersonal, abstract feature of oneself, a quality one shares with every other human being: her unconditional worth as a human being. (The recognition given by the loving friend is that I ‘[matter] … just like everyone else.’)

Just as one can feel lonely in a room full of strangers, one can feel lonely in a room full of friends

Since my dignity or worth is disconnected from any particular feature of myself as an individual, however, my friend can recognise and affirm that worth without acknowledging or engaging my particular needs, specific values and so on. If Setiya is calling it right, then that friend can assuage my loneliness without engaging my individuality.

Or can they? Accounts that tie loneliness to a failure of basic recognition (and the alleviation of loneliness to love and acknowledgement of one’s dignity) may be right about the origin of certain forms of loneliness. But it seems to me that this is far from the whole picture, and that accounts like these fail to explain a wide variety of familiar circumstances in which loneliness arises.

When I came home from my study-abroad semester, I returned to a network of robust, loving friendships. I was surrounded daily by a steadfast group of people who persistently acknowledged and affirmed my unconditional value as a person, putting up with my obnoxious pretension (so it must have seemed) and accepting me even though I was alien in crucial ways to the friend they knew before. Yet I still suffered loneliness. In fact, while I had more close friendships than ever before – and was as close with friends and family members as I had ever been – I was lonelier than ever. And this is also true of the familiar scenarios from above: the first-year college student, the new parent, the travel nurse, and so on. All these scenarios are ripe for painful feelings of loneliness even though the individuals undergoing such experiences have a loving network of friends, family and colleagues who support them and recognise their unconditional value.

So, there must be more to loneliness than Setiya’s account (and others like it) let on. Of course, if an individual’s worth goes unrecognised, she will feel awfully lonely. But just as one can feel lonely in a room full of strangers, one can feel lonely in a room full of friends. What plagues accounts that tie loneliness to an absence of basic recognition is that they fail to do justice to loneliness as a feeling that pops up not only when one lacks sufficiently loving, affirmative relationships, but also when one perceives that the relationships she has (including and perhaps especially loving relationships) lack sufficient quality (for example, lacking depth or a desired feeling of connection). And an individual will perceive such relationships as lacking sufficient quality when her friends and family are not meeting the specific needs she has, or recognising and affirming her as the particular individual that she is.

We see this especially in the midst or aftermath of transitional and transformational life events, when greater-than-usual shifts occur. As the result of going through such experiences, we often develop new values, core needs and centrally motivating desires, losing other values, needs and desires in the process. In other words, after undergoing a particularly transformative experience, we become different people in key respects than we were before. If after such a personal transformation, our friends are unable to meet our newly developed core needs or recognise and affirm our new values and central desires – perhaps in large part because they cannot , because they do not (yet) recognise or understand who we have become – we will suffer loneliness.

This is what happened to me after Italy. By the time I got back, I had developed new core needs – as one example, the need for a certain level and kind of intellectual engagement – which were unmet when I returned home. What’s more, I did not think it particularly fair to expect my friends to meet these needs. After all, they did not possess the conceptual frameworks for discussing Russian absurdism or 13th-century Italian love sonnets; these just weren’t things they had spent time thinking about. And I didn’t blame them; expecting them to develop or care about developing such a conceptual framework seemed to me ridiculous. Even so, without a shared framework, I felt unable to meet my need for intellectual engagement and communicate to my friends the fullness of my inner life, which was overtaken by quite specific aesthetic values, values that shaped how I saw the world. As a result, I felt lonely.

I n addition to developing new needs, I understood myself as having changed in other fundamental respects. While I knew my friends loved me and affirmed my unconditional value, I did not feel upon my return home that they were able to see and affirm my individuality. I was radically changed; in fact, I felt in certain respects totally unrecognisable even to those who knew me best. After Italy, I inhabited a different, more nuanced perspective on the world; beauty, creativity and intellectual growth had become core values of mine; I had become a serious lover of poetry; I understood myself as a burgeoning philosopher. At the time, my closest friends were not able to see and affirm these parts of me, parts of me with which even relative strangers in my college courses were acquainted (though, of course, those acquaintances neither knew me nor were equipped to meet other of my needs which my friends had long met). When I returned home, I no longer felt truly seen by my friends .

One need not spend a semester abroad to experience this. For example, a nurse who initially chose her profession as a means to professional and financial stability might, after an especially meaningful experience with a patient, find herself newly and centrally motivated by a desire to make a difference in her patients’ lives. Along with the landscape of her desires, her core values may have changed: perhaps she develops a new core value of alleviating suffering whenever possible. And she may find certain features of her job – those that do not involve the alleviation of suffering, or involve the limited alleviation of suffering – not as fulfilling as they once were. In other words, she may have developed a new need for a certain form of meaningful difference-making – a need that, if not met, leaves her feeling flat and deeply dissatisfied.

Changes like these – changes to what truly moves you, to what makes you feel deeply fulfilled – are profound ones. To be changed in these respects is to be utterly changed. Even if you have loving friendships, if your friends are unable to recognise and affirm these new features of you, you may fail to feel seen, fail to feel valued as who you really are. At that point, loneliness will ensue. Interestingly – and especially troublesome for Setiya’s account – feelings of loneliness will tend to be especially salient and painful when the people unable to meet these needs are those who already love us and affirm our unconditional value.

Those with a strong need for their uniqueness to be recognised may be more disposed to loneliness

So, even with loving friends, if we perceive ourselves as unable to be seen and affirmed as the particular people we are, or if certain of our core needs go unmet, we will feel lonely. Setiya is surely right that loneliness will result in the absence of love and recognition. But it can also result from the inability – and sometimes, failure – of those with whom we have loving relationships to share or affirm our values, to endorse desires that we understand as central to our lives, and to satisfy our needs.

Another way to put it is that our social needs go far beyond the impersonal recognition of our unconditional worth as human beings. These needs can be as widespread as a need for reciprocal emotional attachment or as restricted as a need for a certain level of intellectual engagement or creative exchange. But even when the need in question is a restricted or uncommon one, if it is a deep need that requires another person to meet yet goes unmet, we will feel lonely. The fact that we suffer loneliness even when these quite specific needs are unmet shows that understanding and treating this feeling requires attending not just to whether my worth is affirmed, but to whether I am recognised and affirmed in my particularity and whether my particular, even idiosyncratic social needs are met by those around me.

What’s more, since different people have different needs, the conditions that produce loneliness will vary. Those with a strong need for their uniqueness to be recognised may be more disposed to loneliness. Others with weaker needs for recognition or reciprocal emotional attachment may experience a good deal of social isolation without feeling lonely at all. Some people might alleviate loneliness by cultivating a wide circle of not-especially-close friends, each of whom meets a different need or appreciates a different side of them. Yet others might persist in their loneliness without deep and intimate friendships in which they feel more fully seen and appreciated in their complexity, in the fullness of their being.

Yet, as ever-changing beings with friends and loved ones who are also ever-changing, we are always susceptible to loneliness and the pain of situations in which our needs are unmet. Most of us can recall a friend who once met certain of our core social needs, but who eventually – gradually, perhaps even imperceptibly – ultimately failed to do so. If such needs are not met by others in one’s life, this situation will lead one to feel profoundly, heartbreakingly lonely.

In cases like these, new relationships can offer true succour and light. For example, a lonely new parent might have childless friends who are clueless to the needs and values she develops through the hugely complicated transition to parenthood; as a result, she might cultivate relationships with other new parents or caretakers, people who share her newly developed values and better understand the joys, pains and ambivalences of having a child. To the extent that these new relationships enable her needs to be met and allow her to feel genuinely seen, they will help to alleviate her loneliness. Through seeking relationships with others who might share one’s interests or be better situated to meet one’s specific needs, then, one can attempt to face one’s loneliness head on.

But you don’t need to shed old relationships to cultivate the new. When old friends to whom we remain committed fail to meet our new needs, it’s helpful to ask how to salvage the situation, saving the relationship. In some instances, we might choose to adopt a passive strategy, acknowledging the ebb and flow of relationships and the natural lag time between the development of needs and others’ abilities to meet them. You could ‘wait it out’. But given that it is much more difficult to have your needs met if you don’t articulate them, an active strategy seems more promising. To position your friend to better meet your needs, you might attempt to communicate those needs and articulate ways in which you don’t feel seen.

Of course, such a strategy will be successful only if the unmet needs provoking one’s loneliness are needs one can identify and articulate. But we will so often – perhaps always – have needs, desires and values of which we are unaware or that we cannot articulate, even to ourselves. We are, to some extent, always opaque to ourselves. Given this opacity, some degree of loneliness may be an inevitable part of the human condition. What’s more, if we can’t even grasp or articulate the needs provoking our loneliness, then adopting a more passive strategy may be the only option one has. In cases like this, the only way to recognise your unmet needs or desires is to notice that your loneliness has started to lift once those needs and desires begin to be met by another.

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13 Writing Prompts for When You’re Feeling Lonely

short essay about loneliness

How to Navigate Loneliness Through Writing

Have you ever felt lonely? 

Loneliness is a subjective experience of social isolation and disconnection. It is different from being alone, which is simply the state of not being around other people. Loneliness can be caused by a variety of factors, including social isolation, lack of close relationships, and poor self-esteem.

Loneliness is often considered problematic for one's mental wellness because it can lead to a number of negative consequences, including:

Depression: Loneliness is a major risk factor for depression. In fact, studies have shown that loneliness can be as harmful to your mental health as smoking 15 cigarettes a day.

Anxiety: Loneliness can also increase anxiety levels. This is because loneliness can make you feel insecure and threatened, which can lead to feelings of worry and fear.

Sleep problems: Loneliness can also disrupt your sleep patterns. This is because loneliness can increase levels of the stress hormone cortisol, which can make it difficult to fall asleep and stay asleep.

Physical health problems: Loneliness has also been linked to a number of physical health problems, including heart disease, stroke, and dementia.

However, loneliness can sometimes be considered beneficial. For example, some research suggests that loneliness can lead to increased creativity and introspection. Additionally, loneliness can sometimes motivate people to reach out to others and build stronger relationships.

Overall, the effects of loneliness on mental wellness are complex and depend on a variety of factors. While loneliness can be harmful in many cases, it can also be beneficial in some situations. If you are feeling lonely, it is important to reach out for help and support. Here are some things you can do to cope with loneliness and improve your mental wellness:

Reach out to friends and family: Let them know how you're feeling and see if they can offer support.

Get involved in activities or groups: This is a great way to meet new people and make connections.

Seek professional help: If your loneliness is severe, a therapist can help you to understand your feelings and develop coping mechanisms.

Remember, you are not alone, even in this! There are many people who feel lonely, and there are resources available to help you. Continue reading for more.

Writing Prompts:

Another powerful tool in managing feelings of loneliness is journaling. Here are 13 writing prompts for the next time you're feeling lonely:

Describe what loneliness feels like to you. What physical sensations do you experience? What emotions do you feel? What thoughts go through your mind?

Write about a time when you felt particularly lonely. What was the situation? How did you cope with your feelings? What did you learn from the experience?

Write a letter to someone you feel lonely without. What would you say to them? What would you miss about them?

Write about your hopes and dreams for the future. How do you imagine your life without loneliness? What steps can you take to make your dreams a reality?

Write about your strengths and accomplishments. What are you good at? What have you achieved in your life?

Write about your values and beliefs. What is important to you in life? What do you stand for?

Write about your goals and aspirations. What do you want to achieve in life? What steps are you taking to reach your goals?

Write about your fears and insecurities. What are you afraid of? What makes you feel insecure?

Write about your relationships with others. Who are the important people in your life? How do you connect with them?

Write about your hobbies and interests. What do you enjoy doing in your free time? How do your hobbies make you feel?

Write about your thoughts on loneliness. What do you think causes loneliness? What are the effects of loneliness? What can be done to overcome loneliness?

Write a poem or short story about loneliness. Use your imagination to create a story that captures the essence of loneliness.

Write a letter to yourself in the future. What advice would you give yourself about dealing with loneliness?

I hope these prompts help you to explore your feelings of loneliness and to find ways to cope with them. Even in your darkest moments, always remember this; you are not alone.

Keep Going!

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Many choose to disregard this loneliness ahead in exchange for their lighter, brighter dreams. There are, after all, still so many places left to go and so many people left to see. However, all endings in life, whether that ending concerns relationships, dreams, or death, are of solitude. Coming to terms with this is necessary in order to find peace and to live with purpose. It opens the eyes to a hidden truth— loneliness will continue to be a companion through the entirety of

Loneliness In John Steinbeck's Of Mice And Men

Differentiating from attention seeking to isolation, loneliness has numerous factors. However, people have various ways in showing that they’re lonely even if words aren’t spoken. It can be shown verbally, physically and emotionally. During the course of the novel, countless circumstances were revealed. Whether it were in the characters that were talked today, to the characters like Lennie, and George, almost all of the characters in the book had a sense of loneliness in them. Some people may discover that picking fights with people is how they’ll deal with solitude. On the other hand people may look for the extra attention to consume their feelings of aloneness. Like said at the beginning, being lonely can both be good and bad. Someone may be able to become more successful in life alone, or another may need the help of others to become successful. Everybody’s different in their own way, and everyone has their own way of dealing loneliness. It comes and goes and sometimes people are hit harder than others. Feeling lonely is a natural obstacle everyone must overcome, it’ll be a long way down the road, but it’ll all be worth it in the

Battling Addiction Research Paper

To better establish your self-worth, focus on the positives. Consider keeping a journal and writing down all the things you’ve done right and all the greatness you have to offer. This can help improve your confidence and dispel feelings of social rejection.

The War Of Every Man

Loneliness has become an epidemic among young adults and spared out in elders’ everyday life where social isolation has become a cause of early death because we cannot cope alone.

Loneliness In To Kill A Mockingbird

All kinds of people will feel loneliness and sometimes the innocent feel the loneliest. The importance of life is experiencing loneliness. People do not remember every emotion they have felt but we will always remember the feeling of being lonely. No matter how strong someone is or how happy someone seems to be. Loneliness have infected their lives and changed them. The timeless novel To kill a mockingbird teaches one of the many universal lessons, that everyone experiences loneliness. Harper Lee clearly shows that loneliness exists in the community of Maycomb through the characters Mayella Ewell, Boo Radley, and Mrs. Dubose.

Examples Of Loneliness In The Great Gatsby

Contrary to popular belief, loneliness is not something that is detected through the outside appearance. Most people who are feeling lonely are involved in outward interactions; it is when that person is internally analyzing their life that they find that they are lonely. While reading “The Great Gatsby” my senior year, there was a phrase Nick used that always stuck with me. It's a phrase that captures the concept of loneliness perfectly. It simply says, “The loneliest moment in someone’s life

College Admissions Essay: How Loneliness Changed My Life

“Pray that your loneliness may spur you into finding something to live for, great enough to die for” (Dag Hammarskjold). Loneliness is a scary thing. As a child, I was very shy and timid and I suffered from it. My life was sheltered by my parents and I desperately wanted a sibling. Along with my parents, the private school I had gone to all my life never gave me the experience of stranger interaction. The thought of starting a conversation with someone I have never met made me drench in sweat. I dreaded the day of going to a public high school. Never in my dreams would I have imagined how it would affect my life and mold me into the person I am today.

Essay Emerging Adulthood

As I stated earlier, experiencing loneliness at this time is not uncommon. These feelings can come from not having many close friends or someone to share companionship with. However, having many close friends does not suffice for the lack of a companion. The feelings you have for a partner are different than those you may have for a friend. Attending new schools and applying to new jobs forces people to go through, what can be a tough time in a lot of peoples lives. Building relationships constantly that often are not maintained can contribute to a person’s feelings of loneliness.

Diary Of A Young Girl Anne Frank Essay

“The best remedy for those who are afraid, lonely, or unhappy is to go outside... Because only then does one feel that all is as it should be”(Anne Frank). In the story, “Diary of a Young Girl”, by Anne Frank, Anne is a young Jewish girl who has to flee into hiding during the Holocaust and writes in her diary about what goes on. At the beginning Anne is sociable, but as the war progresses she becomes lonely. Therefore I believe that loneliness can change a person.

Cast Away Analysis

Oftentimes, people confuse loneliness with the state of being alone. When looking at the overall big picture, it is easy to forget that loneliness is temporary. People are not alone because even back in primitive times, they bore a natural instinct to strive for companionship in order to survive. Human imagination creates companions in cases of extreme loneliness which contradicts the state of being alone. Due to societal and family standards, others in society make it practically impossible to be alone. Mankind often goes through life without realizing the overwhelming amount of human contact and support. People are never alone, they are just simply

The True State Of Loneliness

There have been numerous interpretations of the true state of loneliness, but how is it really defined? Would you think that a person isolated in the corner of the room socially withdrawn from the crowed is lonely or someone surrounded by their group of friends playing and laughing around? The fact of the matter is it could be both individuals, there is no telling what they feel on the inside unless you can figure out the signs and symptoms and analyze their background information in history. Some may not too choose to believe it but someone close to you can be suffering from this condition.

Essay On Loneliness

Essay On Loneliness

Introduction: Loneliness is a complex and usually unpleasant emotional response to isolation. It refers to a state of being alone. It is a moment when one feels sad because of being cut off from one’s near and dear ones either physically or psychologically. The extreme case of physical loneliness would be solitary confinement in a prison or being marooned on an island like Robinson Crusoe, Alexander Selkirk, etc. It has also been described as social pain a psychological mechanism meant to motivate an individual to seek social connections.

Loneliness is to be clearly distinguished from solitude as unlike the latter, it is always an unwelcomed feeling to which one is subject out of some external or inner compulsions. It is beyond one’s control whereas many persons would occasionally prefer enjoying solitude, far from the madding crowds.

Loneliness is often defined in terms of one’s connectedness to others, or more specifically as “the unpleasant experience that occurs when a person’s network of social relations is deficient in some important way”.

Grounds of Loneliness: Man faces an increasing incidence of loneliness because of the fast-changing social and economic conditions of modern times. It is a comparatively recent phenomenon: Close quite primitive groups bring out a precarious existence by hunting wild animals or eating wild fruits would not experience loneliness as they would always engage collectively in life-supporting activities.

Later settled agricultural communities were land-based and had a little occasion for feeling loneliness for the individuals who had strong ties with their families and village communities. They were alone neither in their joys nor in their sorrows as both the conditions brought them together for intensifying the joys and reducing the sorrow by sharing.

Loneliness can also be seen as a social phenomenon, capable of spreading like a disease. When one person in a group begins to feel lonely, this feeling can spread to others, increasing everybody’s risk for feelings of loneliness. People can feel lonely even when they are surrounded by other people.

Individual’s levels of loneliness typically remain more or less constant during adulthood until 75 to 80 years of age, when they increase somewhat. Prolonged loneliness is associated with depression, poor social support, neuroticism, and introversion. Studies have shown that loneliness puts people at risk for physical disease and that it may contribute to a shortened life span.

The Risks of Loneliness: Loneliness typically includes anxious feelings about a lack of connection or communication with other beings, both in the present and extending into the future. It can be a risk factor for heart disease, Type 2 diabetes, arthritis, among other critical diseases. Lonely people are also twice as likely to develop Alzheimer’s disease.

At the root, isolation compromises immunity increases the production of stress hormones and is harmful to sleep. All of this feeds chronic inflammation, which lowers immunity to the degree that lonely people even suffer more from the common cold. Loneliness can be a chronic stress condition that ages the body and causes damage to overall well-being.

Psychological Aspect: Loneliness may often grow out of some psychological compulsions. A person may suffer from an inferiority complex that he is unwanted or unloved. He/she will naturally avoid routine contact with others for fear of being repulsed or rebuffed. He/she will feel secure only when he is alone. He/she who cannot enjoy a company cannot enjoy real happiness which consists mostly of interaction with others or in getting appreciation or approval from others.

Conclusion: Loneliness is both pleasing and boring. It is correlated with social anxiety, social inhibition (shyness), sadness, hostility, distrust, and low self-esteem, characteristics that hamper one’s ability to interact in skillful and rewarding ways. Circumstantial loneliness causes no pains but forcide loneliness is bordom. But the person who has seen death from close quarters finds the true and real meaning of life. Similarly a person, who has undergone the experience of loneliness for a substantional time, keenly feels the joy of social interaction such a person realizes the true dimension of security and relaxation, one experiences in the company of one’s family members or dear friends. Experiences of loneliness strengthen social ties and convert even loners into social beings.

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The History of Loneliness

lonely person

The female chimpanzee at the Philadelphia Zoological Garden died of complications from a cold early in the morning of December 27, 1878. “Miss Chimpanzee,” according to news reports, died “while receiving the attentions of her companion.” Both she and that companion, a four-year-old male, had been born near the Gabon River, in West Africa; they had arrived in Philadelphia in April, together. “These Apes can be captured only when young,” the zoo superintendent, Arthur E. Brown, explained, and they are generally taken only one or two at a time. In the wild, “they live together in small bands of half a dozen and build platforms among the branches, out of boughs and leaves, on which they sleep.” But in Philadelphia, in the monkey house, where it was just the two of them, they had become “accustomed to sleep at night in each other’s arms on a blanket on the floor,” clutching each other, desperately, achingly, through the long, cold night.

The Philadelphia Zoological Garden was the first zoo in the United States. It opened in 1874, two years after Charles Darwin published “The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals,” in which he related what he had learned about the social attachments of primates from Abraham Bartlett, the superintendent of the Zoological Society of London:

Many kinds of monkeys, as I am assured by the keepers in the Zoological Gardens, delight in fondling and being fondled by each other, and by persons to whom they are attached. Mr. Bartlett has described to me the behavior of two chimpanzees, rather older animals than those generally imported into this country, when they were first brought together. They sat opposite, touching each other with their much protruded lips; and the one put his hand on the shoulder of the other. They then mutually folded each other in their arms. Afterwards they stood up, each with one arm on the shoulder of the other, lifted up their heads, opened their mouths, and yelled with delight.

Mr. and Miss Chimpanzee, in Philadelphia, were two of only four chimpanzees in America, and when she died human observers mourned her loss, but, above all, they remarked on the behavior of her companion. For a long time, they reported, he tried in vain to rouse her. Then he “went into a frenzy of grief.” This paroxysm accorded entirely with what Darwin had described in humans: “Persons suffering from excessive grief often seek relief by violent and almost frantic movements.” The bereaved chimpanzee began to pull out the hair from his head. He wailed, making a sound the zookeeper had never heard before: Hah-ah-ah-ah-ah . “His cries were heard over the entire garden. He dashed himself against the bars of the cage and butted his head upon the hard-wood bottom, and when this burst of grief was ended he poked his head under the straw in one corner and moaned as if his heart would break.”

Nothing quite like this had ever been recorded. Superintendent Brown prepared a scholarly article, “Grief in the Chimpanzee.” Even long after the death of the female, Brown reported, the male “invariably slept on a cross-beam at the top of the cage, returning to inherited habit, and showing, probably, that the apprehension of unseen dangers has been heightened by his sense of loneliness.”

Loneliness is grief, distended. People are primates, and even more sociable than chimpanzees. We hunger for intimacy. We wither without it. And yet, long before the present pandemic, with its forced isolation and social distancing, humans had begun building their own monkey houses. Before modern times, very few human beings lived alone. Slowly, beginning not much more than a century ago, that changed. In the United States, more than one in four people now lives alone; in some parts of the country, especially big cities, that percentage is much higher. You can live alone without being lonely, and you can be lonely without living alone, but the two are closely tied together, which makes lockdowns, sheltering in place, that much harder to bear. Loneliness, it seems unnecessary to say, is terrible for your health. In 2017 and 2018, the former U.S. Surgeon General Vivek H. Murthy declared an “epidemic of loneliness,” and the U.K. appointed a Minister of Loneliness. To diagnose this condition, doctors at U.C.L.A. devised a Loneliness Scale. Do you often, sometimes, rarely, or never feel these ways?

I am unhappy doing so many things alone. I have nobody to talk to. I cannot tolerate being so alone. I feel as if nobody really understands me. I am no longer close to anyone. There is no one I can turn to. I feel isolated from others.

In the age of quarantine, does one disease produce another?

“Loneliness” is a vogue term, and like all vogue terms it’s a cover for all sorts of things most people would rather not name and have no idea how to fix. Plenty of people like to be alone. I myself love to be alone. But solitude and seclusion, which are the things I love, are different from loneliness, which is a thing I hate. Loneliness is a state of profound distress. Neuroscientists identify loneliness as a state of hypervigilance whose origins lie among our primate ancestors and in our own hunter-gatherer past. Much of the research in this field was led by John Cacioppo, at the Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience, at the University of Chicago. Cacioppo, who died in 2018, was known as Dr. Loneliness. In the new book “ Together: The Healing Power of Human Connection in a Sometimes Lonely World ” (Harper Wave), Murthy explains how Cacioppo’s evolutionary theory of loneliness has been tested by anthropologists at the University of Oxford, who have traced its origins back fifty-two million years, to the very first primates. Primates need to belong to an intimate social group, a family or a band, in order to survive; this is especially true for humans (humans you don’t know might very well kill you, which is a problem not shared by most other primates). Separated from the group—either finding yourself alone or finding yourself among a group of people who do not know and understand you—triggers a fight-or-flight response. Cacioppo argued that your body understands being alone, or being with strangers, as an emergency. “Over millennia, this hypervigilance in response to isolation became embedded in our nervous system to produce the anxiety we associate with loneliness,” Murthy writes. We breathe fast, our heart races, our blood pressure rises, we don’t sleep. We act fearful, defensive, and self-involved, all of which drive away people who might actually want to help, and tend to stop lonely people from doing what would benefit them most: reaching out to others.

The loneliness epidemic, in this sense, is rather like the obesity epidemic. Evolutionarily speaking, panicking while being alone, like finding high-calorie foods irresistible, is highly adaptive, but, more recently, in a world where laws (mostly) prevent us from killing one another, we need to work with strangers every day, and the problem is more likely to be too much high-calorie food rather than too little. These drives backfire.

Loneliness, Murthy argues, lies behind a host of problems—anxiety, violence, trauma, crime, suicide, depression, political apathy, and even political polarization. Murthy writes with compassion, but his everything-can-be-reduced-to-loneliness argument is hard to swallow, not least because much of what he has to say about loneliness was said about homelessness in the nineteen-eighties, when “homelessness” was the vogue term—a word somehow easier to say than “poverty”—and saying it didn’t help. (Since then, the number of homeless Americans has increased.) Curiously, Murthy often conflates the two, explaining loneliness as feeling homeless. To belong is to feel at home. “To be at home is to be known,” he writes. Home can be anywhere. Human societies are so intricate that people have meaningful, intimate ties of all kinds, with all sorts of groups of other people, even across distances. You can feel at home with friends, or at work, or in a college dining hall, or at church, or in Yankee Stadium, or at your neighborhood bar. Loneliness is the feeling that no place is home. “In community after community,” Murthy writes, “I met lonely people who felt homeless even though they had a roof over their heads.” Maybe what people experiencing loneliness and people experiencing homelessness both need are homes with other humans who love them and need them, and to know they are needed by them in societies that care about them. That’s not a policy agenda. That’s an indictment of modern life.

In “ A Biography of Loneliness: The History of an Emotion ” (Oxford), the British historian Fay Bound Alberti defines loneliness as “a conscious, cognitive feeling of estrangement or social separation from meaningful others,” and she objects to the idea that it’s universal, transhistorical, and the source of all that ails us. She argues that the condition really didn’t exist before the nineteenth century, at least not in a chronic form. It’s not that people—widows and widowers, in particular, and the very poor, the sick, and the outcast—weren’t lonely; it’s that, since it wasn’t possible to survive without living among other people, and without being bonded to other people, by ties of affection and loyalty and obligation, loneliness was a passing experience. Monarchs probably were lonely, chronically. (Hey, it’s lonely at the top!) But, for most ordinary people, daily living involved such intricate webs of dependence and exchange—and shared shelter—that to be chronically or desperately lonely was to be dying. The word “loneliness” very seldom appears in English before about 1800. Robinson Crusoe was alone, but never lonely. One exception is “Hamlet”: Ophelia suffers from “loneliness”; then she drowns herself.

Modern loneliness, in Alberti’s view, is the child of capitalism and secularism. “Many of the divisions and hierarchies that have developed since the eighteenth century—between self and world, individual and community, public and private—have been naturalized through the politics and philosophy of individualism,” she writes. “Is it any coincidence that a language of loneliness emerged at the same time?” It is not a coincidence. The rise of privacy, itself a product of market capitalism—privacy being something that you buy—is a driver of loneliness. So is individualism, which you also have to pay for.

Alberti’s book is a cultural history (she offers an anodyne reading of “Wuthering Heights,” for instance, and another of the letters of Sylvia Plath ). But the social history is more interesting, and there the scholarship demonstrates that whatever epidemic of loneliness can be said to exist is very closely associated with living alone. Whether living alone makes people lonely or whether people live alone because they’re lonely might seem to be harder to say, but the preponderance of the evidence supports the former: it is the force of history, not the exertion of choice, that leads people to live alone. This is a problem for people trying to fight an epidemic of loneliness, because the force of history is relentless.

Before the twentieth century, according to the best longitudinal demographic studies, about five per cent of all households (or about one per cent of the world population) consisted of just one person. That figure began rising around 1910, driven by urbanization, the decline of live-in servants, a declining birth rate, and the replacement of the traditional, multigenerational family with the nuclear family. By the time David Riesman published “ The Lonely Crowd ,” in 1950, nine per cent of all households consisted of a single person. In 1959, psychiatry discovered loneliness, in a subtle essay by the German analyst Frieda Fromm-Reichmann. “Loneliness seems to be such a painful, frightening experience that people will do practically everything to avoid it,” she wrote. She, too, shrank in horror from its contemplation. “The longing for interpersonal intimacy stays with every human being from infancy through life,” she wrote, “and there is no human being who is not threatened by its loss.” People who are not lonely are so terrified of loneliness that they shun the lonely, afraid that the condition might be contagious. And people who are lonely are themselves so horrified by what they are experiencing that they become secretive and self-obsessed—“it produces the sad conviction that nobody else has experienced or ever will sense what they are experiencing or have experienced,” Fromm-Reichmann wrote. One tragedy of loneliness is that lonely people can’t see that lots of people feel the same way they do.

“During the past half century, our species has embarked on a remarkable social experiment,” the sociologist Eric Klinenberg wrote in “ Going Solo: The Extraordinary Rise and Surprising Appeal of Living Alone ,” from 2012. “For the first time in human history, great numbers of people—at all ages, in all places, of every political persuasion—have begun settling down as singletons.” Klinenberg considers this to be, in large part, a triumph; more plausibly, it is a disaster. Beginning in the nineteen-sixties, the percentage of single-person households grew at a much steeper rate, driven by a high divorce rate, a still-falling birth rate, and longer lifespans over all. (After the rise of the nuclear family, the old began to reside alone, with women typically outliving their husbands.) A medical literature on loneliness began to emerge in the nineteen-eighties, at the same time that policymakers became concerned with, and named, “homelessness,” which is a far more dire condition than being a single-person household: to be homeless is to be a household that does not hold a house. Cacioppo began his research in the nineteen-nineties, even as humans were building a network of computers, to connect us all. Klinenberg, who graduated from college in 1993, is particularly interested in people who chose to live alone right about then.

I suppose I was one of them. I tried living alone when I was twenty-five, because it seemed important to me, the way owning a piece of furniture that I did not find on the street seemed important to me, as a sign that I had come of age, could pay rent without subletting a sublet. I could afford to buy privacy, I might say now, but then I’m sure I would have said that I had become “my own person.” I lasted only two months. I didn’t like watching television alone, and also I didn’t have a television, and this, if not the golden age of television, was the golden age of “The Simpsons,” so I started watching television with the person who lived in the apartment next door. I moved in with him, and then I married him.

This experience might not fit so well into the story Klinenberg tells; he argues that networked technologies of communication, beginning with the telephone’s widespread adoption, in the nineteen-fifties, helped make living alone possible. Radio, television, Internet, social media: we can feel at home online. Or not. Robert Putnam’s influential book about the decline of American community ties, “Bowling Alone,” came out in 2000, four years before the launch of Facebook, which monetized loneliness. Some people say that the success of social media was a product of an epidemic of loneliness; some people say it was a contributor to it; some people say it’s the only remedy for it. Connect! Disconnect! The Economist declared loneliness to be “the leprosy of the 21st century.” The epidemic only grew.

This is not a peculiarly American phenomenon. Living alone, while common in the United States, is more common in many other parts of the world, including Scandinavia, Japan, Germany, France, the U.K., Australia, and Canada, and it’s on the rise in China, India, and Brazil. Living alone works best in nations with strong social supports. It works worst in places like the United States. It is best to have not only an Internet but a social safety net.

Then the great, global confinement began: enforced isolation, social distancing, shutdowns, lockdowns, a human but inhuman zoological garden. Zoom is better than nothing. But for how long? And what about the moment your connection crashes: the panic, the last tie severed? It is a terrible, frightful experiment, a test of the human capacity to bear loneliness. Do you pull out your hair? Do you dash yourself against the walls of your cage? Do you, locked inside, thrash and cry and moan? Sometimes, rarely, or never? More today than yesterday? ♦

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Social Isolation

Reviewed by Psychology Today Staff

Though our need to connect is innate, many of us frequently feel alone. Loneliness is the state of distress or discomfort that results when one perceives a gap between one’s desires for social connection and actual experiences of it. Even some people who are surrounded by others throughout the day—or are in a long-lasting marriage —still experience a deep and pervasive loneliness. Research suggests that loneliness poses serious threats to well-being as well as long-term physical health.

  • Identifying and Fighting Loneliness
  • Loneliness, Health, and Well-Being

stevepb/Pixabay

Whether a person lives in isolation or not, feeling a lack of social connectedness can be painful. Loneliness can be described in different ways; a commonly used measure of loneliness, the UCLA Loneliness Scale, asks individuals about a range of feelings or deficits of connection, including how often they:

feel they lack companionship

feel left out

feel “in tune” with people around them

feel outgoing and friendly

feel there are people they can turn to

Given the potential health consequences for those who feel like they have few or no supportive social connections, widespread loneliness poses a major societal challenge. But it underscores a demand for increased outreach and connection on a personal level, too.

Loneliness is as tied to the quality of one's relationships as it is to the number of connections one has. And it doesn’t only stem from heartache or isolation.  A  lack of authenticity in relationships  can result in feelings of loneliness. For some, not having a coveted animal companion, or the absence of a quiet presence in the home (even if one has plenty of social contacts in the wider world), can trigger loneliness. 

There's evidence that lonely individuals have a sort of negativity bias in evaluating social interactions. Lonely people pick up on  signs of potential rejection more quickly than do others, perhaps better to avoid it and protect themselves. People who feel lonely need to be aware of this bias so as to override it in seeking out companionship.

Solitude, or time spent alone, is not inherently negative and can even be restorative or advantageous in other ways. Research suggests the reasons young people choose to be alone matter—they may do so to relax, create, or reflect, rather than to avoid other people.

Loneliness researcher John Cacioppo argues that just as you can start an exercise regimen to gain strength and improve your health, you can combat loneliness through small moves that build emotional strength and resilience . He has devised techniques for people at particularly high risk for chronic loneliness, such as soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan. They may be useful to anyone. 

JWalters/Shutterstock

A number of unfavorable outcomes have been linked to loneliness. In addition to its association with depressive symptoms and other forms of mental illness, loneliness is a risk factor for heart disease, Type 2 diabetes, and arthritis, among other diseases. Lonely people are also twice as likely to develop Alzheimer’s disease, research suggests. The state of chronic loneliness may trigger adverse physiological responses such as the increased production of stress hormones , hinder sleep, and result in weakened immunity.

While a person can’t die simply from feeling too lonely, findings that lonely people have higher rates of mortality and certain diseases supports the idea that, over time, chronic loneliness can play a role in increasing the risk of dying.

Feelings of loneliness and isolation affect people of all ages, although adolescents and the elderly  may be especially likely to be impacted.

About 40 percent of Americans reported regularly feeling lonely in 2010, and other reports affirm that it is common for people to feel lonely at least some of the time. The high rates of reported loneliness have led some to declare an “epidemic,” though it is not clear that loneliness is increasing in younger generations.

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How to Cope With Loneliness

If you or a loved one are struggling with a mental health condition, contact the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) National Helpline at 1-800-662-4357 for information on support and treatment facilities in your area.

For more mental health resources, see our National Helpline Database .

Virtually everyone experiences loneliness from time to time. The feeling can be especially noticeable around the holidays, Valentine's Day , birthdays , and times of extreme stress.

The sheer number of adults in the United States who feel lonely is quite large—in a January 2020 survey of 10,000 adults by Cigna, 61% of those surveyed said they felt lonely. However, people don’t always talk about feelings of loneliness and don’t always know what to do with these feelings.

Other than being emotionally painful, loneliness can impact people in many ways:

  • Depression : A 2021 study published in Lancet Psychiatry found associations between loneliness and depressive symptoms in a group of adults 50 years old and older. Research also suggests that loneliness and depression may feed off of and perpetuate each other.
  • Physical health : Several studies have linked emotional stress with depressed immunity. Other research links loneliness and depression with poorer health and well-being. Therefore, people who are experiencing loneliness are susceptible to a variety of health issues.
  • Physical pain : Research shows that the areas of the brain that deal with social exclusion are the same areas that process physical pain, adding a scientific explanation to the oft-romanticized experience of a "broken heart."

Are You Feeling Lonely?

This fast and free loneliness test can help you analyze your current emotions and determine whether or not you may be feeling lonely at the moment:

If you’re experiencing loneliness, there are some things you can do about it. Below are nine strategies for dealing with loneliness.

Join a Class or Club

Whether it’s an art class, exercise class, or book club, joining a class or a club automatically exposes you to a group of people who share at least one of your interests. Check your local library or community college as well as city parks and recreation departments to see what's available.

Joining a class or club can also provide a sense of belonging that comes with being part of a group. This can stimulate creativity, give you something to look forward to during the day, and help stave off loneliness.

Volunteering for a cause you believe in can provide the same benefits as taking a class or joining a club: meeting others, being part of a group, and creating new experiences. It also brings the benefits of altruism and can help you find more meaning in your life.

In addition to decreasing loneliness, this can bring greater happiness and life satisfaction. Additionally, working with those who have less than you can help you feel a deeper sense of gratitude for what you have in your own life.

Find Support Online

Because loneliness is a somewhat widespread issue, there are many people online who are looking for people to connect with. Find people with similar interests by joining Facebook or Meetup groups focused on your passions. Check to see if any apps you use, like fitness or workout apps, have a social element or discussion board to join.

You do have to be careful of who you meet over the internet (and, obviously, don’t give out any personal information like your bank account number), but you can find real support, connection, and lasting friendships from people you meet online.

A word of caution: Social media can actually increase feelings of loneliness and cause FOMO, or "fear of missing out" so be sure to check in with yourself if you're starting to feel this way.

Strengthen Existing Relationships

You probably already have people in your life that you could get to know better or connections with family that could be deepened. If so, why not call friends more often, go out with them more, and find other ways to enjoy your existing relationships and strengthen bonds?

If you're struggling to find the motivation to reach out to your loved ones, it might be helpful to start slowly. Come up with just one supportive friend or family member who you could imagine reaching out to. It's also reassuring to know that strong social support is beneficial for your mental health.

Adopt a Pet

Pets, especially dogs and cats, offer so many benefits, and preventing loneliness is one of them. Rescuing a pet combines the benefits of altruism and companionship, and fights loneliness in several ways.

It can connect you with other people—walking a dog opens you up to a community of other dog-walkers, and a cute dog on a leash tends to be a people magnet. Additionally, pets provide unconditional love, which can be a great salve for loneliness.

Talk to Strangers

An easy way to find connections in everyday life is by interacting in small ways with acquaintances or strangers you encounter. In fact, research shows that doing so contributes to our social and emotional well-being. So next time you grab a cup of coffee or see your neighbor on a walk, strike up a conversation. You might just find you feel happier afterward.

Do you have a smartphone that you frequently check while out and about? Think about putting it away a bit more. Whether you're looking up directions or checking the news while waiting in line, research suggests that technology can get in the way of social opportunities.

Practice Self-Care

When you're feeling lonely, be sure you're doing what you can to take care of yourself in other ways. Self-care is always a good idea, but especially when you are feeling down. Eating nutritious food, exercising, and getting enough sleep will only make you feel better in the long run. Bonus: Take a workout class or join a running club for exercise and social interaction.

Distract yourself from those feelings of loneliness and make a date with yourself. Do you have a hobby you've always wanted to take up or a home improvement project that's been lingering on your to-do list? Take some time to invest in yourself and your interests and keep your mind occupied in the process.

Press Play for Advice on Loneliness

Hosted by therapist Amy Morin, LCSW, this episode of The Verywell Mind Podcast shares ways to stay strong even if you feel lonely.

Follow Now : Apple Podcasts / Spotify / Google Podcasts

See a Therapist

Research suggests that loneliness and symptoms of depression can perpetuate each other, meaning the more lonely you are, the more depressed you feel, and vice versa.

Sometimes just “getting out there” and meeting other people isn’t enough. It's possible to still feel lonely when you’re around them, which could actually be a sign of depression or social anxiety. If this is the case for you, it may be a good idea to seek psychotherapy to help with feelings of loneliness, especially if you also feel other symptoms of depression .

Some forms of therapy, especially cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), can help you to change your thoughts as well as your actions to help you not only experience less loneliness but have more tools to prevent it. Whatever you do to combat loneliness, know that you are truly not alone, and there are many things you can do to feel more connected.

Get Help Now

We've tried, tested, and written unbiased reviews of the best online therapy programs including Talkspace, Betterhelp, and Regain. Find out which option is the best for you.

Cigna. Loneliness and the workplace .

Lee SL, Pearce E, Ajnakina O, et al. The association between loneliness and depressive symptoms among adults aged 50 years and older: A 12-year population-based cohort study . Lancet Psychiatry . 2021;8(1):48-57. doi:10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30383-7

Achterbergh L, Pitman A, Birken M, Pearce E, Sno H, Johnson S. The experience of loneliness among young people with depression: A qualitative meta-synthesis of the literature .  BMC Psychiatry . 2020;20(1):415. doi:10.1186/s12888-020-02818-3

Vitlic A, Lord JM, Phillips AC. Stress, ageing and their influence on functional, cellular and molecular aspects of the immune system . Age (Dordr) . 2014;36(3). doi:10.1007/s11357-014-9631-6

Mushtaq R, Shoib S, Shah T, Mushtaq S. Relationship between loneliness, psychiatric disorders and physical health? A review on the psychological aspects of loneliness . J Clin Diagn Res . 2014;8(9):WE01-4. doi:10.7860/JCDR/2014/10077.4828

Kawamoto T, Ura M, Nittono H. Intrapersonal and interpersonal processes of social exclusion . Front Neurosci. 2015;9:62. doi:10.3389/fnins.2015.00062

Sandstrom GM, Dunn EW. Social interactions and well-being: The surprising power of weak ties . Pers Soc Psychol Bull . 2014;40(7):910-922. doi:10.1177/0146167214529799

Kushlev K, Proulx JDE, Dunn EW. Digitally connected, socially disconnected: The effects of relying on technology rather than other people . Comput Hum Behav . 2017;76:68-74. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2017.07.001

By Elizabeth Scott, PhD Elizabeth Scott, PhD is an author, workshop leader, educator, and award-winning blogger on stress management, positive psychology, relationships, and emotional wellbeing.

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Loneliness and Social Isolation — Tips for Staying Connected

On this page:

What is the difference between loneliness and social isolation?

How can feeling lonely or being isolated affect older adults’ health, are you at risk for social isolation and loneliness, how can you stay connected with friends and family.

Infographic, Tips To boost Your Health As You Age. Click link for full infographic

Everyone needs social connections to survive and thrive. But as people age, they often find themselves spending more time alone. Being alone may leave older adults more vulnerable to loneliness and social isolation , which can affect their health and well-being. Studies show that loneliness and social isolation are associated with higher risks for health problems such as heart disease , depression , and cognitive decline .

If you are in poor health, you may be more likely to be socially isolated or lonely. If you are socially isolated or feeling lonely, it can put your physical and mental health at risk. Adults who are lonely or socially isolated tend to be less healthy, have longer hospital stays, are readmitted to the hospital more often, and are more likely to die earlier than those with meaningful and supportive social connections.

Older African American woman combats loneliness and social isolation by video chatting with her family on a tablet.

Loneliness and social isolation are different, but related. Loneliness is the distressing feeling of being alone or separated. Social isolation is the lack of social contacts and having few people to interact with regularly. You can live alone and not feel lonely or socially isolated, and you can feel lonely while being with other people.

Older adults are at higher risk for social isolation and loneliness due to changes in health and social connections that can come with growing older, hearing, vision, and memory loss, disability, trouble getting around, and/or the loss of family and friends.

People who are socially isolated or lonely are more likely to be admitted to the emergency room or to a nursing home. Social isolation and loneliness also are associated with higher risks for:

  • High blood pressure
  • Heart disease
  • Weakened immune function
  • Cognitive decline
  • Dementia , including Alzheimer’s disease

People who are lonely or socially isolated may get too little exercise , drink too much alcohol , smoke, and sleep poorly , which can further increase the risk of serious health conditions.

People who are lonely experience emotional pain. Losing a sense of connection and community can change the way a person sees the world. Someone experiencing chronic loneliness may feel threatened and mistrustful of others.

Emotional pain can activate the same stress responses in the body as physical pain. When this goes on for a long time, it can lead to chronic inflammation (overactive or prolonged release of factors that can damage tissues) and reduced immunity (ability to fight off disease). This raises your risk of chronic diseases and can leave a person more vulnerable to some infectious diseases.

Social isolation and loneliness may also be bad for brain health. These have been linked to poorer cognitive function and higher risk for dementia , including Alzheimer's disease . Also, too little social activity and being alone often may make it more difficult to perform everyday tasks such as driving, paying bills, taking medicine, and cooking.

Need help with social isolation or feeling lonely?

The Eldercare Locator connects the public to trustworthy local support resources for older adults and their families. This resource links those who need assistance with state and local agencies on aging, as well as community-based organizations.

The Eldercare Locator is also available via phone at 800-677-1116.

Certain factors may increase your risk of social isolation and loneliness. These include:

  • Loss of mobility
  • Vision or hearing problems
  • Psychological or cognitive challenges
  • Feeling a lack of purpose
  • Financial struggles
  • Living alone
  • Lack of transportation
  • Inability to leave home without help
  • A major life change, such as the death of a family member or retirement
  • Separation from friends or family
  • Lack of social support
  • Caring for a loved one who is unwell
  • Living in a rural, unsafe, or hard-to-reach neighborhood
  • Experiencing discrimination based on age, racial, ethnic, sexual orientation, or gender identity
  • Language barriers

Loneliness, social isolation, and hearing loss

People with hearing loss may find it hard to have conversations with friends and family. Older people who can’t hear well may become depressed or withdrawn from others because they feel frustrated or embarrassed about not understanding what is being said. Sometimes, older adults are mistakenly thought to be confused, unresponsive, or uncooperative when the reality is that they don’t hear well.

Difficulties communicating with others can lead to less interaction with people, social isolation, and higher rates of loneliness.

Hearing problems that are ignored or untreated can get worse. If you think you might have a hearing problem, talk with a doctor. Hearing aids, therapy, certain medicines, and surgery are some of the treatments that can help.

How can you talk with your doctor about loneliness and social isolation?

If you are feeling isolated or lonely a lot of the time, you may want to tell your doctor or another health care professional. Talking about your health with your doctor means sharing information about how you feel physically, emotionally, and mentally. Describing your symptoms and concerns can help your doctor identify the problem. For example, let your doctor know about any major changes or stresses in your life, such as a divorce or the death of a loved one. A doctor who knows about your losses is better able to understand how you are feeling.

Be open and honest with your doctor about your health habits and what’s happening in your life. It will help them to understand your medical conditions and emotional health more fully and recommend the best treatment options for you. Learn more about talking with your doctor .

There are things you can do to help protect yourself or a loved one from the negative effects of loneliness and social isolation. First, it’s important to take care of yourself. To help manage stress and stay as mentally and physically healthy as possible, try exercising, eating healthy, getting enough sleep (7 to 9 hours), and pursuing activities you enjoy.

Infographic, Stay Connected to Combat Loneliness and Social Isolation, click for webpage and PDF.

Second, it's important to stay active and connect with others. People who engage in meaningful, productive activities they enjoy with others feel a sense of purpose and tend to live longer. For example, helping others through volunteering helps you feel less lonely and allows you to have a sense of mission and purpose in life, which is linked to better health. Studies show activities like these may help boost your mood and improve your well-being and cognitive function.

Here are some other ideas to help you stay connected.

  • Find an activity that you enjoy, restart an old hobby, or take a class to learn something new. You might have fun and meet people with similar interests.
  • Schedule time each day to stay in touch with family, friends, and neighbors in person, by email, social media, voice call, or text. Talk with people you trust and share your feelings. Suggest an activity to help nurture and strengthen existing relationships. Sending letters or cards is another good way to keep up friendships.
  • Use communication technologies such as video chat or smart speakers to help keep you engaged and connected.

If you’re not tech-savvy, sign up for a class at your local public library or community center to help you learn how to use email or social media.

Older adult holding a dog to combat loneliness and social isolation.

  • Consider adopting a pet if you are able to care for one. Animals can be a source of comfort and may also lower stress and blood pressure.
  • Stay physically active. Find ways to exercise with others, such as joining a walking club or working out with a friend. Adults should aim for at least 150 minutes (2 1/2 hours) of moderate-intensity activity each week.
  • Introduce yourself to your neighbors.
  • Find a faith-based organization where you can deepen your spirituality and engage with others in activities and events.
  • Check out resources and programs at your local social service agencies, community and senior centers, and public libraries.
  • Join a cause and get involved in your community.

Tips For staying connected if you are living alone with dementia

If you or a loved one has dementia and lives alone, family members, friends, or other caregivers may be able to help in different ways.

  • Identify a person you trust, such as a neighbor, who can visit regularly in-person or via a video call and be an emergency contact.
  • Learn about home- and community-based support and services from social service agencies, local nonprofits, and Area Agencies on Aging.
  • Stay connected with family and friends through video chats, email, and social media. If you’re not tech savvy, ask for help to learn.
  • Talk with others who share common interests. Try a support group online or in person. Maybe your community has a memory café you can visit — a safe place to enjoy activities and socialize for people living with memory loss and their families and caregivers.

You may also be interested in

  • Getting ideas for participating in activities you enjoy as you age
  • Finding tips for healthy aging for the older adults in your life
  • Reading about how to talk to your doctor about sensitive issues

Sign up for e-alerts about healthy aging

For more information about loneliness and social isolation.

NIA Alzheimer’s and related Dementias Education and Referral (ADEAR) Center 800-438-4380 [email protected] www.nia.nih.gov/alzheimers The NIA ADEAR Center offers information and free print publications about Alzheimer’s and related dementias for families, caregivers, and health professionals. ADEAR Center staff answer telephone, email, and written requests and make referrals to local and national resources.

AmeriCorps Seniors 800-942-2677 www.nationalservice.gov/programs/senior-corps

Eldercare Locator 800-677-1116 [email protected] https://eldercare.acl.gov

HHS Office of the Surgeon General Social Connection 877-696-6775 www.hhs.gov/surgeongeneral/priorities/connection/index.html

AARP 888-687-2277  877-434-7598 (TTY) [email protected] www.aarp.org

Connect2Affect https://connect2affect.org

Family Caregiver Alliance 800-445-8106 [email protected] www.caregiver.org

Meals on Wheels America 888-998-6325 [email protected] www.mealsonwheelsamerica.org

USAging 202-872-0888 [email protected] www.usaging.org

National Council on Aging 571-527-3900 https://www.ncoa.org/

SilverSneakers 866-584-7389 [email protected] www.silversneakers.com

YMCA 800-872-9622 [email protected] www.ymca.net

This content is provided by the NIH National Institute on Aging (NIA). NIA scientists and other experts review this content to ensure it is accurate and up to date.

Content reviewed: July 11, 2024

nia.nih.gov

An official website of the National Institutes of Health

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'I'm surrounded by people - but I feel so lonely'

short essay about loneliness

When the BBC launched the Loneliness Experiment on Valentine's Day 2018 a staggering 55,000 people from around the world completed the survey, making it the largest study of loneliness yet. Claudia Hammond, who instigated the project, looks at the findings and spoke to three people about their experiences of loneliness.

"It's like a void, a feeling of emptiness. If you have a good piece of news or a bad piece of news, it's not having that person to tell about it. Lacking those people in your life can be really hard."

Michelle Lloyd is 33 and lives in London. She is friendly and chatty and enjoys her job - she seems to have everything going for her, but she feels lonely. She has lived in a few different cities so her friends are spread around the country and tend to be busy with their children at weekends. She does go for drinks with colleagues after work, but tells me it's the deeper relationships she misses.

"I'm very good at being chatty, I can talk to anyone, but that doesn't mean I'm able to have those lasting relationships with people," says Michelle. "You can be in a group and it can be intimidating because you're conscious of not letting people get to know the 'real you'.

"I would say I've always had an element of feeling lonely. Ever since I was a teenager, I've always felt a little bit different and separate from large groups of friends, but in the last five years it's crept in more."

Michelle has experienced anxiety and depression which she finds can amplify her loneliness because she finds it hard to articulate negative emotions.

"If I'm in a group I often find myself saying 'I'm great' when people ask how I am. It's almost like an out-of-body experience because I can hear myself saying these positive things, when I'm thinking about how I struggled to get out bed yesterday. It's the loneliness of knowing how you feel in your own head and never being able to tell people."

There is a common stereotype that loneliness mainly strikes older, isolated people - and of course it can, and does. But the BBC survey found even higher levels of loneliness among younger people, and this pattern was the same in every country.

Chart: Loneliness by age

The survey was conducted online, which might have deterred some older people, or attracted people who feel lonely. But this is not the first study to see high rates of loneliness reported by young people: research conducted earlier in 2018 by the Office for National Statistics on paper as well as online with a smaller, but more representative sample also found more loneliness among the young.

It's tempting to conclude that something about modern life is putting young people at a higher risk of loneliness, but when we asked older people in our survey about the loneliest times in their lives, they also said it was when they were young.

There are several reasons why younger people might feel lonelier. The years between 16 and 24 are often a time of transition where people move home, build their identities and try to find new friends.

Meanwhile, they've not had the chance to experience loneliness as something temporary, useful even, prompting us to find new friends or rekindle old friendships - 41% of people believe that loneliness can sometimes be a positive experience.

Michelle has been open about her loneliness and her mental health, even blogging about them . This is not something everyone feels they can do. The survey suggested that younger people felt more able to tell others about their loneliness than older people, but still many young people who feel lonely told us they felt ashamed about it. Were older people afraid to tell us how they really felt or had they found a way of coping?

line

The BBC loneliness experiment

In February 2018 The BBC Loneliness Experiment was launched on BBC Radio 4 in collaboration with Wellcome Collection. The online survey was created by three leading academics in the field of loneliness research.

  • The results will be revealed on All in the Mind at 20:00 on Monday 1 October - or catch up via the iPlayer
  • Listen to The Anatomy of Loneliness on BBC Radio 4

But what the results do suggest is that loneliness matters at all ages.

When loneliness becomes chronic it can have a serious impact on both health and well-being. To try to pin down why some feel so lonely, we looked at the differences between people. Those who told us they always or often felt lonely had lower levels of trust in others.

The survey was a snapshot in time, so we can't tell where this lack of trust in others came from, but there is some evidence from previous research that if people feel chronically lonely they can become more sensitive to rejection. Imagine you start a conversation with someone in a shop and they don't respond - if you're feeling desperately lonely, then you might feel rejected and wonder if it's something about you.

Michelle recognises some of this in herself. "You become quite closed off. You are dealing with so many things alone that when people do take an interest you can be quite defensive sometimes. It can be incredibly debilitating being lonely."

The relationship between loneliness and spending time alone is complex - 83% of people in our study said they like being on their own. A third did say that being alone makes them feel lonely and in some cases isolation is clearly at the root of their loneliness.

Jack King is 96 and lives alone in Eastbourne, on the south coast of England, after losing his wife in 2010. On his windowsill sits the tennis-ball-sized rock that hit him, leaving a hole in his forehead, when he spent more than three years as a Japanese POW during World War Two.

Today, he says, the days feel very long, but to distract himself from his loneliness he fills his time writing novels and poetry, playing music and painting.

Jack keeps busy by painting

"I like to keep busy. I'm creative, it's a curse," he says. It was his creativity which kept him going when he was held captive all those decades ago. He would write comic plays and perform them for the other prisoners, fashioning stage curtains out of rice sacks.

After the war he was on a train which was just pulling out of the station when a young woman on the platform shouted to him that he could take her to the pictures if he liked. At first he thought she didn't mean it, but he did notice her beautiful head of hair. They did go on a date and married the same year. After 65 years of happy marriage she had a stroke, followed by another, developed dementia and eventually died. This is when his feelings of loneliness began.

"Loneliness feels like a deep, deep ache," he says. "It's strange when you find the house empty - you really don't know what to do. We took delight in the simple things in life, like walks. We used to go time after time to watch the cloud shadows on the sea at Seven Sisters. And that's what I miss - that type of companionship that is so close and so intense."

Jack has found some solace in his computer. Now that he's too frail to leave the house very often, he says it's opened up the world.

Jack has mobility issues

When we examined the use of social media in the survey, we found that people who feel lonely use Facebook differently, using it more for entertainment and to connect with people. They have fewer friends who overlap with real life, and more online-only friends. Social media might heighten feelings of loneliness, but it can also help connect people.

Michelle has found it both helps and hinders. "Through blogging, people have been in touch and that's great - but when I am at my lowest, going on Instagram and seeing people having these amazing lives and enjoying themselves does make you feel, 'Why can't I have that?'

"I think it's really important to remember that people only put up the fun stuff," she adds. "I think we should be more honest on social media. Celebrities are trying to be a bit more honest about the less glamorous sides of their lives, but there's a long way to go."

The survey also found that people who feel discriminated against for any reason - like their sexuality or a disability - were more likely to feel lonely.

Megan Paul is 26. Like Jack and Michelle, she's very sociable and lively. She is blind and looks back now on a very lonely time at school, set apart by her disability and even more so by others' reactions to it.

"I went to a mainstream, all-girls secondary school," says Megan. "It was OK for the first couple of years and then when girls hit their teenage years they become interested in makeup, magazines and how boys look - all quite visual things. I loved my books and animals, so I didn't have the same interests. I couldn't talk about whether boys were cute, so there was that natural growing apart."

In lessons pupils would often work in pairs. When the teacher asked the whole class who wanted to work with Megan, there would be an awkward silence until eventually the teacher paired up with her. Sometimes she felt the staff set a bad example.

"I would put my hand up needing help from the teacher and the teacher would ignore me or make inappropriate comments about me. Pupils learn a lot from adult role models at that age and they saw that the teachers didn't know what to do with me," Megan says.

"I felt awful. My mental health was the worst it's ever been. I wanted to die rather than be at school. Then in Year 11 they agreed that I could do a lot of my work at home. I found that was much better than being stressed out at school and it taught me great study skills."

Megan Paul found that her disability set her apart

Now Megan is studying for a master's degree and life has become easier, but she says that there are still aspects of her disability which can make her feel lonely.

"As a blind person we can't make eye contact or use body language. If someone who can see comes into a room they will gravitate towards someone who smiles at them. I'm not smiling until I know that they are there, so they don't get any feedback from me.

"The frustration is that I am confident enough to go up to people and chat, but I have to wait for people to come to me. It does mean the friends I have are really special though, because they're the kind of people who persevered. I appreciate the friends I have so much more because I don't have many of them."

When Megan first got an assistance dog, knowing how many people love dogs, she wondered whether the dog might draw people in to talk to her, but she's found that's not always the case.

"Being an assistance dog owner brings its own type of loneliness - a lonely-in-a-crowd scenario," she says. "If people start stroking the dog I'll use that to start a conversation, but quite a lot of people just walk off. Sometimes I feel I'm overshadowed by my dog. I know I'm not cute and furry but I do have something to offer."

I asked Megan whether she has tried joining any clubs or schemes designed to alleviate loneliness. She would like to, but finds access can be a problem. "Meetups are awkward because people don't know how to approach me. I recently tried to join a walking group with my dog, but they wrote back and said I needed to find a group that walks slowly. I'm a fast walker. They should decide how fast we walk together. If I do go to a group, I'm in the corner and everyone swirls around me. But the more groups I could join, the better."

As time goes on Megan has found that one solution is to turn to her phone. "As you grow, you develop coping strategies. If I feel really bad, now I drop people a message. I don't tell them I'm feeling bad, I'm just making connections and reaching out, so I can work through that feeling."

With the high levels of loneliness among young people, a blog Megan wrote might be particularly useful for those with disabilities at school today. She includes tips, such as holding the door open for people in order to start a conversation.

"I was so bored at school. A lot of people walked through without noticing, but even if you got a 'Thank you' or a 'Hello' at least it was an interaction. I wasn't able to go up to people and say 'Hi' because I didn't know where they were. So it's one way of getting noticed. It's nice to be seen as helpful rather than 'Here's the weird blind girl again.'"

Another of Megan's tips is to talk to teachers as if they're real people, and not just your teachers.

"Even as a teenager, if you're that lonely you don't care who you talk to. I remember talking to a teacher who told me her cat had had kittens. Afterwards I thought, 'That's one less break time spent alone.'"

Megan says she believes not being able to see has made her kinder to others. "People with vision judge people on appearances and I don't, because I can't."

It's possible that loneliness has made her kinder too. We found that people who say they often feel lonely score higher on average for social empathy. They are better at spotting when someone else is feeling rejected or excluded, probably because they have experienced it themselves.

But when it comes to trust, the findings are very different. Although they may be more understanding of other people's emotional pain, on average people who say they often feel lonely had lower levels of trust in others and higher levels of anxiety, both of which can make it harder to make friends.

Michelle can relate to this. "I sometimes feel that people are just being pitying by wanting to spend time with me. I do have trust issues and I think they stem from my anxiety. I think when you become lonely you do start to look inward and question people's motives. You find yourself wondering whether people spend time with me because they want to, or because they feel guilty."

Sometimes it's suggested that people experiencing loneliness need to learn the social skills that would help them to make friends, but we found that people who felt lonely had social skills that were just as high as everyone else's. So instead, perhaps what's needed are strategies to help deal with the anxiety of meeting new people.

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Loneliness around the world

  • People from 237 different countries, islands and territories took part in the survey
  • The type of culture you live in has implications for loneliness
  • People from cultures which tend to put a high value on independence, such as Northern Europe and the US, told us they would be less likely to tell a colleague about their loneliness
  • In these cultures relationships with partners seemed to be particularly important in the prevention of loneliness
  • In cultures where extended family is often emphasised, such as Southern Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, older women in particular were at lower risk of feeling lonely

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Both Jack and Michelle find weekends the hardest. Michelle would like to go out for brunch, but has no-one to go with.

"You can do these things on your own, but it's not as fun, because you can't try the other person's food," she says. "Nice weather makes it worse. You see people sitting outside laughing and joking and I think how I want to be part of that.

"If I stay in all weekend cabin fever will set in, so I take myself off to Oxford Street and spend money I don't necessarily have. It's not the most healthy or practical way of dealing with loneliness, but it's about being around people and it's great because you can lose yourself in the crowd."

So what might help? We asked people which solutions to loneliness they had found helpful. At number one was distracting yourself by dedicating time to work, study or hobbies. Next was joining a social club, but this also appeared in the list of the top three unhelpful things that other people suggest. If you feel isolated then joining a club might help, but if you find it hard to trust people, you might still feel lonely in a crowd.

Number three was trying to change your thinking to make it more positive. This is easier said than done, but there are cognitive behavioural strategies which could help people to trust others. For example, if someone snubs you, you might assume it's because they don't like you, but if you ask yourself honestly what evidence you have for that, you might find there isn't any. Instead you can learn to put forward alternative explanations - that they were tired or busy or preoccupied.

The next most common suggestions were to start a conversation with anyone, talk to friends and family about your feelings and to look for the good in every person you meet.

People told us the most unhelpful suggestion that other people make is to go on dates. Michelle says she does feel lonelier now she's not in relationship, but knows that that meeting someone new wouldn't solve everything. "It's important to remember you can be lonely even when you're in a relationship," she says.

Jack and his wife Audrey near their beloved cliffs

Jack still misses his late wife desperately. I asked him whether he would consider sharing a house so that he had company, but he says he's too set in his ways. He wouldn't want to move to a residential home with other older people because then he'd lack the space to paint and write. So, too frail to leave the house, he called the charity The Silver Line, who arranged for a volunteer to phone him every Sunday for a long chat. His three children live a couple of hours away, but they all phone frequently and he has someone who comes in for two hours on weekdays to help out. All of this makes a difference, he says, but he finds it still doesn't give him the companionship he had previously.

"The weekend is a dismal time," says Jack. "The time can drag. I don't have any friends because all my friends are dead. All the ladies I loved are dead. At this age nearly everybody is dead - except me. I'm still here at 96-and-a-half."

I asked Jack what he thinks the solutions are. "Do what you can do. If you're mobile you can join a class or, if not, do something creative on your own. When you're painting simple watercolours you are so intent on what you're doing that you can't think about anything else."

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How to feel less lonely

  • Nine ways to feel less lonely
  • Download Claudia's daily podcast, How to feel less lonely
  • Do we have a right not to be lonely?

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Another of the solutions suggested in the survey was to start conversations with everyone you meet. Jack does that. "It's a polite thing to do," he says. "If you can find an interest that the other person has got, it's a good way to start a conversation."

Several organisations run projects to alleviate loneliness, but Michelle hasn't yet found anywhere she would be comfortable attending.

"Where do you go to find friends if you're 33?" she asks. "People say, 'Get a dog.' I would love it, but it's not fair on the dog at this time in my life. Maybe exercise would be good - joining a yoga class maybe - or volunteering. I know how powerful that can be."

Michelle hugging a dog

But after blogging about her loneliness she might be finding her own solution, tailored to her interest in music. Lots of people have been getting in touch with her about going to gigs and she's thinking about whether she could start some kind of social club in London for other young people who feel lonely and like music.

Michelle has also noticed that the small, kind things people do can help, and she tries to do the same herself. "On the way to work, someone smiling at you on the tube can make such a difference, especially if you've woken up feeling like the world is on your shoulders. I go and get coffee in the building where I work and the lady there is so lovely. That's my first interaction of the day.

"It's just being mindful that everyone is dealing with their own stuff, so be kind. Do tiny acts of kindness."

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BBC interview with Michelle Lloyd in Welsh

Theme of Loneliness, Isolation, & Alienation in Literature with Examples

Humans are social creatures. Most of us enjoy communication and try to build relationships with others. It’s no wonder that the inability to be a part of society often leads to emotional turmoil.

World literature has numerous examples of characters who are disconnected from their loved ones or don’t fit into the social norms. Stories featuring themes of isolation and loneliness often describe a quest for happiness or explore the reasons behind these feelings.

In this article by Custom-Writing.org , we will:

  • discuss isolation and loneliness in literary works;
  • cite many excellent examples;
  • provide relevant quotations.

🏝️ Isolation Theme in Literature

  • 🏠 Theme of Loneliness
  • 👽 Theme of Alienation
  • Frankenstein
  • The Metamorphosis
  • Of Mice and Men
  • ✍️ Essay Topics

🔍 References

Isolation is a state of being detached from other people, either physically or emotionally. It may have positive and negative connotations:

  • In a positive sense, isolation can be a powerful source of creativity and independence.
  • In negative terms , it can cause mental suffering and difficulties with interpersonal relationships.

The picture enumerates literary themes related to being alone.

Theme of Isolation and Loneliness: Difference

As you can see, isolation can be enjoyable in certain situations. That’s how it differs from loneliness : a negative state in which a person feels uncomfortable and emotionally down because of a lack of social interactions . In other words, isolated people are not necessarily lonely.

Isolation Theme Characteristics with Examples

Now, let’s examine isolation as a literary theme. It often appears in stories of different genres and has various shades of meaning. We’ll explain the different uses of this theme and provide examples from literature.

Forced vs. Voluntary Isolation in Literature

Isolation can be voluntary or happen for external reasons beyond the person’s control. The main difference lies in the agent who imposes isolation on the person:

  • If someone decides to be alone and enjoys this state of solitude, it’s voluntary isolation . The poetry of Emily Dickinson is a prominent example.
  • Forced isolation often acts as punishment and leads to detrimental emotional consequences. This form of isolation doesn’t depend on the character’s will, such as in Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter .

Physical vs. Emotional Isolation in Literature

Aside from forced and voluntary, isolation can be physical or emotional:

The picture shows the types of isolation in literature.

  • Isolation at the physical level makes the character unable to reach out to other people, such as Robinson Crusoe being stranded on an island.
  • Emotional isolation is an inner state of separation from other people. It also involves unwillingness or inability to build quality relationships. A great example is Holden Caulfield from The Catcher in the Rye .

These two forms are often interlinked, like in A Rose for Emily . The story’s titular character is isolated from the others both physically and emotionally .

Symbols of Isolation in Literature

In literary works dedicated to emotional isolation, authors often use physical artifacts as symbols. For example, the moors in Wuthering Heights or the room in The Yellow Wallpaper are means of the characters’ physical isolation. They also symbolize a much deeper divide between the protagonists and the people around them.

🏠 Theme of Loneliness in Literature

Loneliness is often used as a theme in stories of people unable to build relationships with others. Their state of mind always comes with sadness and a low self-esteem. Naturally, it causes profound emotional suffering.

We will examine how the theme of loneliness functions in literature. But first, let’s see how it differs from its positive counterpart: solitude.

Solitude vs. Loneliness: The Difference

is a profound sadness caused by a lack of company and meaningful relationships. is a rewarding, positive experience of being alone. For example, some creative people seek solitude to concentrate on their art without social distractions. Importantly, they don’t feel sad about being alone.

Loneliness Theme: History & Examples

The modern concept of loneliness is relatively new. It first emerged in the 16 th century and has undergone many transformations since then.

  • The first formal mention of loneliness appeared in George Milton’s Paradise Lost in the 17 th century. There are also many references to loneliness in Shakespeare’s works.
  • Later on, after the Industrial Revolution , the theme got more popular. During that time, people started moving to large cities. As a result, they were losing bonds with their families and hometowns. Illustrative examples of that period are Gothic novels and the works of Charles Dickens .
  • According to The New Yorker , the 20 th century witnessed a broad spread of loneliness due to the rise of Capitalism. Philosophers Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus explored existential loneliness, influencing numerous authors. The absurdist writings of Kafka and Beckett also played an essential role in reflecting the isolation felt by people in Capitalist societies. Sylvia Plath has masterfully explored mental health struggles related to this condition in The Bell Jar (you can learn more about it in our The Bell Jar analysis .)

👽 Theme of Alienation in Literature

Another facet of being alone that is often explored in literature is alienation . Let’s see how this concept differs from those we discussed previously.

Alienation vs. Loneliness: Difference

While loneliness is more about being on your own and lacking connection, alienation means involuntary estrangement and a lack of sympathy from society. In other words, alienated people don’t fit their community, thus lacking a sense of belonging.

Isolation vs. Alienation: The Difference

is often seen as a physical condition of separation from a social group or place. In emotional terms, it’s also similar to withdrawal from social activity. , in turn, doesn’t necessarily involve physical separation. It’s mostly referred to as a lack of involvement and a sense of belonging while being present. It’s closely connected with the , which you can read about in our guide.

Theme of Alienation vs. Identity in Literature

There is a prominent connection between alienation and a loss of identity. It often results from a character’s self-search in a hostile society with alien ideas and values. These characters often differ from the dominant majority, so the community treats them negatively. Such is the case with Mrs. Dalloway from Woolf’s eponymous novel.

Writers with unique, non-conforming identity are often alienated during their lifetime. Their distinct mindset sets them apart from their social circle. Naturally, it creates discomfort and relationship problems. These experiences are often reflected in their works, such as in James Joyce’s semi-autobiographical A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man .

Alienation in Modernism

Alienation as a theme is mainly associated with Modernism . It’s not surprising, considering that the 20 th century witnessed fundamental changes in people’s lifestyle. Capitalism and the Industrial Revolution couldn’t help eroding the quality of human bonding and the depth of relationships.

short essay about loneliness

It’s also vital to mention that the two World Wars introduced even greater changes in human relationships. People got more locked up emotionally in order to withstand the war trauma and avoid further turmoil. Consequently, the theme of alienation and comradeship found reflection in the works of Ernest Hemingway , Erich Maria Remarque , Norman Mailer, and Rebecca West, among others.

📚 Books about Loneliness and Isolation: Quotes & Examples

Loneliness and isolation themes are featured prominently in many of the world’s greatest literary works. Here we’ll analyze several well-known examples: Frankenstein, Of Mice and Men, and The Metamorphosis.

Theme of Isolation & Alienation in Frankenstein

Mary Shelley’s novel Frankenstein is among the earliest depictions of loneliness in modern literature. It shows the depth of emotional suffering that alienation can impose.

Victor Frankenstein , a talented scientist, creates a monster from the human body parts. The monster becomes the loneliest creature in the world. Seeing that his master hates him and wouldn’t become his friend, he ruined everything Victor held dear. He was driven by revenge, trying to drive him into the same despair.

The novel contains many references to emotional and physical alienation. It also explores the distinction between voluntary and involuntary isolation:

  • The monster is involuntarily driven into an emotionally devastating state of alienation.
  • Victor imposes voluntary isolation on himself after witnessing the crimes of his creature.

To learn more about the representation of loneliness and isolation in the novel, check out our article on themes in Frankenstein .

Frankenstein Quotes about Isolation

Here are a couple of quotes from Frankenstein directly related to the theme of isolation and loneliness:

How slowly the time passes here, encompassed as I am by frost and snow…I have one want which I have never yet been able to satisfy and the absence of the object of which I now feel as a most severe evil. I have no friend. Frankenstein , Letter 2

In this quote, Walton expresses his loneliness and desire for company. He uses frost and snow as symbols to refer to his isolation. Perhaps a heart-warming relationship could melt the ice surrounding him.

I believed myself totally unfitted for the company of strangers. Frankenstein , Chapter 3

This quote is related to Victor’s inability to make friends and function as a regular member of society. He also misses his friends and relatives in Ingolstadt, which causes him further discomfort.

I, who had ever been surrounded by amiable companions, continually engaged in endeavouring to bestow mutual pleasure—I was now alone. Frankenstein , Chapter 3

In this quote, Victor shares his fear of loneliness. As a person who used to spend most of his time in social activity among people, Victor feared the solitude that awaited him in Ingolstadt.

Isolation & Alienation in The Metamorphosis

The Metamorphosis is an enigmatic masterpiece by Franz Kafka, telling a story of a young man Gregor. He is alienated at work and home by his demanding, disrespectful family. He lacks deep, rewarding relationships in his life. As a result, he feels profound loneliness.

The picture says that the main character in The Metamorphosis was isolated both emotionally and physically.

Gregor’s family isolates him both as a human and an insect, refusing to recognize his personhood. Gregor’s stay in confinement is also a reflection of his broader alienation from society, resulting from his self-perception as a parasite.  To learn more about it, feel free to read our article on themes in The Metamorphosis .

The Metamorphosis: Isolation Quotes

Let’s analyze several quotes from The Metamorphosis to see how Kafka approached the theme of isolation.

The upset of doing business is much worse than the actual business in the home office, and, besides, I’ve got the torture of traveling, worrying about changing trains, eating miserable food at all hours, constantly seeing new faces, no relationships that last or get more intimate. The Metamorphosis , Part 1

In this fragment, Gregor’s lifestyle is described with a couple of strokes. It shows that he lived an empty, superficial life without meaningful relationships.

Well, leaving out the fact that the doors were locked, should he really call for help? In spite of all his miseries, he could not repress a smile at this thought. The Metamorphosis , Part 1

This quote shows how Gregor feels isolated even before anyone else can see him as an insect. He knows that being different will inevitably affect his life and his relationships with his family. So, he prefers to confine himself to voluntary isolation instead of seeking help.

He thought back on his family with deep emotion and love. His conviction that he would have to disappear was, if possible, even firmer than his sister’s. The Metamorphosis , Part 3

This final paragraph of Kafka’s story reveals the human nature of Gregor. It also shows the depth of his suffering in isolation after turning into a vermin. He reconciles with his metamorphosis and agrees to disappear from this world. Eventually, he vanishes from his family’s troubled memories.

Theme of Loneliness in Of Mice and Men

Of Mice and Men is a touching novella by John Steinbeck examining the intricacies of laborers’ relationships on a ranch. It’s a snapshot of class and race relations that delves into the depths of human loneliness. Steinbeck shows how this feeling makes people mean, reckless, and cold.

Many characters in this story suffer from being alienated from the community:

  • Crooks is ostracized because of his race, living in a separate shabby house as a misfit.
  • George also suffers from forced alienation because he takes care of the mentally disabled Lennie.
  • Curley’s wife is another character suffering from loneliness. This feeling drives her to despair. She seeks the warmth of human relationships in the hands of Lennie, which causes her accidental death.

Isolation Quotes: Of Mice and Men

Now, let’s analyze a couple of quotes from Of Mice and Men to see how the author approached the theme of loneliness.

Guys like us who work on ranches are the loneliest guys in the world, they ain’t got no family, they don’t belong no place. Of Mice and Men , Section 1

In this quote, Steinbeck describes several dimensions of isolation suffered by his characters:

  • They are physically isolated , working on large farms where they may not meet a single person for weeks.
  • They have no chances for social communication and relationship building, thus remaining emotionally isolated without a life partner.
  • They can’t develop a sense of belonging to the place where they work; it’s another person’s property.
Candy looked for help from face to face. Of Mice and Men , Section 3

Candy’s loneliness on the ranch becomes highly pronounced during his conflict with Carlson. The reason is that he is an old man afraid of being “disposed of.” The episode is an in-depth look into a society that doesn’t cherish human relationships, focusing only on a person’s practical utility. 

I never get to talk to nobody. I get awful lonely. Of Mice and Men , Chapter 5

This quote expresses the depth of Curley’s wife’s loneliness. She doesn’t have anyone with whom she would be able to talk, aside from her husband. Curley is also not an appropriate companion, as he treats his wife rudely and carelessly. As a result of her loneliness, she falls into deeper frustration.

✍️ Essay on Loneliness and Isolation: Topics & Ideas

If you’ve got a task to write an essay about loneliness and isolation, it’s vital to pick the right topic. You can explore how these feelings are covered in literature or focus on their real-life manifestations. Here are some excellent topic suggestions for your inspiration:

  • Cross-national comparisons of people’s experience of loneliness and isolation.
  • Social isolation, loneliness, and all-cause mortality among the elderly.
  • Public health consequences of extended social isolation .
  • Impact of social isolation on young people’s mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic.
  • Connections between social isolation and depression.
  • Interventions for reducing social isolation and loneliness among older people.
  • Loneliness and social isolation among rural area residents.
  • The effect of social distancing rules on perceived loneliness.
  • How does social isolation affect older people’s functional status?
  • Video calls as a measure for reducing social isolation.
  • Isolation, loneliness, and otherness in Frankenstein .
  • The unique combination of addiction and isolation in Frankenstein .
  • Exploration of solitude in Hernan Diaz’ In the Distance .
  •  Artificial isolation and voluntary seclusion in Against Nature .
  • Different layers of isolation in George Eliot’s Silas Marner .
  • Celebration of self-imposed solitude in Emily Dickinson’s works.
  • Buddhist aesthetics of solitude in Stephen Batchelor’s The Art of Solitude .
  • Loneliness of childhood in Charles Dickens’s works.
  • Moby-Dick : Loneliness in the struggle.
  • Medieval literature about loneliness and social isolation.

Now you know everything about the themes of isolation, loneliness, and alienation in fiction and can correctly identify and interpret them. What is your favorite literary work focusing on any of these themes? Tell us in the comments!

❓ Themes of Loneliness and Isolation FAQs

Isolation is a popular theme in poetry. The speakers in such poems often reflect on their separation from others or being away from their loved ones. Metaphorically, isolation may mean hiding unshared emotions. The magnitude of the feeling can vary from light blues to depression.

In his masterpiece Of Mice and Men , John Steinbeck presents loneliness in many tragic ways. The most alienated characters in the book are Candy, Crooks, and Curley’s wife. Most of them were eventually destroyed by the negative consequences of their loneliness.

The Catcher in the Rye uses many symbols as manifestations of Holden’s loneliness. One prominent example is an image of his dead brother Allie. He’s the person Holden wants to bond with but can’t because he is gone. Holden also perceives other people as phony or corny, thus separating himself from his peers.

Beloved is a work about the deeply entrenched trauma of slavery that finds its manifestation in later generations. Characters of Beloved prefer self-isolation and alienation from others to avoid emotional pain.

In Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World , all people must conform to society’s rules to be accepted. Those who don’t fit in that established order and feel their individuality are erased from society.

  • What Is Solitude?: Psychology Today
  • Loneliness in Literature: Springer Link
  • What Literature and Language Tell Us about the History of Loneliness: Scroll.in
  • On Isolation and Literature: The Millions
  • 10 Books About Loneliness: Publishers Weekly
  • Alienation: Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
  • Isolation and Revenge: Where Victor Frankenstein Went Wrong: University of Nebraska-Lincoln
  • On Isolation: Gale
  • Top 10 Books About Loneliness: The Guardian
  • Emily Dickinson and the Creative “Solitude of Space:” Psyche
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Home — Essay Samples — Literature — Of Mice and Men — Loneliness and Friendship in the Book ‘Of Mice and Men’ by John Steinbeck

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Loneliness and Friendship in The Book 'Of Mice and Men' by John Steinbeck

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short essay about loneliness

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Narrative Essay On Loneliness

It’s inevitable to at some point within your life to feel an overwhelming sense on loneliness. For some it could be a death of a loved one, breaking up with a significant other or in my case all the time for no specific reason. My life hasn’t necessarily been very carefree or even happy. From a very young age I had the symptoms of anxiety and depression. I constantly felt alone in my thoughts and the way it reflected on my behavior. I kept to myself way more than kids my age usually did. I had to learn to grow up fast due to my setting I grew up in. It didn’t really help my emotions that I was incredibly shy and absolutely despised putting myself out for people to notice. “Maybe you wouldn’t feel all sad and alone if you tried to make new friends at school,” mumbled my Mom. “What do you think I’m constantly trying to do?” I said with a slight attitude in my voice. That’s all I ever heard from anybody. Through the years that statement slowly started to morph in my mind that my sadness was completely my …show more content…

No matter if it was a family memebers dog or just stopping at Mckamey with my mom on the weekends, I was ecstatic to see all the pups. I wanted all them. I knew I was gonna be one of those dog moms who could never stop getting new dogs every week. The only thing that dampered my trips to Mckamey was hearing the stern sounding “No.” that came out of my moms mouth everytime I asked to get a puppy. I don’t know what she had against the idea of this. It wasn’t even dogs in general, it was just me owning one. Begging her everyday went on for years. I was doing intensive research on the pros of dogs helping people emotionally with their depression, anxiety, even PTSD. Not a day went by that I wasn’t bombarding my mother with all these facts I was learning. It wasn’t until I went through an extremely horrific event that put me in my worst depressive episodes that genuinely thought about me getting the thing I wanted the

Loneliness In Brando Skyhorse Novel 'The Madonnas Of Echo Park'

As Mother Teresa once said “Loneliness and the feeling of being unwanted is the most terrible poverty” the feeling of loneliness can be terrible for everyone making them feel like they have lost everything they had. People can start feeling the sensation of loneliness because of their own families or the surrounding around them. Family can play the most important role to feeling alone and feeling unwanted by them causing you to make decisions that do not have a back button on them. Everyone is different and they all face loneliness in their own way. In Brando Skyhorse Novel, The Madonnas of Echo Park, Beatriz is the mother of Felicia and the grandmother of Aurora.

Loneliness In Of Mice And Men And Ethan Frome

"Do you ever feel already buried deep six feet under? Screams but no one seems to hear a thing. " This quote by Katy Perry expresses the loneliness felt in Of mice and men and Ethan Frome. The common theme the two novels share is people want to be included but are too scared to trust anyone to do it. There is a tragic tone in both books. "

Theme Of Loneliness In Of Mice And Men

In the book Of Mice and Men written by John Steinbeck, he writes about two men one named Lennie and one named George having a dream, but is ruined through the troubles of Lennie 's doings. This book was written in the 1930’s talking about migrant workers and how they survived through that era. In that era all migrant workers preferably work alone, but with George and Lennie they stick together because Lennie is a more challenged person so he doesn 't know his wrong doings which causes lots of trouble for George. On page 94, one of the most significant passages is written on having a dialogue between George and Candy about how they were unable to get the farm because Lennie had ruined their chances of getting it. Steinbeck creates a motif of loneliness through the different characters he writes about, ties in different strands of the story to make one storyline, and foreshadows events to come.

Silk Road Journal Entry Analysis

Even being with so many people I feel so alone. Trapped in my own head, it's twisted tails of desperation, and no return, strike at my heel like a

Camelot: A Short Story

Leon walked the corridor leading to the royal quarters. The silence of the halls and the echoing of his footsteps in the once lively castle stood out as a stark reminder of the new normal that had come over the kingdom. Arthur had been gone nearly a month now and the pall that still reigned over the castle and Camelot in general was evident. Guinevere was doing her best to maintain composed in an uncertain time, but he knew she was struggling.

Essay On Negative Effects Of Loneliness In Of Mice And Men

Katherine Evans Period 4 Loneliness and the Negative Effects on Life Everyone eventually feels a little bit lonely sometimes weather its being away from family for a long period of time or it's being in a new place where you don't know anyone. Loneliness is something most people are faced with at some point in their life. In the novel Of Mice and Men by John Steinbeck, two men named George and Lennie move around a lot and work on ranches. In the novel they are working on a ranch near Soledad, California; Soledad means solitude connecting to loneliness. While they are there they meet people like Crooks, Curley, Curley’s wife, Carlson and Candy.

People Affected by Loneliness Loneliness can make anyone affected by it very depressing and sad to see. It is seen in Of Mice and Men in many characters that are prominent in the story. The main ones are Crooks (the black stable hand), Candy (the old worker with his old dog), and Curley’s wife (who is ignored so that they do not get into trouble). Each of these characters have had lasting events that led them here.

Loneliness In Frankenstein Essay

It is obvious that the Monster had a really difficult life in the world surrounded with normal people, and very difficult for him to decide what he really is, if he is a child or a man or maybe an animal because he was even more ugly than an animal but yet he moved forward on his life being aware that he did not belong to this world, he is incapable of finding enough food to feed himself or find a comfortable place where he could sleep so it was all understood from him that he did not fit to this world of nature, when in the novel is described his life with all the description of his life in nature and all his sufferings we can immediately know that he felt very lonely and all his crimes were committed based on his loneliness, he is somehow compared with Satan for some situations that both of them had been through them (Bloom, 2007, p.8). In his book, Joshua (2007, p.47) also explains the senses of the Monster, who in a way understands all the situations around him and he was able to response to his surroundings and also aware of his

How Does Steinbeck Present The Theme Of Loneliness In Of Mice And Men

Loneliness is a strong word, however it means a lot to be lonely. The definition of lonely or loneliness is sadness because one has no friends or company. In the novel Of Mice and Men John Steinbeck shows that Crooks, Candy, and Curley’s Wife have loneliness because they never have company or friends to talk to. These Character’s show that loneliness is a problem that must be overcome in order to live a happy, fulfilled life.

Personal Narrative: My AP Calculus Class

When i first started high school i was very shy and timid. I came from a small private school with a graduating class of ten kids and I had to make the switch to a large public school with a class of three hundred and fifty kids. I didn 't know anybody coming into a high school and it was really hard for me to make friends. I would never ask questions in class even if i really needed help. My freshman and sophomore year were the hardest years for me academically and socially.

Loneliness And Imagery In Katherine Mansfield's Mrs. Brill

Loneliness is a term used to describe a person 's response to lack of human contact. In the short story "Mrs. Brill" written by Katherine Mansfield, the main protagonist Mrs. Brill suffers from being lonely. Mrs. Brill journeys to her local park every Sunday in hopes of escaping her aloneness, by people watching the park goers. She familiarizes herself with the Sunday band that plays music and the conversations among the people around her. The interactions between the strangers brings joy to Mrs. Brill but when a young couple belittles the fur piece worn by the lady, Mrs. Brill cannot help but fall back into her solitary state of mind.

Motif Of Loneliness

The motif of loneliness is explored throughout John Steinbeck's novella, Of Mice and Men, not only through the main characters, but the secondary characters as well. Of Mice and Men has many examples of discrimination. Some of the best examples are racism and sexism, which is why two of the characters are shown to be lonely. Crooks, the stable hand, is black, which makes all the others on the ranch want to have nothing to do with him. Similarly, Candy is outed since he is an old cripple.

Essay On Loneliness And Isolation

Jerquan Stewart Essay 2 11/15/17 The differences between loneliness and isolation is that loneliness is when you don 't have any friends or family and just alone and isolation is when you choose to be by yourself , as in isolating yourself from everything. Being lonely has to deal with both social barriers and isolation is just dealing with personal choice. Most people enjoy loneliness rather than isolation because isolation is something that someone choose to do and no-one wants to be lonely so it 's most likely that people will avoid being lonely. Isolation have to deal with a lot of canceling out and being by themselves or choosing to be by themselves , and also its because they have to be lonely so they can focus on what they want to do or what goal they

Loneliness In Older Adults Essay

Loneliness in Older Adults: An Embodied Experience by Judith M. Smith is a journal of Gerontological nursing that explores the bodily effects of loneliness on the older adult population. This journal presents the reader with research and recounts from individuals who experience their everyday loneliness that is expressed through their bodies in various ways. These embodying experiences hold back those individual’s from participating in activities they love or allowing them to enjoy their everyday lives. Gerontological nurses can alter these experiences using two specific interventions, music therapy and animal-assisted therapy, to actively reduce loneliness in the older adult population, ultimately creating a whole and healing environment at all levels. The first key point of the study was the discovery that many older adults experienced loneliness when they were unable to have purposeful interactions with their friends and family due to a limiting health conditions, such as hearing or vision impairment.

Narrative Essay About Broken Heart

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Understanding loneliness

Effects of loneliness and social isolation, causes of loneliness, overcoming loneliness and isolation tip 1: expand your social network, tip 2: overcome social insecurities and fears, tip 3: improve your conversation skills, tip 4: manage your energy in social situations, tip 5: address mental health issues, tip 6: use technology to overcome isolation, loneliness and social isolation.

Feeling lonely? No matter how alone or socially isolated you are, there are ways to connect with others and build strong, satisfying relationships.

short essay about loneliness

Loneliness is a state of mind we’re all familiar with, even if we hesitate to talk about it. It’s that sense of emptiness and longing that arises when you notice a gap between your current situation and your desired social life—and it can tie in with all sorts of negative emotions. You might feel lonely and bitter if you find out that friends are socializing without you. You may pine for people who are no longer around, rue past mistakes you’ve made in your social life, or feel disconnected, isolated, or even ashamed that you have such a hard time connecting with others and building new friendships.

The scope, duration, and intensity of loneliness can vary. You may feel detached from other people in general or your loneliness could stem from a specific reason, such as the lack of a romantic partner. Sometimes loneliness is a subtle feeling of discontent that comes and goes. In other cases, it’s a chronic problem that hounds you, bringing with it physical symptoms such as persistent brain fog, muscle tension, and body aches.

Loneliness isn’t always about your physical proximity to other people. If you’re forced to quarantine from family and friends, for example, physical isolation can contribute to loneliness. However, you can be at a party, surrounded by crowds of people and still feel lonely. On the other hand, many people live alone and still feel a strong sense of connection to others.

Loneliness is a widespread issue

Loneliness spans all age groups. You may be a college student who feels lost and ignored even among a sea of new faces on campus and in the dorms. You could be in middle adulthood, noticing that your formerly tight-knit group of friends has drifted apart. Or as an older adult, you may feel abandoned by family members as their visits become less and less frequent.

Loneliness is a potential problem no matter where you live. Some experts even point out that certain countries seem to be facing loneliness epidemics. In England, one study found that around 45 percent of adults felt lonely to some degree. Meanwhile, a national survey in the United States found that 61 percent of adults are lonely.

Rates of loneliness seem to be rising in many countries, especially as a result of the COVID pandemic. Lockdowns and social distancing exacerbate the problem, but they aren’t the only causes.

If you’re lonely, know that it’s nothing to be ashamed about—many of us are in the same boat. It’s also something that you can overcome with the right strategies. Learning about the causes and effects of loneliness can help you prepare to face the problem, find new ways to connect to others, and build a satisfying social life.

Speak to a Licensed Therapist

BetterHelp is an online therapy service that matches you to licensed, accredited therapists who can help with depression, anxiety, relationships, and more. Take the assessment and get matched with a therapist in as little as 48 hours.

Loneliness and social isolation can negatively affect your mental health as well as your physical health. You might be filled with self-doubt as you wonder why you can’t seem to connect with others. Perhaps you begin to question your worth. It’s easy for these negative thought patterns to spiral into depression.

Loneliness can also activate your nervous system’s “fight-or-flight” stress response . During times of isolation, you might notice an increase in muscle tension, digestive troubles, and chest pains. Stress and anxiety, particularly in social situations, can lead you to self-isolate, deepening your loneliness and sense of isolation.

Loneliness can also reduce the quality of your sleep , leading to a cascade of other problems. Maybe you toss and turn at night then suffer daytime fatigue, irritability, and lack of focus because your body isn’t getting the rest it needs.

If you feel like you’re facing the world alone, you might start to adopt more unhealthy habits. For example, substance abuse and feelings of loneliness often go hand-in-hand, as some people use drugs or alcohol to self-medicate . When you’re socially isolated, it’s also easy to get wrapped up in your own perspective which can lead to a distorted view of the world, yourself, and others. Perhaps your self-loathing thoughts go unchallenged or you begin to see other people as threats.

Other effects of loneliness and social isolation include:

Shortened lifespan . Social isolation can increase your risk of death to a similar degree as smoking .

Cognitive decline . Loneliness can affect cognitive functioning, increasing the risk of Alzheimer’s disease and dementia .

Exacerbated mental illness . If you’re already struggling with mental illness, the lack of social support may worsen your condition.

Impaired immune system and higher inflammation . Chronic stress from loneliness can impair your immune system and lead to inflammation.

Increased risk of physical illness . A combination of high stress, inflammation, and impaired immunity can increase your risk of cardiovascular disease and autoimmune disorders.

Risk of suicide . Feelings of isolation may lead a person to contemplate or attempt suicide . Social support, on the other hand, is an important factor in reducing the risk of suicide.

A variety of factors can cause someone to experience loneliness. In many cases, there’s no one single cause, but rather a number of factors that can overlap and intensify one another.

Some causes of loneliness are internal, so they involve the way you see yourself and the world around you. Other causes are external; they’re based on your location, physical limitations, and the actions of others.

Not all of the factors that contribute to loneliness are easy to overcome — a few might even feel completely out of your control. The factors don’t affect everyone equally, either. Some demographics are more likely to run into certain hurdles than others. For example, younger people might struggle more with shyness, LGBTQ+ individuals may experience more social exclusion, and older adults can feel more physically isolated.

External factors

Physical isolation . If you live in a rural area, you might have a harder time connecting to others simply because there’s more physical space between you and your neighbors.

Relocation . If you’ve just moved to a new area, it can be difficult to connect with new people and build a social support network. This can be especially true when paired with an internal factor, such as shyness.

Bereavement . The loss of a close friend, spouse, or family member can lead to loneliness and a sense of isolation.

Divorce . Feelings of loneliness are common as people go through a divorce . Even if you’re the one who initially brought up the idea of separating, you might feel lonely as you let go of a close partner.

Mobility problems . A physical disability , such as a broken leg, arthritis, or spinal injury, can make it harder to meet face-to-face with loved ones.

Over-reliance on social media . Although it provides a convenient way to communicate with others, too much time on social media can also increase loneliness. Seeing pictures of loved ones enjoying social outings can make you feel left out or make you more aware of your own physical isolation.

Social exclusion . At work or in your social life, you might be excluded by a group because of your race , gender, sexual orientation, or disability. For example, coworkers might exclude you from after-work drinks.

Internal factors

Shyness . If you’re shy , discomfort or nervousness might discourage you from approaching other people or attending social events. This can lead to self-isolation, even when you really want to engage with others.

Introversion . If you’re an introvert, you might want to skip social events in order to relax, recharge, and avoid feeling overwhelmed. However, if you don’t balance your desire for solitude with your need for social interaction, you might experience isolation and loneliness.

Low self-esteem . People who are lonely are more likely to be critical of themselves and anticipate rejection. Low self-esteem might discourage you from reaching out to others.

Lack of communication skills . If you have a hard time initiating or holding a conversation, you might also struggle to make new friends and form close connections.

Socially withdrawing . Certain conditions, such as depression , anxiety, hearing loss , or an eating disorder , might lead you to withdraw from social situations. Perhaps you feel a sense of shame about your condition or maybe it leaves you feeling fatigued, overwhelmed, and unmotivated to reach out to others.

Because there are so many different causes, there’s no quick fix for loneliness. And what works for someone else might not work for you. However, by putting in time and effort and trying out the following coping strategies, you can find ways to stay connected.

Whether you just relocated or simply feel a lack of social support, forming new connections might help you overcome feelings of loneliness. Here are some ways to find new friends and acquaintances.

Join clubs that match your interests . If you love the outdoors, look for local hiking or birdwatching groups. Prefer being indoors? Look for book clubs, video gaming groups, or crafting communities. You’re likely to meet people who share your passions.

Take a course at a community college . Classes allow you to learn new skills while also making new friends. Consider classes that encourage social interaction, such as foreign language, acting, or dance lessons.

Go to local events . You might find like-minded friends at concerts, art exhibits, or sports events. This is a good option if you aren’t able to commit to scheduled classes or group meetings.

[Read: Making Good Friends]

Volunteer . Volunteering gives you a chance to support a cause you care about while also meeting new people. Volunteering can also boost your confidence. As your self-image improves, you might be more likely to initiate conversation with other people.

Turning acquaintances into friends

Perhaps you already know lots of people but don’t feel particularly close to any of them. There are steps you can take to turn acquaintances into friends.

Extend an invitation . Suggest a walk in the park or a quick lunch with a coworker. A low-pressure outing gives you a chance to get to know each other better.

Focus on common interests . You might have an easier time connecting with acquaintances if you have similar hobbies or interests. You can even encourage them to join local groups or attend events with you.

Offer your time or ask for help . If an acquaintance needs help moving into a new home or painting a room, consider lending a hand. Likewise, if you need help with something, you can casually mention that you’re looking for an extra pair of hands.

Get in contact with old friends . Are there any people from your past that you wish you could spend more time with? Use social media to reach out to high school or college acquaintances. Reminisce about old memories and chat about how your lives have changed.

Don’t rush the process . Whether you’re trying to make new friends or get to know an acquaintance, allow the relationship to develop naturally. Being clingy might push people away.

Tip for young adults: Quality over quantity

Avoid conflating quantity of relationships with quality of relationships. Having hundreds of friends on Facebook isn’t going to alleviate your loneliness. You can get better social support from a small circle of in-person friends. A lot of older people tend to recognize this fact. While they have smaller social networks, their relationships are often more satisfying and less stressful than those of young adults.

How you feel about yourself can make a big difference in how you communicate and relate to others. If you believe that you’re boring, weird, or burdensome, you might feel less inclined to reach out. Shyness and social anxiety can lead to a sense of isolation that only reinforces your insecurities. Here are a few points to keep in mind:

Other people feel nervous and awkward in social situations . Even if someone seems confident and extroverted, there’s a good chance that they have their own self-doubts. Remember that some people are simply better at hiding their insecurities.

You don’t need to be perfect . Maybe you get tongue-tied on occasion, or perhaps you’re a little absent-minded. Everyone has quirks. Some people might find yours endearing. Also realize that people are often far more tolerant than you think. You might spend a lot of time dwelling on your own mistakes, but other people probably aren’t judging you.

Your inner monologue doesn’t always reflect reality . Maybe you label yourself “worthless” or “stupid.” Perhaps you think people don’t want to hang out with you due to your depression, ADHD, or other condition. Take time to challenge those assumptions and counter them with positive self-talk.

Challenging social fears with self-compassion

Negative self-talkNeutral or positive self-talk
“My friends think I’m boring because I have low energy.”“I offer a calm, grounded presence.”
“I’m a nervous talker, so people think I’m too chatty and overshare.”“My friends probably see me as open and easy to talk to.”
“People don’t invite me to hang out because they don’t like me.”“People may not know I’m willing to be social. I can be proactive and invite them to do something.”
“I’m not an eloquent speaker, and people judge me for it.”“The people who care about me won’t look down on me for how I talk.”

Managing social anxiety

When it comes to social anxiety, you might feel as though your panic is simply uncontrollable. Social situations seem to race by as you feel paralyzed by fear, unable to participate in the conversation. Try these steps:

Slow down . Start with your breathing. Take a slow inhale, and then a longer exhale. This kind of breathing exercise can calm your nervous system’s “flight-or-fight” response. You should notice that other signs of anxiety , such as a racing heartbeat, also subside. You can slow down your pace of speaking as well. Use pauses to collect your thoughts. Doing so can give you a sense of control, and other people will see you as a thoughtful speaker.

[Read: Social Anxiety Disorder]

Shift your focus to other people . It’s hard to engage in conversation when you’re overly focused on your own performance. Imagine that you’re casting a spotlight on the other person. Be curious about what they’re saying and how they’re saying it. This could help ease your own self-consciousness.

Practice . Rather than avoid social interactions, see them as challenges that are worth embracing. Start small by saying “hello” to strangers or asking an acquaintance how their day is going. Be patient with yourself, and you’ll likely see improvement over time.

You probably know someone who’s a social butterfly. They show no sign of hesitation or awkwardness when chatting with complete strangers. Effortless social interactions seem to come naturally for these people, but you can build your own conversation skills as well. By doing so, you’ll feel more confident and increase the chances of making new friends in unlikely situations.

Make observations . Don’t put pressure on yourself to say something profound or witty. Just take in your surroundings and look for small conversation starters. If you’re at a festival, you can comment on the food, décor, music, or occasion. Try to make positive comments, rather than complain.

Look for reasons to compliment the other person . Do you like their shoes? Do they seem skilled at a game? A compliment can start things off on a positive note and give you a chance to ask a follow-up question. For example, “I love your earrings! Where did you get them from?”

Ask open-ended questions to move the conversation forward . These types of questions encourage the other person to elaborate and give you more information than a simple “yes” or “no.” When thinking of questions, turn to the 5 W’s (and 1 H): who, where, when, what, why, and how. Some examples:

  • “Why did you decide to move to the city?”
  • “How did you meet your partner?”
  • “What kind of hobbies do you enjoy?”

Use follow-up questions if necessary. You’ll quickly discover that many people enjoy talking about themselves. Of course, you should be willing to respond to questions they ask as well.

[Read: Effective Communication]

Practice active listening . Focus on the other person’s words and nonverbal cues . Try to understand their message as well as their emotions. If you’re not sure you understand what they’re saying, ask for clarification. Avoid interrupting or forcibly redirecting the conversation to a topic that you’re interested in.

Some people feel stuck between two dissatisfying choices: socializing leaves them feeling drained, but not socializing increases their loneliness. This might be the case if you’re an introvert or if you have a disorder that affects your energy levels, such as depression. The following tips might prove useful.

Think before you commit . Be mindful of your energy levels and don’t feel the need to overexert yourself by filling your calendar with social engagements. If you decline an invitation from a friend, follow up with a counteroffer to meet on a different day.

Schedule in time to relax before and after interactions . Before you meet up with friends, reserve some time to enjoy a solo activity, like reading or listening to music. After socializing, have another short period of relaxation to wind down.

Take short breaks when in social situations . If you’re at a party and start to feel fatigued by all of the chatter, excuse yourself and go for a short walk. If that’s not an option, take a moment to relax in a quiet corner. A little time alone might be all you need to feel refreshed.

Be upfront with friends . Let your friends know that socializing can tire you out. You’ll likely find that they’re willing to accommodate your needs and might even relate to your situation. This also prevents them from taking things personally if you decline an invitation.

Mental health conditions and social stigmas can lead people to self-isolate, perpetuating feelings of loneliness. There’s no one-size-fits-all solution to the many cognitive, mood, and psychiatric disorders out there. It’s best to learn as much as you can about your condition and potential treatment options. However, there are a few steps that can improve your overall mental health .

Be active . At any age, physical activity can help you manage conditions like anxiety and depression. It can also improve your self-esteem and reduce stress. You don’t necessarily have to go to the gym. Just do whatever forms of exercise are most appealing to you. If you want company, there are plenty of activities, including team sports, biking, and jogging, that offer opportunities for social interaction as well.

Get enough rest . Some research indicates that sleep deprivation may contribute to social withdrawal and loneliness. For instance, you might choose to avoid others when you’re experiencing the moodiness and fatigue that often comes with sleep deprivation. Make it your goal to get seven to nine hours of sleep each night.

Practice mindfulness . Mindfulness involves focusing your attention on the present while withholding judgment. This can be accomplished through a variety of exercises and techniques. Mindfulness can be helpful in treating some mental health issues , including depression, social anxiety, and low self-esteem. There’s also some evidence that it might even alleviate loneliness.

Face-to-face interactions are important to your mental well-being. When you engage with others in person, your body releases hormones that promote positive feelings and counter stress. However, not everyone is able to enjoy these types of interactions on a daily basis.

If you live in a rural area or you have limited mobility, loneliness might stem from an inability to meet face-to-face with friends and family members. Texting, calling, or video calling your loved ones can help you stay in touch from a distance.

Find what works for you . From large social media platforms to apps that focus on one-on-one interactions, the tech world offers plenty of communication tools. Spend a little time experimenting with different options. Don’t expect to fall in love with every app. Some of them may seem too confusing or too limited.

Ask yourself which app or social media features are important to you. Do you want to use live video chat? Or do you prefer text? How many people do you want to share in a conversation at one time? Also consider which apps your friends are comfortable with.

Get creative . Interactions through social media and apps don’t have to be limited to sharing details about your day. Get in the habit of sending your friends interesting videos. Use apps that allow for multiplayer gaming. Host digital book clubs or writing groups with your closest friends.

Log off . Social media is a great communication tool, but too much of it can increase your loneliness . For example, seeing pictures of family members spending time together at a reunion can make you feel left out or forgotten. In some cases, social media can also be used as a tool to spread outrage and hatred. As a general rule, if your mood consistently worsens after being online, spend a little less time on the Internet.

Using assistive devices

Certain disabilities, such as hearing loss , are associated with loneliness and isolation. The use of assistive tools can make socializing easier. Some examples include:

  • Text-to-speech systems for nonspeaking people.
  • Hearing aids and cochlear implants for people with hearing loss.
  • Electronic fluency devices for people who stutter.
  • Communication boards for people with limited language skills.

There’s no shame in using any of these devices in daily interactions. If you feel self-conscious, try to focus on the benefits that the device offers. Also remember that good friends won’t judge you for using a device to meet your communication needs.

Tip for older adults: Don't feel intimidated

You’re never too old to learn how to use any of these tools. Whether you’re experiencing hearing loss or have limited mobility, technology is out there to help you connect with others. Get to know your options, and don’t feel ashamed to ask for guidance.

As you start to incorporate the strategies listed above, keep this important point in mind: You’re not the only person yearning for stronger social connections. Many people are in the same boat, including acquaintances, old friends, and even strangers you pass on the street every day. The more you take the initiative to reach out, the better your chances of overcoming loneliness.

More Information

  • Improving Your Social Skills - Self-help articles on how to get past shyness and social awkwardness. (SucceedSocially.com)
  • Social Anxiety - Self-help resources. (Centre for Clinical Interventions)
  • How to Be Awesome at Approaching People - Tips for approaching new people and engaging them. (Nerd Fitness)
  • SAGEConnect - Phone-buddy program for LGBTQ+ elders.
  • Facts and statistics about loneliness | Campaign to End Loneliness . (n.d.). Retrieved June 6, 2023, from Link
  • Anxiety, feelings of depression and loneliness among Canadians spikes to highest levels since spring 2020 | CAMH. (n.d.). Retrieved March 29, 2022, from Link
  • Assistive Devices for People with Hearing or Speech Disorders | NIDCD . (n.d.). Retrieved March 29, 2022, from Link
  • Ben Simon, E., & Walker, M. P. (2018). Sleep loss causes social withdrawal and loneliness. Nature Communications , 9(1), 3146. Link
  • Goldin, P. R., & Gross, J. J. (2010). Effects of mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) on emotion regulation in social anxiety disorder. Emotion , 10(1), 83–91. Link
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of Mice and men Loneliness Essay | Essay on of Mice and men Loneliness for Students and Children in English

February 13, 2024 by Prasanna

of Mice and men Loneliness Essay:  Loneliness is considered the most gruesome emotion that one can feel within this society. It is a familiar feeling that is felt by almost everyone in the world. The central part that causes this horrible feeling is missing emotional empathy received from other people.

Loneliness can result in changing one’s behavior in the wrong way. It also changes the entire mindset and perception of a person. Besides, it can also cause depression and gloominess, which is considered harmful to a person’s physical and mental health. The entire novel Of Mice and Men by Steinbeck expresses loneliness, i.e., its main theme.

You can also find more  Essay Writing  articles on events, persons, sports, technology and many more.

Long and Short Essays on of Mice and men Loneliness for Students and Kids in English

We provide students with essay samples on a long essay of 500 words and a short essay of 150 words on the topic Of Mice and Men for reference.

Long Essay on of Mice and men Loneliness 500 Words in English

Long Essay on of Mice and men Loneliness is usually given to classes 7, 8, 9, and 10.

The part of life that can never be avoided is loneliness, which is the major struggle faced by several individuals. The communication and companionship lack with other people can cause loneliness. This affects the entire behavior of a person greatly. There are few cases where some individuals attempt at ending their loneliness and some who become completely bitter, gloomy, and helpless. The primary theme in the novel Of Mice and Men is loneliness.

Loneliness in this novel is represented as the most complex feeling that frequently makes the behavior of an individual dangerous. Steinbeck’s characters include Candy, Crooks, Curley’s wife, and so on to demonstrate the period that gradually resulted in the loneliness and extreme behaviors of the characters.

One of the most important female characters in h novel is Curley’s wife in Of Mice and Men. She is Curly’s wife, an extremely violent ranch worker who demonstrates his strength by getting into fights with the other workers present there. Moreover, he gradually decides to marry a woman who is elegant and beautiful.

Besides, the boss was his father. When the Great Depression occurred, it was common for the husbands to have all the control in the house. Thus, Curly also had complete control over his wife. He also had control over the other workers present on the ranch. He had also restricted the other workers to communicate with his wife. In need of attention, friends, and acknowledgment, Curley’s wife decides to make use of her elegance and status as the wife of Curley to her benefit. Besides, her personality started to change and become more extreme gradually.

This new behavior generated the feeling of disgust and harassment in people surrounding her, which is why she started getting ignored and alienated. People referred to her as “tramp” and also used several other offensive and insulting names. This resulted in the formation of feelings like loneliness and powerlessness in her. Curley’s wife, normally talked to regularly, was Lennie since he had the least knowledge regarding her present situation.

In the barn, she spent a few of her final moments with Lennie; she realized she was finally recognized and listened to. That was the first time in the novel where she accepted that she had never liked Curley from the beginning. However, she eventually became weak, and this resulted in her passing away. The oppression against women is represented through the unjust death of Curley’s wife. It also showcased a few changes that could occur to someone’s behavior after one’s identity is taken away in society.

Numerous other factors led to the isolation, alienation, and discrimination of people. Some of these factors also include ableism and ageism. In the ranch, there existed one of the oldest ranch workers known as Candy. He had lost one of his arms. He had faced long discrimination and made fun of all-cause of his old age and disability. It represents a few of the major factors, i.e., ableism and ageism in society.

Short Essay on of Mice and men Loneliness 150 Words in English

Short Essay on of Mice and men Loneliness is usually given to classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6.

One of the most widely recognized novels written by John Steinbeck is known as Of Mice and Men. It is an imagination-based story set during the 1930s when the occurrence of Great depression also took place. Those years were very tough for anyone to find any job since unemployment was quite high. This period was filled with several emotions, including fear, loneliness, and desperation since they were alienated from each other during this period.

The most common work available for the individuals during this particular period included working on ranches. The book’s entire focus is on the characters or men of one specific ranch along with the important characters such as Lennie and George. The ranch is also expressed as being completely isolated and lonely, covered by the field, countryside, and mountains around it. Thus, the novel demonstrated several factors that lead to the feeling of loneliness in a person.

10 Lines on of Mice and men Loneliness in English

  • Of Mice and Men is a novel that is read widely in numerous schools in America.
  • The character Lennie was considered to be based on an actual person.
  • The title of the novel was not originally Of Mice and Men.
  • This book has been based on a few of the experiences faced by the author as a worker.
  • Of Mice and Men has also been a motivation and inspiration for a metalcore band.
  • The house where the book was originally written is now known as a popular historical landmark.
  • Of Mice and Men is also widely considered as the most challenged books.
  • There has been an important role played by Of Mice and Men on the popular kid’s show “Lonely Toons.”
  • This novel has also been included as part of the books that spread awareness against bullying.
  • His dog ate up the first draft made by Steinbeck.

FAQ’s on of Mice and men Loneliness Essay

Question 1. What is the primary theme discussed in this novel Of Mice and Men Loneliness?

Answer:  Loneliness is the primary theme of the novel.

Question 2. What is the reason behind the title selection?

Answer:  After reading the poem named Robert Burns, “To a Mouse,” Steinbeck decided to select Of Mice and Men as the actual title.

Question 3. Why did Candy’s dog gets shot by Carlson?

Answer:  The reason behind the shooting is because of the dog’s old age, uselessness, and helplessness.

Question 4. What was the reason behind the murder of Lennie?

Answer:  George decided to kill Lennie since he was afraid that Curley might start torturing Lennie to death in a more gruesome way.

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Loneliness Matters: A Theoretical and Empirical Review of Consequences and Mechanisms

Louise c. hawkley.

Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA. Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, 940 E. 57th St, Chicago, IL 60637, USA

John T. Cacioppo

Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

As a social species, humans rely on a safe, secure social surround to survive and thrive. Perceptions of social isolation, or loneliness, increase vigilance for threat and heighten feelings of vulnerability while also raising the desire to reconnect. Implicit hypervigilance for social threat alters psychological processes that influence physiological functioning, diminish sleep quality, and increase morbidity and mortality. The purpose of this paper is to review the features and consequences of loneliness within a comprehensive theoretical framework that informs interventions to reduce loneliness. We review physical and mental health consequences of loneliness, mechanisms for its effects, and effectiveness of extant interventions. Features of a loneliness regulatory loop are employed to explain cognitive, behavioral, and physiological consequences of loneliness and to discuss interventions to reduce loneliness. Loneliness is not simply being alone. Interventions to reduce loneliness and its health consequences may need to take into account its attentional, confirmatory, and memorial biases as well as its social and behavioral effects.

Introduction

Loneliness is a common experience; as many as 80% of those under 18 years of age and 40% of adults over 65 years of age report being lonely at least sometimes [ 1 – 3 ], with levels of loneliness gradually diminishing through the middle adult years, and then increasing in old age (i.e., ≥70 years) [ 2 ]. Loneliness is synonymous with perceived social isolation, not with objective social isolation. People can live relatively solitary lives and not feel lonely, and conversely, they can live an ostensibly rich social life and feel lonely nevertheless. Loneliness is defined as a distressing feeling that accompanies the perception that one’s social needs are not being met by the quantity or especially the quality of one’s social relationships [ 2 , 4 – 6 ]. Loneliness is typically measured by asking individuals to respond to items such as those on the frequently used UCLA Loneliness Scale [ 7 ]: “I feel isolated,” “There are people I can talk to,” and “I feel part of a group of friends.” The result is a continuum of scores that range from highly socially connected to highly lonely.

Each of us is capable of feeling lonely, and loneliness is an equal opportunity tenant for good reason. We have posited that loneliness is the social equivalent of physical pain, hunger, and thirst; the pain of social disconnection and the hunger and thirst for social connection motivate the maintenance and formation of social connections necessary for the survival of our genes [ 8 , 9 ]. Feelings of loneliness generally succeed in motivating connection or reconnection with others following geographic relocation or bereavement, for instance, thereby diminishing or abolishing feelings of social isolation. For as many as 15–30% of the general population, however, loneliness is a chronic state [ 10 , 11 ]. Left untended, loneliness has serious consequences for cognition, emotion, behavior, and health. Here, we review physical and mental health consequences of perceived social isolation and then introduce mechanisms for these outcomes in the context of a model that takes into consideration the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral characteristics of loneliness.

Loneliness Matters for Physical Health and Mortality

A growing body of longitudinal research indicates that loneliness predicts increased morbidity and mortality [ 12 – 19 ]. The effects of loneliness seem to accrue over time to accelerate physiological aging [ 20 ]. For instance, loneliness has been shown to exhibit a dose–response relationship with cardiovascular health risk in young adulthood [ 12 ]. The greater the number of measurement occasions at which participants were lonely (i.e., childhood, adolescence, and at 26 years of age), the greater their number of cardiovascular health risks (i.e., BMI, systolic blood pressure (SBP), total, and HDL cholesterol levels, glycated hemoglobin concentration, maximum oxygen consumption). Similarly, loneliness was associated with increased systolic blood pressure in a population-based sample of middle-aged adults [ 21 ], and a follow-up study of these same individuals showed that a persistent trait-like aspect of loneliness accelerated the rate of blood pressure increase over a 4-year follow-up period [ 22 ]. Loneliness accrual effects are also evident in a study of mortality in the Health and Retirement Study; all-cause mortality over a 4-year follow-up was predicted by loneliness, and the effect was greater in chronically than situationally lonely adults [ 17 ]. Penninx et al. [ 15 ] showed that loneliness predicted all-cause mortality during a 29-month follow-up after controlling for age, sex, chronic diseases, alcohol use, smoking, self-rated health, and functional limitations. Sugisawa et al. [ 18 ] also found a significant effect of loneliness on mortality over a 3-year period, and this effect was explained by chronic diseases, functional status, and self-rated health. Among women in the National Health and Nutrition Survey, chronic high frequency loneliness (>3 days/week at each of two measurement occasions about 8 years apart) was prospectively associated with incident coronary heart disease (CHD) over a 19-year follow-up in analyses that adjusted for age, race, socioeconomic status, marital status, and cardiovascular risk factors [ 19 ]. Depressive symptoms have been associated with loneliness and with adverse health outcomes, but loneliness continued to predict CHD in these women after also controlling for depressive symptoms. Finally, loneliness has also been shown to increase risk for cardiovascular mortality; individuals who reported often being lonely exhibited significantly greater risk than those who reported never being lonely [ 14 ]. In sum, feelings of loneliness mark increased risk for morbidity and mortality, a phenomenon that arguably reflects the social essence of our species.

Loneliness Matters for Mental Health and Cognitive Functioning

The impact of loneliness on cognition was assessed in a recent review of the literature [ 9 ]. Perhaps, the most striking finding in this literature is the breadth of emotional and cognitive processes and outcomes that seem susceptible to the influence of loneliness. Loneliness has been associated with personality disorders and psychoses [ 23 – 25 ], suicide [ 26 ], impaired cognitive performance and cognitive decline over time [ 27 – 29 ], increased risk of Alzheimer’s Disease [ 29 ], diminished executive control [ 30 , 31 ], and increases in depressive symptoms [ 32 – 35 ]. The causal nature of the association between loneliness and depressive symptoms appears to be reciprocal [ 32 ], but more recent analyses of five consecutive annual assessments of loneliness and depressive symptoms have shown that loneliness predicts increases in depressive symptoms over 1-year intervals, but depressive symptoms do not predict increases in loneliness over those same intervals [ 36 ]. In addition, experimental evidence, in which feelings of loneliness (and social connectedness) were hypnotically induced, indicates that loneliness not only increases depressive symptoms but also increases perceived stress, fear of negative evaluation, anxiety, and anger, and diminishes optimism and self-esteem [ 8 ]. These data suggest that a perceived sense of social connectedness serves as a scaffold for the self—damage the scaffold and the rest of the self begins to crumble.

A particularly devastating consequence of feeling socially isolated is cognitive decline and dementia. Feelings of loneliness at age 79 predicted “lifetime cognitive change” as indicated by lower IQ at age 79 adjusting for IQ at age 11, living arrangements at age 11 and at age 79, sex, marital status, and ideal level of social support [ 27 ]. This finding does not rule out a reverse causal direction; cognitive impairments may hamper social interactions, prompt social withdrawal, and thus lead to loneliness. Other studies, however, have indicated that loneliness is a precursor of cognitive decline. For instance, the cognitive functioning of 75–85-year-olds (as assessed by the Mini-Mental State Examination) did not differ as a function of loneliness at baseline but diminished to a greater extent among those high than low in loneliness over a 10-year follow-up [ 28 ]. In a prospective study by Wilson et al. [ 29 ], loneliness was inversely associated with performance on a battery of cognitive measures in a sample of 823 initially dementia-free older adults. Moreover, loneliness at baseline was associated with a faster decline in cognitive performance on most of these measures over a 4-year follow-up. This was not true of the converse: cognitive status at baseline did not predict changes in loneliness. In addition, incidence of Alzheimer’s disease (76 individuals) was predicted by degree of baseline loneliness after adjusting for age, sex, and education; those in the top decile of loneliness scores were 2.1 times as likely to develop Alzheimer’s disease than those in the bottom decile of loneliness scores. Depressive symptoms had a modest effect on Alzheimer’s disease risk, but loneliness continued to exert a significant and much larger influence on Alzheimer’s disease than depressive symptoms when depressive symptoms were included in the model [ 29 ]. Overall, it appears that something about our sense of connectedness with others penetrates the physical organism and compromises the integrity of physical and mental health and well-being. What that “something” might be is the topic to which we next turn.

How Loneliness Matters: Mechanisms

The loneliness model.

Our model of loneliness [ 8 , 9 ] posits that perceived social isolation is tantamount to feeling unsafe, and this sets off implicit hypervigilance for (additional) social threat in the environment. Unconscious surveillance for social threat produces cognitive biases: relative to nonlonely people, lonely individuals see the social world as a more threatening place, expect more negative social interactions, and remember more negative social information. Negative social expectations tend to elicit behaviors from others that confirm the lonely persons’ expectations, thereby setting in motion a self-fulfilling prophecy in which lonely people actively distance themselves from would-be social partners even as they believe that the cause of the social distance is attributable to others and is beyond their own control [ 37 ]. This self-reinforcing loneliness loop is accompanied by feelings of hostility, stress, pessimism, anxiety, and low self-esteem [ 8 ] and represents a dispositional tendency that activates neurobiological and behavioral mechanisms that contribute to adverse health outcomes.

Health behaviors

One of the consequences of loneliness and implicit vigilance for social threat is a diminished capacity for self-regulation. The ability to regulate one’s thoughts, feelings, and behavior is critical to accomplish personal goals or to comply with social norms. Feeling socially isolated impairs the capacity to self-regulate, and these effects are so automatic as to seem outside of awareness. In a dichotic listening task, for instance, right-handed individuals quickly and automatically attend preferentially to the pre-potent right ear. Latency to respond to stimuli presented to the non-dominant ear can be enhanced, however, by instructing participants to attend to their left ear. Among young adults who were administered this task, the lonely and nonlonely groups did not differ in performance when directed to attend to their pre-potent right ear, but the lonely group performed significantly worse than the nonlonely group when directed to shift attention to their non-prepotent left ear [ 30 ]. In other words, automatic attentional processes may be unimpaired, but effortful attentional processes are compromised in lonely relative to socially connected individuals.

Of relevance for health is the capacity for self-regulation in the arena of lifestyle behaviors. Regulation of emotion can enhance the ability to regulate other self-control behaviors [ 38 ], as is evident from research showing that positive affect predicts increased physical activity [ 39 ]. In middle-aged and older adults, greater loneliness was associated with less effort applied to the maintenance and optimization of positive emotions [ 31 ]. Compromised regulation of emotion in lonely individuals explained their diminished likelihood of performing any physical activity, and loneliness also predicted a decrease in physical activity over time [ 31 ]. Physical activity is a well-known protective factor for physical health, mental health, and cognitive functioning [ 40 ], suggesting that poorer self-regulation may contribute to the greater health risk associated with loneliness via diminished likelihood of engaging in health-promoting behaviors. A related literature shows that loneliness is also a risk factor for obesity [ 41 ] and health-compromising behavior, including a greater propensity to abuse alcohol [ 42 ]. To the extent that self-regulation accounts for poorer health behaviors in lonely people, better health behaviors may be more easily accomplished in the actual or perceived company of others. Interestingly, animal research has shown that social isolation dampens the beneficial effects of exercise on neurogenesis [ 43 ], implying that health behaviors may better serve their purpose or have greater effect among those who feel socially connected than those who feel lonely. This hypothesis remains to be tested, but research on the restorative effects of sleep is consistent with this notion.

Countering the physiological effects of the challenge of daily emotional, cognitive, and behavioral experiences, sleep offers physiological restoration. Experimental sleep deprivation has adverse effects on cardiovascular functioning, inflammatory status, and metabolic risk factors [ 44 ]. In addition, short sleep duration has been associated with risk for hypertension [ 45 ], incident coronary artery calcification [ 46 ], and mortality [ 47 ].

What is less appreciated is that sleep quality may also be important in accomplishing sleep’s restorative effects. Nonrestorative sleep (i.e., sleep that is non-refreshing despite normal sleep duration) results in daytime impairments such as physical and intellectual fatigue, role impairments, and cognitive and memory problems [ 48 ]. We have noted that loneliness heightens feelings of vulnerability and unconscious vigilance for social threat, implicit cognitions that are antithetical to relaxation and sound sleep. Indeed, loneliness and poor quality social relationships have been associated with self-reported poor sleep quality and daytime dysfunction (i.e., low energy, fatigue), but not with sleep duration [ 49 – 52 ]. In young adults, greater daytime dysfunction, a marker of poor sleep quality, was accompanied by more nightly micro-awakenings, an objective index of sleep continuity obtained from Sleep-Caps worn by participants during one night in the hospital and seven nights in their own beds at home [ 53 ]. The conjunction of daytime dysfunction and micro-awakenings is consistent with polysomnography studies showing a conjunction, essentially an equivalence, between subjective sleep quality and sleep continuity [ 54 ], and substantiates the hypothesis that loneliness impairs sleep quality.

In an extension of these findings, loneliness was associated with greater daytime dysfunction in a 3-day diary study of middle-age adults, an association that was independent of age, gender, race/ethnicity, household income, health behaviors, BMI, chronic health conditions, daily illness symptom severity, and related feelings of stress, hostility, poor social support, and depressive symptoms. Cross-lagged panel analyses of the three consecutive days indicated potentially reciprocal causal roles for loneliness and daytime dysfunction: lonely feelings predicted daytime dysfunction the following day, and daytime dysfunction exerted a small but significant effect on lonely feelings the following day [ 55 ], effects that were independent of sleep duration. In other words, the same amount of sleep is less salubrious in individuals who feel more socially isolated and, ironically, less salubrious sleep feeds forward to further exacerbate feelings of social isolation. This recursive loop operates outside of consciousness and speaks to the relative impenetrability of loneliness to intervention.

Physiological functioning

The association between loneliness and cardiovascular disease and mortality [ 13 , 14 , 19 ] may have its roots in physiological changes that begin early in life. As noted earlier, chronic social isolation, rejection, and/or feelings of loneliness in early childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood cumulated in a dose–response fashion to predict cardiovascular health risk factors in young adulthood (26 years old), including elevated blood pressure [ 12 ]. In our study of young adults, loneliness was associated with elevated levels of total peripheral resistance (TPR [ 49 , 56 ]). TPR is the primary determinant of SBP until at least 50 years of age [ 57 ], which suggests that loneliness-related elevations in TPR in early to middle-adulthood may lead to higher blood pressure in middle and older age. Consistent with this hypothesis, loneliness was associated with elevated SBP in an elderly convenience sample [ 49 ], and in a population-based sample of 50–68-year-old adults in the Chicago Health, Aging, and Social Relations Study [ 21 ]. The association between loneliness and elevated SBP was exaggerated in older relative to younger lonely adults in this sample [ 21 ], suggesting an accelerated physiological decline in lonely relative to nonlonely individuals. Our recent study of loneliness and SBP in these same individuals over five annual assessments supported this hypothesis. Short-term (i.e., 1 year) fluctuations in loneliness were not significant predictors of SBP changes over 1-year intervals, but a trait-like component of loneliness present at study onset contributed to greater increases in SBP over 2-, 3-, and 4-year intervals [ 22 ]. These increases were cumulative such that higher initial levels of loneliness were associated with greater increases in SBP over a 4-year period. The prospective effect of loneliness on SBP was independent of age, gender, race/ethnicity, cardiovascular risk factors, medications, health conditions, and the effects of depressive symptoms, social support, perceived stress, and hostility [ 22 ]. Elevated SBP is a well-known risk factor for chronic cardiovascular disease, and these data suggest that the effects of loneliness accrue to accelerate movement along a trajectory toward serious health consequences [ 20 ].

The physiological determinants responsible for the cumulative effect of loneliness on blood pressure have yet to be elucidated. TPR plays a critical role in determining SBP in early to mid-adulthood, but other mechanisms come into play with increasing age. Candidate mechanisms include age-related changes in vascular physiology, including increased arterial stiffness [ 58 ], diminished endothelial cell release of nitric oxide, enhanced vascular responsivity to endothelial constriction factors, increases in circulating catecholamines, and attenuated vasodilator responses to circulating epinephrine due to decreased beta-adrenergic sensitivity in vascular smooth muscle [ 59 – 61 ]. In turn, many of these mechanisms are influenced by lifestyle factors such as diet, physical inactivity, and obesity—factors that alter blood lipids and inflammatory processes that have known consequences for vascular health and functioning [ 62 , 63 ].

Neuroendocrine Effects

Changes in TPR levels are themselves influenced by a variety of physiological processes, including activity of the autonomic nervous system and the hypothalamic-pituitary adrenocortical (HPA) axis. The sympathetic branch of the autonomic nervous system plays a major role in maintaining basal vascular tone and TPR [ 64 , 65 ] and elevated sympathetic tone is responsible for the development and maintenance of many forms of hypertension [ 66 ]. To date, loneliness has not been shown to correlate with SNS activity at the myocardium (i.e., pre-ejection period [ 21 , 56 ]) but was associated with a greater concentration of epinephrine in overnight urine samples in a middle-aged and older adult sample [ 21 ]. At high concentrations, circulating epinephrine binds α-1 receptors on vascular smooth muscle cells to elicit vasoconstriction and could thereby serve as a mechanism for increased SBP in lonely individuals.

Activation of the HPA axis involves a cascade of signals that results in release of ACTH from the pituitary and cortisol from the adrenal cortex. Vascular integrity and functioning are beholden, in part, to well-regulated activity of the HPA axis. Dysregulation of the HPA axis contributes to inflammatory processes that play a role in hypertension, atherosclerosis, and coronary heart disease [ 67 – 69 ]. Loneliness has been associated with urinary excretion of significantly higher concentrations of cortisol [ 70 ], and, in more recent studies, with higher levels of salivary or plasma cortisol [ 71 , 72 ]. Pressman et al. [ 72 ] found that loneliness was associated with higher early morning and late night levels of circulating cortisol in young adult university students, and Steptoe et al. [ 71 ] found that chronically high levels of trait loneliness in middle-aged adults (M=52.4 years) predicted greater increases in salivary cortisol during the first 30 min after awakening (i.e., cortisol awakening response) such that the cortisol awakening response in individuals in the highest loneliness tertile was 21% greater than that in the lowest tertile. In our study of middle-aged and older adults, day-today fluctuations in feelings of loneliness were associated with individual differences in the cortisol awakening response. For this study, diary reports of daily psychosocial, emotional, and physical states were completed at bedtime on each of three consecutive days, and salivary cortisol levels were measured at wakeup, 30 min after awakening, and at bedtime each day. Parallel multilevel causal models revealed that prior-day feelings of loneliness and related feelings of sadness, threat, and lack of control were associated with a higher cortisol awakening response the next day, but morning cortisol awakening response did not predict experiences of these psychosocial states later the same day [ 73 ]. Social evaluative threat is known to be a potent elicitor of cortisol [ 74 ], and our theory that loneliness is characterized by chronic threat of and hypervigilance for negative social evaluation [ 9 ] is consistent with the finding that loneliness predicts increased cortisol awakening response. The relevance of the association between loneliness and HPA regulation is particularly noteworthy given recent evidence that loneliness-related alterations in HPA activity may occur at the level of the gene, a topic to which we turn next.

Gene Effects

Cortisol regulates a wide variety of physiological processes via nuclear hormone receptor-mediated control of gene transcription. Cortisol activation of the glucocorticoid receptor, for instance, exerts broad anti-inflammatory effects by inhibiting pro-inflammatory signaling pathways. Given that loneliness is associated with elevated cortisol levels, loneliness might be expected to reduce risk for inflammatory diseases. However, as we have noted above, feelings of loneliness and social isolation are associated with increased risk for inflammatory disease. This finding may be attributable to impaired glucocorticoid receptor-mediated signal transduction; failure of the cellular genome to “hear” the anti-inflammatory signal sent by circulating glucocorticoids permits inflammatory processes to continue relatively unchecked. We found evidence consistent with glucocorticoid insensitivity in our examination of gene expression rates in chronically lonely versus socially connected older adults [ 75 ]. Genome-wide microarray analyses revealed that 209 transcripts, representing 144 distinct genes, were differentially expressed in these two groups. Markers of immune activation and inflammation (e.g., pro-inflammatory cytokines and inflammatory mediators) were over-expressed in genes of the lonely relative to the socially connected group (37% of the 209 differentially expressed transcripts). Markers of cell cycle inhibitors and an inhibitor of the potent pro-inflammatory NF–κB transcript were under-expressed in genes of the lonely relative to the socially connected group (63% of the differentially expressed transcripts). The net functional implication of the differential gene transcription favored increased cell cycling and inflammation in the lonely group [ 75 ].

Subsequent bioinformatic analyses indicated that loneliness-associated differences in gene expression could be attributable to increased activity of the NF–κB transcription factor. NF–κB is known to up-regulate inflammation-related genes, and its activity is antagonized by the glucocorticoid receptor. Bioinformatic analyses also indicated a possible decrease in glucocorticoid receptor-mediated transcription in the lonely group, despite the fact that there were no group differences in circulating glucocorticoid levels. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that adverse social conditions result in functional desensitization of the glucocorticoid receptor, which permits increased NF–κB activity and thereby induces a pro-inflammatory bias in gene expression. Group differences in NF–κB/glucocorticoid receptor-mediated transcription activity were not attributable to objective indices of social isolation, nor were they explained by demographic, psychosocial (i.e., perceived stress, depression, hostility), or medical risk factors [ 75 ]. These results suggest that feelings of loneliness may exert a unique transcriptional influence that has potential relevance for health.

In an extension of this work, a recent study showed that feelings of social isolation were associated with a proxy measure of functional glucocorticoid insensitivity [ 76 ]. The composition of the leukocyte population in circulation is subject to the regulatory influence of glucocorticoids; high cortisol levels increase circulating concentrations of neutrophils and simultaneously decrease concentrations of lymphocytes and monocytes. In a study of older Taiwanese adults, this relationship was reflected in a positive correlation between cortisol levels and the ratio of neutrophil percentages relative to lymphocyte or monocyte percentages. However, in lonely individuals, this correlation was attenuated and nonsignificant, consistent with a diminished effect of cortisol at the level of leukocytes.

The precise molecular site of glucocorticoid insensitivity in the pro-inflammatory transcription cascade has yet to be identified, and additional longitudinal and experimental research are needed to determine the degree to which chronic feelings of social isolation play a causal role in differential gene expression. However, the association between subjective social isolation and gene expression corresponds well to gene expression differences in animal models of social isolation (e.g., [ 77 – 79 ]), suggesting that a subjective sense of social connectedness is important for genomic expression and normal immunoregulation in humans. Impaired transcription of glucocorticoid response genes and increased activity of pro-inflammatory transcription control pathways provide a functional genomic explanation for elevated risk of inflammatory disease in individuals who experience chronically high levels of loneliness.

Immune Functioning

Loneliness differences in immunoregulation extend beyond inflammation processes. Loneliness has been associated with impaired cellular immunity as reflected in lower natural killer (NK) cell activity and higher antibody titers to the Epstein Barr Virus and human herpes viruses [ 70 , 80 – 82 ]. In addition, loneliness among middle-age adults has been associated with a smaller increase in NK cell numbers in response to the acute stress of a Stroop task and a mirror tracing task [ 71 ]. In young adults, loneliness was associated with poorer antibody response to a component of the flu vaccine [ 72 ], suggesting that the humoral immune response may also be impaired in lonely individuals. Among HIV-positive men without AIDS, loneliness was associated with a lower count of CD4 T-lymphocytes in one study [ 83 ] but was not associated with the CD4 count in another study [ 84 ]. However, in the latter study, loneliness predicted a slower rate of decline in levels of CD4 T-lymphocytes over a 3-year period [ 84 ]. These data suggest that loneliness protects against disease progression, but no association was observed between loneliness and time to AIDS diagnosis or AIDS-related mortality [ 84 ]. Additional research is needed to examine the role of loneliness chronicity, age, life stress context, genetic predispositions, and interactions among these factors to determine when and how loneliness operates to impair immune functioning.

Future Loneliness Matters

Interventions for loneliness.

Six qualitative reviews of the loneliness intervention literature have been published since 1984 [ 85 – 90 ], and all explicitly or implicitly addressed four main types of interventions: (1) enhancing social skills, (2) providing social support, (3) increasing opportunities for social interaction, and (4) addressing maladaptive social cognition. All but one of these reviews concluded that loneliness interventions have met with success, particularly interventions which targeted opportunities for social interaction. Findlay [ 87 ] was more cautious in his review, noting that only six of the 17 intervention studies in his review employed a randomized group comparison design, with the remaining 11 studies subject to the shortcomings and flaws of pre-post and nonrandomized group comparison designs.

We recently completed a meta-analysis of loneliness intervention studies published between 1970 and September 2009 to test the magnitude of the intervention effects within each type of study design and to determine whether the intervention target moderated effect sizes (Masi et al., unpublished). Of the 50 studies eligible for inclusion in the meta-analysis, 12 were pre-post studies, 18 were non-randomized group comparison studies, and 20 were randomized group comparison studies. Effect sizes were significantly different from zero within each study design group, but randomized group comparison studies produced the smallest effect overall (pre-post=−0.37, 95% CI −.55, −.18; non-randomized control=−0.46, 95% CI −0.72, −0.20; randomized control=−0.20, 95% CI −0.32, −0.08).

Our model of loneliness holds that implicit hypervigilance for social threat exerts a powerful influence on perceptions, cognitions, and behaviors, and that loneliness may be diminished by reducing automatic perceptual and cognitive biases that favor over-attention to negative social information in the environment. Accordingly, we posited that interventions that targeted maladaptive social cognition (e.g., cognitive behavioral therapy that involved training to identify automatic negative thoughts and look for disconfirming evidence, to decrease biased cognitions, and/or to reframe perceptions of loneliness and personal control) would be more effective than interventions that targeted social support, social skills, or social access. Moderational analyses of the randomized group comparison studies supported our hypothesis: the effect size for social cognition interventions (−0.60, 95% CI −0.96, −0.23, N = 4) was significantly larger than the effect size for social support (−0.16, 95% CI −0.27, −0.06, N =12), social skills (0.02, 95% CI −0.24, 0.28, N =2), and social access (−0.06, 95% CI −0.35, 0.22, N =2); the latter three types of interventions did not differ significantly from each other. The results for social cognitive therapy are promising, but this intervention type appears not to have been widely employed to date relative to other types of loneliness therapy. Moreover, existing social cognitive therapies have had a small effect overall (0.20) relative to the meta-analytic mean effect of over 300 other interventions in the social and behavioral domains (0.50) [ 91 ]. A social cognitive approach to loneliness reduction outlined in a recent book [ 92 ] may encourage therapists to develop a treatment that focuses on the specific affective, cognitive, and behavioral propensities that afflict lonely individuals.

Implications for Health

Reducing feelings of loneliness and enhancing a sense of connectedness and social adhesion are laudable goals in their own right, but a critical question is whether modifying perceptions of social isolation or connectedness have any impact on health. VanderWeele et al. (unpublished) recently examined the reduction in depressive symptoms that could be expected if loneliness were successfully reduced and found there would be significant benefits that would accrue for as long as two years following the intervention. Would a successful intervention to lower loneliness produce corresponding benefits in physiological mechanisms and physical health outcomes? The only extant data to address this question comes from a recent study in which 235 lonely home-dwelling older adults (>74 years) were randomly assigned to an intervention or control group. In the treatment arm of the study, closed small groups of seven to eight individuals met with two professional facilitators once a week for 3 months to participate in group activities in art, exercise, or therapeutic writing. The control group continued to receive usual community care. Relative to the control group, individuals in the treatment group became more socially active, found new friends, and experienced an increase in feeling needed [ 93 ]. This was accompanied by a significant improvement in self-rated health, fewer health care services and lower costs, and greater survival at 2-year follow-up [ 94 ]. Feelings of loneliness did not differ between the groups, however [ 93 ], indicating that changes in loneliness were not responsible for improvements in health. According to our theory of loneliness, the interventions targeted by the treatment study would not be expected to influence loneliness dramatically because they fail to address the hypervigilance to social threat and the related cognitive biases that characterize lonely individuals. That is, group activities such as those introduced in this intervention provide new social opportunities but do not alter how individuals approach and think about their social relationships more generally. An intervention study of loneliness and health has yet to be designed that addresses the maladaptive social cognitions that make loneliness the health risk factor it increasingly appears to be. Beyond that, additional research is needed to determine the mechanisms through which successful loneliness interventions enhance health and survival, and to examine whether the type of loneliness intervention moderates its health benefits.

Conclusions

Human beings are thoroughly social creatures. Indeed, human survival in difficult physical environments seems to have selected for social group living [ 95 ]. Consider that the reproductive success of the human species hinges on offspring surviving to reproductive age. Social connections with a mate, a family, and a tribe foster social affiliative behaviors (e.g., altruism, cooperation) that enhance the likelihood that utterly dependent offspring reach reproductive age, and connections with others at the individual and collective levels improve our chances of survival in difficult or hostile environments. These behaviors co-evolved with supporting genetic, neural, and hormonal mechanisms to ensure that humans survived, reproduced, and cared for offspring sufficiently long that they, too, could reproduce [ 96 – 98 ]. Human sociality is prominent even in contemporary individualistic societies. Almost 80% of our waking hours are spent with others, and on average, time spent with friends, relatives, spouse, children, and coworkers is rated more inherently rewarding than time spent alone [ 99 , 100 ]. Humans are such meaning-making creatures that we perceive social relationships where no objectifiable relationship exists (e.g., between author and reader, between an individual and God) or where no reciprocity is possible (e.g., in parasocial relationships with television characters). Conversely, we perceive social isolation when social opportunities and relationships do exist but we lack the capacity to harness the power of social connectedness in everyday life. Chronic perceived isolation (i.e., loneliness) is characterized by impairments in attention, cognition, affect, and behavior that take a toll on morbidity and mortality through their impact on genetic, neural, and hormonal mechanisms that evolved as part and parcel of what it means to be human. Future interventions to alleviate the health burden of loneliness will do well to take into account our evolutionary design as a social species.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by Grant R01-AG036433-01 and R01-AG034052 from the National Institute on Aging and by the John Templeton Foundation.

Contributor Information

Louise C. Hawkley, Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA. Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, 940 E. 57th St, Chicago, IL 60637, USA.

John T. Cacioppo, Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA.

  • Open access
  • Published: 16 September 2024

Social isolation and loneliness among people living with experience of homelessness: a scoping review

  • James Lachaud 1 , 2 ,
  • Ayan A. Yusuf 2 ,
  • Faith Maelzer 2 , 3 ,
  • Melissa Perri 2 , 4 ,
  • Evie Gogosis 2 ,
  • Carolyn Ziegler 5 ,
  • Cilia Mejia-Lancheros 2 , 6 &
  • Stephen W. Hwang 2 , 4 , 7  

BMC Public Health volume  24 , Article number:  2515 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

Social isolation and loneliness (SIL) are public health challenges that disproportionally affect individuals who experience structural and socio-economic exclusion. The social and health outcomes of SIL for people with experiences of being unhoused have largely remained unexplored. Yet, there is limited synthesis of literature focused on SIL to appropriately inform policy and targeted social interventions for people with homelessness experience. The aim of this scoping review is to synthesize evidence on SIL among people with lived experience of homelessness and explore how it negatively impacts their wellbeing. We carried out a comprehensive literature search from Medline, Embase, Cochrane Library, PsycINFO, CINAHL, Sociological Abstracts, and Web of Science's Social Sciences Citation Index and Science Citation Index for peer-reviewed studies published between January 1st, 2000 to January 3rd, 2023. Studies went through title, abstract and full-text screening conducted independently by at least two reviewers. Included studies were then analyzed and synthesized to identify the conceptualizations of SIL, measurement tools and approaches, prevalence characterization, and relationship with social and health outcomes. The literature search yielded 5,294 papers after removing duplicate records. Following screening, we retained 27 qualitative studies, 23 quantitative studies and two mixed method studies. SIL was not the primary objective of most of the included articles. The prevalence of SIL among people with homelessness experience varied from 25 to 90% across studies. A range of measurement tools were used to measure SIL making it difficult to compare results across studies. Though the studies reported associations between SIL, health, wellbeing, and substance use, we found substantial gaps in the literature. Most of the quantitative studies were cross-sectional, and only one study used health administrative data to ascertain health outcomes. More studies are needed to better understand SIL among this population and to build evidence for actionable strategies and policies to address its social and health impacts.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Social isolation and loneliness (SIL) are major social and health issues representing a growing global public health challenge, particularly for socio-economically excluded and underserved populations [ 1 , 2 ]. Social isolation is defined as a lack of close or meaningful relationships and results from multidimensional experiences associated with exclusion from mainstream society, hopelessness, abandonment, social marginalization, lack of community networks and dissatisfaction with relationships [ 3 , 4 ]. Loneliness is a more personal and subjective multifaceted experience consisting of different types of self-perceived social deficits, including social loneliness, defined as a self-perceived lack of friendships in either quality or quantity and emotional loneliness, experienced as a deficit of intimate attachments such as familial or romantic relationships or feeling alone and isolated [ 3 , 4 , 5 ].

SIL has been linked to putting people at increased risk for adverse health outcomes, social distress and premature death [ 6 ]. Lack of adequate social support has been reported to increase the odds of premature death by 50% [ 6 ]. Previous studies have also found an association between SIL and increased risk of developing dementia, coronary heart disease and stroke, poorer mental and cognitive health outcomes, and consumption of a low-quality diet [ 7 , 8 ]. While SIL affects many populations, individuals with experiences of being unhoused are among those with the highest risk of being socially isolated and lonely. First, experiences of homelessness are visible and extreme forms of social exclusion. Unhoused people are more socially disconnected, can feel rejected or abandoned, and may not have appropriate informal (family, relatives, friends) and formal support networks [ 9 , 10 ]. Second, even after being housed, structural forms of oppression (i.e., racism) and discrimination associated with previous experiences of being unhoused continue to impact individuals’ lives and deprive people of meaningful recovery and social integration, connection and relationships [ 11 , 12 , 13 ]. Individuals who have experienced homelessness often face persistent stigma and discrimination that can affect their social interactions and access to essential services [ 12 ]. People with experiences of being unhoused have self-reported higher odds of poor mental and physical health and loneliness than their housed counterparts [ 14 ]. Moreover, people with experiences of being unhoused have lower life expectancy and experience impairments associated with aging earlier compared with people without experiences of being unhoused [ 15 , 16 , 17 ]. These factors can make individuals more vulnerable to social and economic abuse, which may affect their ability to build meaningful social connections.

Recent years have seen increased initiatives to address SIL among formerly homeless populations. There is some consensus in social work to consider SIL in needs assessments for health and social care for some specific population groups, such as seniors and youth [ 18 , 19 ]. More resources are being allocated to address SIL in supportive housing programs and intervention design [ 20 ]. Social prescribing, which involves primary care physicians prescribing social activities to patients as a strategy to strengthen social engagement and lower loneliness, is becoming a growing practice [ 21 , 22 ]. Nonetheless, SIL remains complex to conceptualize, and it has been difficult to measure its prevalence and association with social and health outcomes and other indicators of wellbeing. Without a clear conceptualization and measurement approach, it is uncertain how to design adequate interventions and policies to address SIL.

The aim of this scoping review was to identify, map, and synthesize the findings of qualitative and quantitative studies that measure SIL among people over the age of 18 with lived or living experience of homelessness including those living in supportive or social housing, or staying in emergency or transitional accommodation in order to highlight the gaps in the existing literature and inform the development of future interventions. This scoping review will aim to answer the following questions:

How are SIL conceptualized across studies involving people with experience of homelessness?

What scales and tools are used to measure SIL across these studies?

What is the prevalence of SIL and the relationship between SIL and social and health outcomes in people with experience of homelessness?

Data sources and searches

The scoping review protocol followed the methodology outlined by Arksey and O’Malley, Levac et al. [ 18 ] and is guided by Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA ScR) [ 23 ]. Initially, a preliminary search was performed in Medline and Embase to identify any existing scoping reviews related to the topic, and to refine the search strategies by pinpointing key concepts and determining an appropriate timeframe to include relevant studies [ 24 ]. Then, comprehensive literature searches were carried out by an information specialist (CZ) in Medline (Ovid platform), Embase (Ovid), Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials & Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews (Ovid), PsycINFO (Ovid), CINAHL (EBSCOhost), Sociological Abstracts (ProQuest), and Web of Science's Social Sciences Citation Index and Science Citation Index. The search strategies had a broad range of subject headings and keywords, adapted for each database, for the two core concepts of SIL and homelessness or social housing, combined with the Boolean operator AND. The searches were limited to articles in English, French, and Spanish published between January 1st, 2000 to October 27, 2021, followed by an updated search to January 3rd, 2023. The publication languages were chosen for feasibility purpose, considering the linguistic capacity of the research team. Comments, editorials, and letters were excluded from the search. There were a total of 8,398 results from these two rounds of searches prior to de-duplication (7,356 at search one and 1,042 at search two) and the records were compiled in EndNote. The complete search strategies as run are included in the Supplementary material .

Definition and screening process

To refine our screening process, we defined individuals experiencing homelessness as those lacking stable, safe, permanent, and appropriate housing, or the immediate means and ability to acquire such housing [ 25 ]. This definition encompasses individuals who are marginally housed or at high risk of eviction, including individuals who are "doubled up," couch surfing, or living in overcrowded conditions [ 26 ].

To be considered eligible for inclusion, we established the following inclusion criteria for the scoping review:

studies had to include participants that were people with homelessness experience or marginally/vulnerably housed populations (people living in supportive housing or shelters). While our screening process did not establish an age criterion, we excluded studies that focused exclusively on minors (under 18 years old) experiencing homelessness. This decision was made as a recent study showed that minors experiencing homelessness might need specific considerations and theoretical framework [ 27 ];

studies had to be peer-reviewed qualitative and quantitative original research papers published in English, French, or Spanish;

studies had to be published between 2000-and January 3, 2023;

studies had to examine or include in the analyses: loneliness, social isolation, social disconnection, solitude, social withdrawal, abandonment, lack of contact, social exclusion or rejection.

We excluded papers that were systematic or scoping reviews, and papers where the studied populations was exclusively minors; where the field activities and data were collected from caregivers or other workers, and not people with homelessness experience or marginally/vulnerably housed; studies that only focused on networking, social or community integration and did not refer to social isolation or loneliness. No exclusion was made based on geographic region or countries, however we excluded studies that focused on people residing in camps due to displacement from war, insecurity, or major natural disasters, as these situations are typically addressed by different theoretical and humanitarian frameworks [ 28 ].

The results from all searches were imported to Covidence systematic review software, where duplicates were removed. The searches yielded 5,294 papers for screening after the deletion of duplicates. Four researchers (AY, EG, FM, and MP) screened the article titles and abstracts independently and in duplicate in Covidence using the predetermined inclusion and exclusion criteria. The full-text of the articles that met our eligibility criteria were then assessed by two independent reviewers. At both stages, differences in voting were discussed and resolved as a group, and included the Principal Investigator (JL). In total, 52 articles met the criteria for data extraction and analyses. The PRISMA diagram in Fig.  1 shows the flow of information through the different stages of the review.

figure 1

PRISMA flow diagram

Data extraction

The main characteristics, research questions, targeted populations, measurement and findings of the selected studies were extracted in an Excel database file by the four researchers (AY, EG, FM, and MP) and reviewed by the Principal Investigator (JL). A summary of each selected paper can be found in Tables 1 and Table  2 .

Data synthesis

The studies reviewed exhibited considerable variability in their methodological approaches, participant demographics (including young adults, adults, and seniors) or sex and gender-based groups, measures of SIL, definitions of homelessness experience, and countries where they were conducted. To provide a thorough overview, we examined both quantitative and qualitative research. Initially, we assessed the theoretical frameworks used in these studies to better grasp the conceptualization and ongoing discussions about SIL within the target population. In our analysis of quantitative studies, we identified key similarities and differences in SIL measurements, demographic characteristics, discussions of the prevalence and patterns of SIL and its relationship with health status. To deepen our understanding, we used a crosswalk approach [ 29 ] using both quantitative and qualitative studies to examine how participants described, contextualized, and nuanced their experiences of SIL, and how SIL related to demographic factors, gender, and homelessness experience.

Overview of included studies

The main characteristics of the 52 articles included in this review are outlined in Tables 1 and Table  2 . Most articles (n = 42) were published from 2010 and later and were conducted in the US (n = 16) and Canada (n = 16). Study methodology was almost evenly split between quantitative (n = 23) and qualitative (n = 27) methods, and a very small number (n = 2) used a mixed methods approach. Among quantitative studies, 18 had a cross-sectional or one-point-in-time design, and 5 used a longitudinal design. Most of the qualitative studies (15) used a thematic analysis approach.

Characteristics of the populations covered in included studies

Among included articles, 4 focused on women [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 ] and older women [ 34 ]; 5 studies examined male [ 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 ] or older male populations [ 39 ]. In total, 10 articles focused on older adults, which usually included early aging starting from 50 years [ 40 ] or 55 years [ 41 ] of age and above for populations with experience of homelessness. We found no studies that focused on non-binary groups, though gender-diverse self-identified individuals were included in 6 of the studies [ 33 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 ]. Moreover, there were a small number of studies (n = 6) focused on youth. Three of these were quantitative studies [ 47 , 48 , 49 ] comparing homeless youth and young adults to youth in the general population. The other 3 were qualitative studies [ 50 , 51 , 52 ]; 2 described how youth experience loneliness [ 51 , 52 ]; one study identified strategies for dealing with feelings of loneliness among homeless adolescents [ 50 ]. Three studies [ 53 , 54 , 55 ] focused on a population of veterans who were currently experiencing homelessness or were formerly homeless and living in either subsidized or supportive housing. Participants’ ethnicity was reported in most of the studies (n = 32).

Social isolation and loneliness as the primary objective

Only 18 of the 52 studies focused on SIL as their primary objective or included SIL in the main research questions. Of these 18 studies, 13 were quantitative and 5 were qualitative as summarized in Tables 1 and  2 . In the remaining 34 articles, SIL neither was the main objective nor clearly stated in the objectives or research questions. In those studies, SIL was usually considered as one of the potential explicative or control factors [ 30 , 56 , 57 ], and eventually emerged or co-created from participants’ narratives.

Conceptualization of social isolation and loneliness

Different theoretical frameworks were used to contextualize SIL in relation to unhoused or homelessness experiences. For some studies, SIL was embedded in the homelessness experience, since homelessness is in itself a form of social exclusion, which limits people’s participation in society [ 36 , 58 ]. Lafuente et al. [ 36 ] explained the experience of unhoused men through the lens of social disaffiliation theory. They explained that situational changes (i.e., loss of employment) or intrinsic factors (voluntary withdrawal) caused participants to become socially disaffiliated. Narratives on isolation from this study revealed feelings of alienation, powerlessness, self-rejection, depression, loneliness and unworthiness. Similarly, the study by Burns et al. [ 39 ] explained how the transient nature of being unhoused creates interrelated dimensions of social exclusion, generating a sense of invisibility, identity exclusion, racism, exclusion of social ties and meaningful interactions with the community, thus leading to social isolation.

Bell and Walsh [ 37 ] conceptualized SIL among individuals experiencing homelessness as being driven by mainstream normative conceptions of homelessness and the stigma of homelessness. The authors suggest that conceptions of homelessness conflate between notions of “rooflessness” and “rootlessness” which “denotes the absence of support and inclusion in one’s community driving experiences of isolation and loneliness.” [ 37 ].

In the study by Baker et al., [ 58 ] SIL is discussed as part of a new landscape of a network society and digital exclusion. The rapid development of information and communication technologies (ICT) has drastically changed human communication and interactions leaving many behind and out of communication flows . The authors explained that aging combined with many social disadvantages like histories of homelessness, multiple complex needs, rural areas of residence, and economically restricted mobility can contribute to creating or keeping affected older adults disconnected and socially isolated.

Meaning and experiences of social exclusion and, in particular SIL were further voiced through semi-structured qualitative interviews or focus groups in different studies. Often, participants reflected on how broader structural stigmatization and alienation associated with housing insecurity contributed to their perceived SIL. Jurewicz et al. [ 59 ] highlighted how systemic policies and practices affecting individuals experiencing homelessness who used substances generate and contribute to ongoing experiences of housing precarity, loneliness and isolation. Participants further discussed the complex interrelationship between substance use and homelessness including the strain on social relationships as a result of substance use [ 59 ]. Similarly, Martínez et al., [ 60 ] described how experiences of loneliness are driven by a lack of meaningful relationships, conflicts with families, a lack of social inclusion, and marginalization faced by individuals residing in a residential center in Gipuzkoa, Spain. In the study by Johnstone et al., [ 61 ] social isolation was defined as being associated with not having perceived opportunities to develop multiple group memberships.

Experiences and conceptualizations of loneliness were not strictly dependent upon one’s lack of access to housing. Two studies discussed how the transition into supportive or transitional housing further exacerbated experiences of loneliness and isolation [ 53 , 62 ]. Polvere, Macnaughton and Piat [ 62 ] and Winer et al. [ 53 ] highlighted that the transition to living within congregate-supported settings or independent apartments can be linked to experiences of SIL even when people are offered social engagement activities. Some participants reported feeling voluntarily isolated as they did not want to engage with others and some participants anticipated social isolation due to transitioning into a new environment.

Measurement tools to assess social isolation and loneliness

There were multiple approaches to measuring SIL across all studies, including widely used and validated multi-item scales and single-item measures. There were three main scales that were developed, revised, tested or used to measure SIL among people experiencing homelessness: The Rokach Loneliness questionnaire, the UCLA Loneliness Scale and its revised versions, and the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale. 

The rokach loneliness questionnaire

Five studies used the Rokach Loneliness Questionnaire [ 47 , 48 , 49 , 63 , 64 ]. The Rokach Loneliness Questionnaire [ 47 , 48 ] measures causes of loneliness and coping strategies and has been used in studies with young people aged 15–30 in Toronto, Canada. The questionnaire measures the experience of loneliness across five factors, with yes/no items on five subscales: emotional distress such as pain or feelings of hopelessness; social inadequacy and alienation including a sense of detachment; growth and discovery such as feelings of inner strength and self-reliance; interpersonal isolation including alienation or rejection; and self-alienation such as feelings of numbness or denial. The items on the interpersonal isolation subscale relate to an overall lack of close or romantic relationships.

The UCLA loneliness scale

Six of the studies in this review used the UCLA Loneliness Scale or a revised version. Novacek et al. [ 54 ] assessed subjective feelings of SIL among Black and White identifying veterans with psychosis and recent homelessness compared with a control group at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The 20-item scale was used to measure subjective feelings of SIL over the past month. Participants rated their experience ranging from “never” to “often,” with higher scores indicating higher subjective feelings of loneliness. Lehmann et al. [ 38 ] used a revised version of the UCLA Loneliness Scale to examine individual factors including loneliness relevant in people experiencing homelessness to report their victimization to police. The researcher recruited 60 self-identified adult males aged 19 to 67 currently experiencing homelessness in Germany and used a revised and shorter German UCLA Loneliness Scale developed by Bilsky and Hosser [ 65 ], to measure loneliness. The scale is composed of 12 items with a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 0 (“not at all”) to 5 (“very much”) and positively formulated items were recorded to reflect a higher level of loneliness. The load factors for the scale are experiences of general loneliness, emotional loneliness, and inner distance. Drum and Medvene [ 66 ] used the UCLA-R Loneliness Scale, which has been adapted for an older adult population to measure loneliness among older adults living in affordable seniors housing in Wichita, Kansas. This version is composed of 23 items, with a four-point Likert scale-type of response options. Participants’ total score ranged from 20 to 80, with a higher score representing greater loneliness.

Tsai et al. [ 67 ], Dost et al. [ 68 ] and Ferrari et al. [ 69 ] used a shortened revised version of the UCLA Loneliness Scale Version 3, which consists of three items: “how often they feel they lack companionship, how often they feel left out, and how often they feel isolated from others.” Participants self-reported their responses using a 3-point Likert scale (“hardly ever,” “some of the time,” and “often”) to answer questions. A summed score of 3 to 5 is defined as not lonely and a summed score of 6 or more is defined as lonely. The 3-item scale is used widely in research and clinical settings as a short assessment of loneliness.

De Jong Gierveld loneliness scale

Valerio-Urena, Herrara-Murillo and Rodriguez-Martinez [ 70 ] examined the association between perceived loneliness and internet use among 129 currently homeless single adults aged 35–60 staying in a public shelter in Monterrey, Mexico. The authors used questions from the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale, which includes 11 items with three response options (1 = no, 2 = more or less, 3 = yes) asking about having friends or people to talk with or contact, feeling empty or missing other people’s company, and having people or friends you can trust. The subscales measure emotional loneliness (due to the lack of a close relationship) and social loneliness (due to the lack of a general social network) with scores ranging between 0 (no solitude) and 11 (extreme solitude).

Other social isolation and loneliness scales

Some of the quantitative studies used subscales or single questions from measurement tools that were not primarily designed to measure SIL. For example, Cruwys et al. [ 71 ] used the short form of the Young Schema Questionnaire, which included 75 items with five items assessing each of the 15 schemas. This study focused on the social isolation schema, which was described as a “feeling that one is isolated from the rest of the world, different from others, and or/ not part of a group.” Statements included “I don’t fit in; I don’t belong; I’m a loner; I feel outside the groups.” Respondents answered on a 6-point scale from 1 if “completely untrue to me” to 6 if “describes me perfectly.” In this study, participants who responded with 5 or 6 (“Mostly true of me” or “describes me perfectly”) on the scale were assigned 1 point, otherwise they were assigned 0 points.

Wrucke et al. [ 72 ] investigated factors associated with cigarette use among people with experiences of homelessness. Social isolation was one of the variables hypothesized to be associated with smoking among this population. The authors used the short form of the social isolation questionnaire developed using the Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System (PROMIS). PROMIS defines social isolation as the “perceptions of being avoided, excluded, detached, and disconnected from, or unknown by others.” It uses a 4-item social isolation questionnaire to capture each of these dimensions, for which the option of responses range from never to always.

In their study, Drum and Medvene [ 66 ] used the Lubben Social Network Scale (LSNS) to measure social isolation in addition to the UCLA-R Loneliness Scale mentioned above. LSNS was used as a measure of risk of isolation and included 10 items; three (3) items referred to family networks, three items (3) to friend networks, and four items (4) to confident relationships. Each of the items had a five-point Likert scale-type response, with the total adding up to a score between 0 and 50. A higher score on the LSNS represents greater risk of social isolation. Participants were categorized based on their LSNS score as low risk (0–20), moderate risk (21–25), high risk (26–30), or isolated (31–50).

Ferreiro et al. [ 73 ] used one question from the 22-item Camberwell Assessment of Need (CAN) to measure loneliness among Housing First program participants in Spain. One item asks, “Does the person need help with social contact?” and the answer is classified as a serious problem if a respondent answered, “Frequently feels lonely and isolated.” Rodriguez-Moreno [ 31 ] used the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28) which includes a subscale of somatic symptoms, anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction and depression to study the mental health risk of women with homelessness experience. The GHQ has one question related to “feeling lonely or abandoned.” Similarly, Vazquez et al. [ 30 ] reported one question on the extent participants feel lonely or abandoned using a 4-point Likert scale ranging from “not at all” to “a lot.” Pedersen, Gronbaek and Curtis [ 74 ], Bige et al. [ 56 ] and Muir et al. [ 57 ] also measured loneliness using one question. Another study by Rivera-Rivera et al. [ 55 ] examined factors associated with readmission to a housing program for veterans with a number of measurement tools and administrative data to create a profile of participants. In their study, social isolation was measured using the relationships section of the significant psychosocial problem areas of the Social Work Behavioral Health Psychosocial Assessment Tool where isolation/withdrawal can be measured using “yes” or “no” responses [ 55 ]. Finally, Bower [ 75 ] piloted the short version of the Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale for Adults (SELSA-S) with a group of 129 Australian adults with homelessness experience. However, this paper was excluded from our review as the authors concluded that the SELSA-S seems to be inappropriate to measure loneliness among people with homelessness experience.

Prevalence and scores of social isolation and loneliness: quantitative evidence

The prevalence of SIL varied from 25% to more than 90% across studies included in this review. Based on LSNS risk categorizations, Drum and Medvene [ 66 ] found over one-quarter (25.8%) of participants were categorized as being socially isolated and nearly one in five (19.4%) as being at high risk for social isolation. Cruwys et al. [ 71 ], using the Young Schema Questionnaire-2 found more than one-quarter (28%) of participants reported elevated social isolation at time T1 (day 1) of the study, with no change in social isolation reported at time T2 (2 weeks after leaving temporary accommodations). An examination by Rivera et al. [ 55 ] of 620 patient records of veterans who requested services at the Homeless Program of the VA Caribbean Healthcare System from 2005 to 2014 found that over one-third (34.7%) reported experiencing social isolation. In a study with 1,306 socially marginalized people recruited at shelters and drop-in centres in Denmark, more than one-quarter (28.4%) reported often unwillingly being alone [ 74 ]. Bige et al. [ 56 ] found that more than 90% of 421 people experiencing homelessness were socially isolated.

Using the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale, Herrara-Murillo and Rodriguez-Martinez [ 70 ] estimated an average score of 7.12 for loneliness among surveyed participants, which is between moderate and severe loneliness (score = 8). Ferrari et al. [ 69 ] also found a high mean score among homeless adults (score = 6) at baseline, based on the revised 3-item UCLA scale. Rokach [ 64 ] reported homeless adults had significantly higher mean subscale scores than non-homeless adults on four of five subscales measuring loneliness: interpersonal isolation (3.44 vs 2.82), self-alienation (1.92 vs 1.27), emotional distress (2.97 vs 2.73), and social inadequacy and alienation (2.92 vs 2.70).

Social isolation and loneliness evidence in qualitative studies

Twenty-nine studies reported qualitative evidence with the majority (n = 15) using thematic analysis to convey experiences of SIL among participants with histories of being unhoused or experiences of housing precarity. In most qualitative studies, participants referred to a lack of social connectedness, weak relationships with community members, family, or friends, feelings of abandonment, or a desire to withdraw. In a study by Bower, Conroy and Perz [ 10 ], researchers explored experiences of social connectedness, isolation and loneliness among 16 homeless or previously homeless adults ages 22–70 in Sydney, Australia. Participants described feelings of rejection through marginalization and stigma, rejection from family, lack of companionship, and shallow and precarious relationships with others, which made them feel alone [ 10 ].

Similarly Burns et al., [ 39 ] reported social isolation among older adults with histories of chronic homelessness living at a single-site permanent supportive housing program in Montreal, Canada. Participants revealed that they were socially excluded based on their ethnicity and sexual orientation, which made them feel isolated. Participants in the study by Lafuente [ 36 ] attributed their feelings of isolation to experiences of being unhoused and narratives from 10 male-identifying participants centered on discussions of isolation, including feelings of alienation, depression, loneliness, resignation, unworthiness and withdrawal. Participants shared their feelings of being “frightened, sad, lonely, and frustrated” and wanting to “withdraw from society” [ 36 ]. Studies by Kaplan et al. [ 76 ] and Grenier et al. [ 41 ] also reported concerns of social isolation due to lack of strong familial ties among participants, which impacted their engagement with services and contributed to feeling isolated and ostracized.

In a study of 46 adults using shelters and drop-in centres in Denmark, participants reported challenges with developing lasting and meaningful social relationships with others [ 77 ]. With data from the 30 participants included in the analysis, the authors categorized SIL into 5 groups: socially related and content (n = 9) characterized by satisfying relations with social and professional groups; satisfied loners (n = 5) centered on social isolation bringing rewards of peace and quiet; socially related but lonely (n = 4) focused on superficial social relations; socially isolated (n = 9) comprised of sporadic social connections; and in-between (n = 3) characterized by broad networks, however feeling unsatisfied with social networks [ 77 ].

Other studies focused on experiences of SIL in relation to the negative consequences of being unhoused and experiencing associated stigma. Bell et al. [ 24 ] revealed participants’ feelings of worthlessness as a result of the social stigma of being unhoused. Participants described homelessness as: “ walking around with a big sign on your head that says , “ I’m worthless” … the way you are looked on by society, like you feel like an alien…you always have to leave because you’re not welcome, you’re not welcome, you’re not welcome anywhere. In a town of a million people you are made to feel like you’re by yourself and you’re alone because there is nowhere to go.”  Another study aimed to understand the experiences of SIL among 11 adults ages 22–60 (5 self-identified females; 6 self-identified males) staying in residential centers in Spain [ 60 ]. Participants reported feelings of loneliness as a chronic and persistent experience. One participant described it as follows: “I’ve always felt lonely, everywhere I’ve been, even having people around me…It’s not about being physically alone…it’s a loneliness inside.” [ 60 ].

Nonetheless, transitioning from homelessness to housing does not imply a reduction in SIL, at least in the short term. Several qualitative studies [ 53 , 62 , 78 , 79 , 80 ] were conducted with participants of the At Home / Chez Soi study, a pragmatic randomized controlled trial in Canada that used a Housing First approach to provide housing and supports to individuals experiencing homelessness and mental health problems [ 11 ]. Some participants who received housing experienced loneliness [ 80 ] whereas others expressed concerns about not being able to cope with social isolation following a transition to independent housing [ 62 ]. Moving into housing can contribute to SIL with a shift from being surrounded by people in congregate settings such as shelters or jail, to living alone [ 78 , 33 ]. One participant said: “ It’s [the transition] hard because I’m used to having people around me all the time.” [ 62 ] In a study by Winer et al. [ 53 ], some participants who received housing chose not to socialize or build relationships: “ But I don’t socialize here at all. I didn’t think, I didn’t realize that I would be so isolated. You know, I could go knocking on doors and try to be friends with people. But I just don’t bother to do that. I’m not interested in reaching out .”

Other studies examining individuals accessing transitional accommodation reported that participants’ positive comments illustrated connections with peers and program staff and these connections resulted in them no longer feeling lonely or isolated [ 61 ]. Over one-third (34%) of participants reported positive experiences with respect to their accommodations, interactions with caseworkers and with their peers/other residents, which made them not feel lonely or isolated. Another study [ 81 ] found access to supportive housing was also associated with a reduction in drug use; while some participants were spending time alone, they did not report feeling lonely. Some reported having pets and others did volunteer work to help them overcome feelings of social isolation.

Other studies reported SIL among young populations with homelessness experience. A study by Rew [ 50 ] conducted interviews and focus groups with 32 homeless youth ages 16–23 participating in a community outreach project in central Texas. Participants discussed reasons for loneliness including personal loss, traveling and being away from family and friends, and at certain times, for example at night, during winter, or specific occasions such as holidays and birthdays: “ I just get lonely at night…more at night .” [ 50 ] Another study by Johari et al [ 52 ] conducted interviews and focus groups with 13 individuals ages 18–29 in Iran about their experiences of homelessness. Participants described feeling lonely, harassed and abandoned by society. Themes that emerged from the interviews included “ avoidance of/ by society, comprehensive harassment, and lack of comprehensive support. ” [ 52 ] Participants reported feeling isolated due to a loss of self-confidence and social trust. One participant shared, “ I have nothing to do with anyone, and I am alone .”

Some qualitative studies reported on SIL among people with experiences of homelessness in the context of COVID-19 [ 51 , 79 , 82 , 83 ]. These studies explained how social distancing and other public health restrictions disrupted social relationships with housing staff, other residents, family members and communities and reduced access to services. Participants discussed how an increased fear and a lack of social networks exacerbated feelings of social isolation during lockdown periods: “ Aside from not being allowed to go out the f… door aye. I’m not allowed out. Everybody else can go for a walk, I am imprisoned in the square .” [ 83 ] Another study by Noble et al. [ 51 ] analyzed the impact of COVID-19 on 45 youth ages 16–24 living in emergency shelters in Toronto, Canada. Youth stressed that the pandemic and associated public health restrictions (e.g., closed common spaces, canceled in-person activities, social distancing and single-occupancy sleeping arrangements) led to reduced access to important social networks, and an associated increase in feelings of SIL: “ Like, right now, because of everyone’s at home, because of the lockdown and you can’t really like meet people […] it’s a very challenging moment, it’s testing me, another limit of me.” [ 51 ].

Intersectionality in homelessness, social isolation and loneliness

Using an intersectionality framework, defined as an approach that explores how various forms of discrimination and privilege overlap and interact to influence an individual’s experiences and challenges [ 84 ],we analyzed how studies explored the critical role of multiple identities in shaping SIL experiences among people with homelessness experience. People reported different SIL experiences and faced different SIL-related challenges based on their gender [ 69 ], ethnicity and sexual orientation [ 39 ], and age [ 48 ]. For example, Ferrari et al. [ 69 ], using the revised 3-item UCLA scale, found women had statistically significant and higher mean loneliness scores (6.29) compared with men (5.57). Using the same scale, Dost et al. [ 68 ] reported an average loneliness score of 5.2 (SD = 1.9); among self-identified men it was 5.1 (SD = 1.9) and among self-identified women, it was 5.4 (SD = 2.0) (n = 265 reported frequency of loneliness). Using the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale, Herrara-Murillo and Rodriguez-Martinez [ 70 ] found younger participants ( < 35 years of age) reported slightly higher levels of loneliness (mean score = 7.88) compared with older adult participants (between 35–60 years of age) (mean score = 7.4). Rokach [ 47 , 48 ] found homeless youth, compared to young adults, had higher mean subscale scores on interpersonal isolation (3.43 vs. 2.84) and self-alienation (1.91 vs. 1.48).

Other studies among younger populations also described how young people with experiences of being unhoused and coping with SIL are significantly different than their housed counterparts and older adults. Histories of addiction, rejection, trauma, and violence were intertwined with loneliness for young people with experience of homelessness [ 48 , 50 , 51 , 52 ]. A study by Rokach [ 48 ] focusing on the experiences of loneliness among homeless youth in a Canadian urban city found that causes of loneliness included feelings of personal inadequacy, developmental deficits, unfulfilling intimate relationships, relocation, and social marginality, which are unique to these groups of individuals when compared with older adults.

Toolis et al. [ 33 ] examined how multi-faceted forms of structural inequities faced by self-identified women experiencing homelessness (i.e., stigmatization, violence, and child apprehension) drive social exclusion experiences from services, peers, and broader society. This study illustrated how organizational settings with a culture of acceptance, support and mutuality can help women develop positive affirming relationships with one another that can alleviate feelings of social isolation. In this analysis, participants highlighted how their transgender identity contributed to experiences of isolation and loneliness and how their experiences were driven by forms of oppression prevalent across social service spaces such as co-ed shelters [ 33 ].

Association between SIL and health status or outcomes

Among the quantitative studies, only 8 reported direct associations between SIL and health status or outcomes (See Table  3 ). All of these studies utilized cross-sectional analyses and only one [ 56 ] used health administrative data to ascertain health outcomes. The health status and outcomes examined in these studies varied and included self-rated health [ 74 ], subjective health status [ 66 ], current cigarette use [ 72 ], ICU and hospital mortality [ 56 ], physical health burden [ 40 ], and risk of mental ill-health [ 31 ]. Additionally, some studies also examined social distress indicators such as sleep patterns [ 85 ], and experiences with eviction [ 67 ] or readmission to housing programs [ 55 ].

SIL was significantly associated with physical and mental health outcomes for people with experiences of homelessness. Drum and Medvene [ 66 ] found a negative correlation between subjective health and SIL (r = -0.39, p > 0.03). SIL was associated with higher odds of reporting poor health and mental health among men (OR: 1.98, 95% CI 1.36–2.88), but not statistically significant for women (OR: 1.71, 95% CI 0.96–3.05) [ 74 ]. Another study found participants who reported being sick had a higher level of SIL than those who reported being healthy (OR: Sick 1.228(0.524) p < 0.05) [ 70 ].

Moreover, a study by Patanwala et al. [ 40 ] reported that participants in the moderate-high physical symptom burden category had a significantly higher SIL score than participants in the minimal-low physical symptom burden category (AOR 2.32, 95% CI 1.26–4.28)). In addition, homeless veteran participants who reported SIL were 1.36 more likely (95% CI: 1.04–1.78) to report readmission to the Homeless Program of the VA Caribbean Healthcare System when compared to those who did not report social isolation [ 55 ].

Furthermore, people with severe mental health problems are generally at higher risk of being socially isolated or feeling alone. For example, Rodriguez-Moreno [ 31 ] compared homeless adult women at high risk of mental-ill health (HW-MI) and homeless women not at high risk of mental-ill health (HW-NMI) and found that HW-MI participants reported feeling significantly lonelier than homeless women without this risk (OR: 0.24, 95% CI 0.09–0.64).

Association between SIL, substance use, and social distress

None of the quantitative studies investigated the association between SIL and substance use, despite the fact that substance use is a prevalent issue among people with homelessness experience. However, some of the qualitative studies discussed how SIL and substance use are interconnected among people with experiences of homelessness [ 86 ]. Lafuente [ 36 ] reported participants relapsed to alcohol and other risk behaviors due to SIL: “I 've started drinking and at this particular time. They offered to put me back into treatment and at this time I was not homeless…and I refuse it…the alcohol has really taken over me. " Another study discussed how substance use contributed to SIL for participants who identified as male [ 59 ]. Participants discussed how the use of substances affected their social relationships in different ways including added strain, limited availability of resources from social relationships, and the interplay between substance use and feelings of social isolation at earlier and later stages in life [ 59 ].

Regarding social distress, Cruwys et al. [ 71 ] found that the social isolation schema predicted lower social identification with homelessness services. Individuals with negative experiences with homelessness services were less likely to become socially engaged with new groups, and this relationship remained over time. SIL was also associated with poor or restless sleeping patterns, particularly among women with restless sleep compared to men as reported by Davis et al. [ 85 ] Moreover, Tsai et al. [ 67 ] found that measures of loneliness (percentage relative importance = 17.12) as measured by the shortened revised version 3 of the UCLA Loneliness Scale and severity of substance use (percentage relative importance = 16.93) were the most important variables associated with any lifetime eviction and lifetime homelessness. Participants also depicted signs of social distress due to SIL, including fear of dying alone. Studies by Bazari et al. [ 87 ] and Finlay, Gaugler and Kane [ 88 ] highlighted the unique challenges of older adults with homelessness experience, including concerns of dying alone. Van Dongen et al. [ 89 ] examined medical and nursing records from 61 adults receiving end-of-life care in shelter-based nursing care settings in the Netherlands and found that one quarter (n = 15) of patients died alone.

In this scoping review, we explored social isolation and loneliness (SIL) as an under-researched social determinant of health among individuals with experiences of homelessness or those who are marginally or vulnerably housed. We summarized findings from 52 studies published between 2000 and 2023. Our review detailed how these studies conceptualized SIL, including the scales and tools used for its measurement. We also reported on the prevalence of SIL and examined its associations with well-being, health and social outcomes, and substance use among people with experiences of homelessness.

Most studies included in this review were published in 2010 or later, which shows a growing interest in this area. However, studies that have a specific focus on SIL and associated health and social outcomes continue to be scarce. Only one-third of the studies included in this review identify SIL as their primary goal or one of their main research questions. Most of the quantitative studies used a cross-sectional methodology, and we did not find any intervention studies that addressed SIL among people with histories of homelessness as the primary or secondary outcome. Despite these limitations, the studies summarized in this review provide an important overview of SIL among people with histories of homelessness.

Three main theoretical corpuses were used to conceptualize SIL in the context of housing and homelessness experience across the studies: theory of social exclusion [ 36 , 39 , 58 ], theory of social disaffiliation [ 36 ], and theory of digital exclusion (also called digital divide) [ 90 ]. Some studies mentioned structural stigma and alienation to explain systematic biases, policies and practices resulting in reinforcing SIL among people with histories of homelessness, particularly among people who use alcohol and other substances [ 37 ]. This suggests that SIL is a complex issue, embedded in a larger societal problem of socio-economic exclusion, which makes people who are marginalized by structural systems feel invisible, powerless and detached from society. Moreover, the shift to a more digital world, which requires some digital literacy and access to information and communication technologies, may lead to increased feelings of SIL and barriers to services for people with homelessness experience.

We found that the proportion of studied populations who reported SIL varies largely ranging from 25 to 90% across studies. However, the range of measurement scales used to measure SIL across studies limits consistency and comparability between studies. In addition, there are questions around the suitability and fitness of certain tools for measuring SIL among individuals who have experienced homelessness. For instance, the UCLA Loneliness Scale has been found to be challenging for Australians with cognitive disabilities [ 91 ], which is a common issue among some individuals experiencing homelessness [ 92 ]. Likewise, some tools focus on a single dimension [ 93 ] or use a single question [ 94 ], which limits their ability to capture the complex and multifaceted nature of SIL. A study conducted by Bower [ 75 ] identified several factors affecting the effectiveness and validity of SIL measures in marginalized groups while using the Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale for Adults (SELSA-S) with 128 homeless adults in Sydney, Australia. These factors included variations in loneliness dimensions (such as social, family, and romantic loneliness), the cognitive abilities of participants to understand and answer questions, and the necessity for cultural adaptation, as meanings can differ across countries and cultures.

Studies included in this review also showed how personal identities play a role in an individual’s perception of their experiences of SIL and how it affects them as they navigate health, social and housing services. In one study [ 33 ], a participant described how they were rejected from a shelter agency because they identified as transgender. This raises important questions about the inclusivity and equity of service provision and suggests that personal identity can significantly affect one's ability to access essential support. Other studies showed relationships between SIL, age and self-identifying as a woman. These findings are not only consistent with broader research [ 95 , 96 ] but also underscore deeper, often systemic issues within social service frameworks [ 97 ]. The intersection of SIL with identity-related factors indicates that care and social services may be insufficiently trained and equipped to address the unique challenges faced by different demographic groups [ 98 , 99 ].

Findings from studies included in this review show a relationship between SIL, health and social distress among people with homelessness experience. SIL was associated with poor sleeping patterns [ 85 ], and with lower social identification with homelessness services [ 71 ], with any lifetime eviction and lifetime homelessness [ 67 ]. Related to health, SIL is negatively associated with subjective health [ 66 ], self-reported illness [ 70 ], health and mental health among both men and women [ 74 ], severe mental health problems [ 31 ] and substance use [ 59 ]. These findings are in line with what has been reported in studies carried out in other population groups, where an association has been found between SIL and health behavior and physical heath [ 1 , 100 , 101 ] including risk of heart disease, stroke, hospitalization, death and mental health [ 3 , 102 , 103 , 110 , 111 ].

There are several potential reasons for the relationship between SIL, negative health [ 6 ] and desire to participate in social and physical activities [ 101 , 104 ] or use healthcare services, thereby exacerbating pre-existing conditions or contributing to the emergence of new health problems [ 105 , 106 , 109 ]. For instance, some studies indicate that SIL can lead to reduced participation in social and physical activities, as well as lower utilization of social and healthcare services [ 43 , 107 ]. This diminished engagement can subsequently heighten the likelihood of developing or worsening mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety [ 108 ].

Additionally, individuals with SIL combined with homelessness experience often suffer from a significant loss of self-esteem, self-worth, and self-confidence [ 36 , 52 ].This situation can be worsened when individuals perceive that their SIL is related to ageism, racial or ethnic background or discrimination based on gender identity or sexual orientation [ 39 ]. The interplay of these factors can result in increased social withdrawal, decreased physical activity, and diminished engagement with healthcare services, all of which further elevate the risks for a range of physical and mental health problems [ 59 , 103 ], including obesity and associated health issues, depression, food and sleeping issues, suicidal ideation and premature deaths [ 82 , 83 , 84 ].

Gaps in the existing literature and recommendations

We identified several gaps in the studies included in this review. First, SIL was not the primary objective of the majority of the included studies. Thus, there was limited interest to provide a clear definition of SIL or a detailed description of its measurement. Second, the quantitative studies used different measurement tools, with some of them not primarily conceived to measure SIL, thus making comparisons across studies difficult. Additionally, many of these studies used cross-sectional design and covered very small and not generally representative samples. Thus, the estimation of the prevalence of SIL among people with homelessness experience and living in supportive or social housing remained exploratory, and the studies cannot establish causality between SIL and physical or mental health conditions or with social wellbeing. Studies that are mainly focused on SIL, and more longitudinal and targeted interventions are required to better understand the potential links between SIL and these outcomes. Future studies must also include more specific and objective health outcomes like depression or anxiety disorder, drug and alcohol disorder, service use, suicidal ideation and attempts or premature aging, which are prevalent among people with homelessness experience [ 86 ]. Third, the existing literature is very limited in analyzing how SIL impacts some populations differently, in particular women [ 112 , 113 ] and non-binary or gender-diverse groups [ 114 , 115 ]. Mayock and Bretherton [ 116 ] discussed how gender shapes the trajectories of women experiencing homelessness. Research has demonstrated that women are often affected by and respond to homelessness in different ways than males, and thus have different experiences of homelessness [ 112 ]. Self-identified queer people/people who are sexually diverse and/or trans- and gender-diverse and are experiencing homelessness similarly have a distinct experience [ 114 ]. Hail-Jares et al. [ 115 ] discussed how queer youth experience higher rates of homelessness and greater housing instability compared to their cisgender and heterosexual counterparts. Gender diverse youth who must choose between staying in the family home, maintaining their LGBTQ2S identity, and continuing to be physically and mentally safe, often consider homelessness as the perceived safer option [ 117 ]. In addition, future homelessness-related studies examining SIL should seek to make methodological distinctions that reflect differences based on gender identity and not consider queer/gender-diverse people as a homogenous group.

Finally, we found no studies that specifically explored SIL among people with homelessness experience from a particular ethnicity. Given the significant impact of ethnicity on experiences of homelessness, it is likely that ethnicity plays an important role or has a multiplier effect in the way SIL is experienced [ 118 , 119 ]. There is also a lack of geographic and regional representation across the studies, since most of them were conducted in the US and Canada. Further, research that includes diverse population and geographic regions would help inform broader policy change and programming for people from different cultural and ethnic groups.

Limitations

This study has some limitations. First, to ensure feasibility, the review exclusively included peer-reviewed articles published in English, French, and Spanish from the year 2000 onwards. This restriction could introduce publication bias and potentially omit relevant studies published in other languages or formats. Second, the review utilized a broad definition of both homelessness experience and health outcomes. This inclusive approach allowed the incorporation of a diverse range of studies from various countries and methodological approaches. However, this broad scope might have introduced heterogeneity that complicates the synthesis of findings. This lack of standardized definitions and measurements makes it challenging to compare and aggregate results across different studies.

Conclusions

Despite these limitations, our scoping review is the first in the literature to provide a deep and nuanced understanding of SIL that accounts for the theoretical conceptualizations, the measurement and complex interplay of identity and systemic barriers among people with homelessness experience. Our review points to the critical need for more research to better understand SIL among different populations experiencing marginalization and to assess the relationship between SIL and health and social outcomes. Testing and validating SIL measurement tools would help to improve the quality of evidence. Additional research with diverse populations and countries is urgently needed, along with interventional studies to build evidence to inform the development of actionable strategies to address SIL among people with homelessness experience. As implications for public policies, these studies highlight that SIL is a prevalent and significant issue in the lives of people with homelessness experience. There is a lack of awareness and training of healthcare providers to recognize and understand SIL as a health risk factor in addition to other challenges for marginalized groups and in particular people with homeliness experience. It is crucial to develop and implement policies to create awareness and best practices that are sensitive to SIL as a growing public health issue and to advocate for systemic changes that address the root causes of discrimination and exclusion, in particular among people with homelessness experience or housing precarity.

Availability of data and materials

All data generated or analysed during this study are included in supplementary information files.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank the members of MAP Centre for Urban Health Solutions Community Expert Group for participating in reviewing the scoping review protocol and manuscript. We also thank Parvin Merchant the Director of Support Services Department at Houselink and Mainstay Community Housing for her input and support of this project. Lastly, we are grateful for the review by Jesse I.R. Jenkinson at MAP Centre for Urban Health Solutions.

This research was supported by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) Foundation Grant (FDN-167263) awarded to Stephen Wesley Hwang, and a Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR)- Fellowship Award (RAT-171348) in partnership with Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation awarded to James Lachaud. Stephen Wesley Hwang is supported by funding from the Canada Research Chairs Program. The funding institutions had no role in the collection, analysis, and interpretation of the data, nor in the preparation, revision, or approval of the present manuscript. The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors.

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JL had full access to all of the data and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the results. JL, AY, and SH conceptualized and designed the review. JL, AY, MF, MP, EG, CZ, CM-L, and SW performed data acquisition, analysis, or interpretation. JL, AY, MF, MP, and EG drafted the manuscript. JL, AY, MF, MP, EG, CZ, CM-L, and SW performed critical revision of the manuscript for important intellectual content. JL, AY, EG, and SH were responsible for administrative, technical, or material support. JL and SH obtained funding.

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Lachaud, J., Yusuf, A.A., Maelzer, F. et al. Social isolation and loneliness among people living with experience of homelessness: a scoping review. BMC Public Health 24 , 2515 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-024-19850-7

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  • Social isolation and loneliness
  • Homelessness
  • Supportive housing
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BMC Public Health

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short essay about loneliness

IMAGES

  1. Loneliness Essay Free Essay Example

    short essay about loneliness

  2. The Causes of Loneliness Essay Example

    short essay about loneliness

  3. Loneliness Is My Only Friend

    short essay about loneliness

  4. My Reason for Being Alone and Being Happy about It: [Essay Example

    short essay about loneliness

  5. ≫ Loneliness vs Sadness Free Essay Sample on Samploon.com

    short essay about loneliness

  6. Free Loneliness Essay Examples and Topic Ideas

    short essay about loneliness

VIDEO

  1. Why are we so lonely? The answer to fighting it may be in our relationships with others

  2. I don't like video essays

  3. Scott Pilgrim -- Knives & Loneliness #scottpilgrim #scottpilgrimtakesoff #loneliness #comics #shorts

  4. Why You ALWAYS Become What You HATE

  5. Film Characters At Their Most Vulnerable (this isn’t really a video essay but hear me out)

  6. The Blessing and Curse of Isolation

COMMENTS

  1. Loneliness Essay Sample

    Essay Example On Loneliness Thesis Statement - Loneliness Essay. Loneliness is a consequence of being robbed of one's freedom. It can be due to imprisonment, loss of liberty, or being discriminated against. Introduction - Loneliness Essay. Loneliness is a social phenomenon that has been the subject of much research since time immemorial.

  2. Loneliness: Causes and Health Consequences

    Loneliness can leave people feeling isolated and disconnected from others. It is a complex state of mind that can be caused by life changes, mental health conditions, poor self-esteem, and personality traits. Loneliness can also have serious health consequences including decreased mental wellness and physical problems.

  3. How is it possible to be loved and yet to feel deeply lonely?

    But they miss something as well. On these views, loving friendships allow us to avoid loneliness because the loving friend provides a form of recognition we require as social beings. Without loving friendships, or when we are apart from our friends, we are unable to secure this recognition. So we become lonely.

  4. Coping with Loneliness: 13 Writing Prompts to Improve Your Mental

    In fact, studies have shown that loneliness can be as harmful to your mental health as smoking 15 cigarettes a day. Loneliness can also increase anxiety levels. This is because loneliness can make you feel insecure and threatened, which can lead to feelings of worry and fear. Loneliness can also disrupt your sleep patterns.

  5. Loneliness Essay

    To be alone means that your are not in the company of anyone else. You are one. But loneliness can happen anytime, anywhere. You can be lonely in a crowd, lonely with friends, lonely with family. You can even be lonely while with loved ones. For feeling lonely, is in essence a feeling of being alone. As thought you were one and you feel as ...

  6. Essay On Loneliness

    Essay. Introduction: Loneliness is a complex and usually unpleasant emotional response to isolation. It refers to a state of being alone. It is a moment when one feels sad because of being cut off from one's near and dear ones either physically or psychologically. The extreme case of physical loneliness would be solitary confinement in a ...

  7. Loneliness Essays

    Loneliness and Depression in "Of Mice and Men" by John Steinbeck. Essay grade: Good. 1 page / 471 words. John Steinbeck, the author of "Of Mice And Men", is trying to say that the loneliness leads to depression and it is a major theme in the novel. Most of the characters are very lonely because they have no family.

  8. Loneliness Essays: Samples & Topics

    Alienation and Loneliness in The Road by Cormac McCarthy. 9. The Effect of Loneliness on College Students. 10. The Theme of Loneliness in John Steinbeck Book Of Mice and Men. 11. How to Deal With Loneliness in a Healthy Way. 12. The Relation of Social Isolation to Crime Commiting. 13. Postcolonial elements in Aravind Adiga's The White Tiger. 14.

  9. Life Experience Of Loneliness [Free Essay Sample], 928 words

    Life Experience Of Loneliness. Talking to new people and making friends is something I've always struggled with. Even the thought of being surrounded by strangers and having to hold a conversation gives me shivers. I've never been good at talking to people and confidence wasn't something that I'd ever had, but recently with all the new ...

  10. The History of Loneliness

    In 1959, psychiatry discovered loneliness, in a subtle essay by the German analyst Frieda Fromm-Reichmann. "Loneliness seems to be such a painful, frightening experience that people will do ...

  11. Loneliness

    Loneliness is the state of distress or discomfort that results when one perceives a gap between one's desires for social connection and actual experiences of it. Even some people who are ...

  12. How to Cope With Loneliness: 9 Strategies to Try

    Depression: A 2021 study published in Lancet Psychiatry found associations between loneliness and depressive symptoms in a group of adults 50 years old and older. Research also suggests that loneliness and depression may feed off of and perpetuate each other. Physical health: Several studies have linked emotional stress with depressed immunity. Other research links loneliness and depression ...

  13. Loneliness and Social Isolation

    Loneliness and social isolation are different, but related. Loneliness is the distressing feeling of being alone or separated. Social isolation is the lack of social contacts and having few people to interact with regularly. You can live alone and not feel lonely or socially isolated, and you can feel lonely while being with other people.

  14. 'I'm surrounded by people

    It can be incredibly debilitating being lonely." The relationship between loneliness and spending time alone is complex - 83% of people in our study said they like being on their own. A third did ...

  15. Loneliness

    Loneliness is an unpleasant emotional response to perceived isolation.Loneliness is also described as social pain - a psychological mechanism which motivates individuals to seek social connections.It is often associated with a perceived lack of connection and intimacy. Loneliness overlaps and yet is distinct from solitude.Solitude is simply the state of being apart from others; not everyone ...

  16. Essay About Loneliness In Life

    Today, many people suffer from lack of acceptance, and loneliness, and they feel running away is the best answer to the problem. Baya Voce says, "Loneliness is a public health crisis, but 1 in 5 Americans suffer from loneliness.". - " It can cause depression, and it can even lead to premature death." - "Instead of leaning in to our ...

  17. Loneliness Theme: Isolation & Alienation in Literature with Examples

    Loneliness Theme: History & Examples. The modern concept of loneliness is relatively new. It first emerged in the 16 th century and has undergone many transformations since then.. The first formal mention of loneliness appeared in George Milton's Paradise Lost in the 17 th century. There are also many references to loneliness in Shakespeare's works.; Later on, after the Industrial ...

  18. Loneliness and Friendship in the Book 'Of Mice and Men' by John

    Clearly, the reader learns that Crooks lashes out and is cold to the men on the ranch because of the discrimination and loneliness he has dealt with. In addition to Crooks, Curley's wife also seeks a friendship to help her fill the void of loneliness that is in her life. However, she expresses her loneliness in a different way than Crooks.

  19. Narrative Essay On Loneliness

    In the novel Of Mice and Men by John Steinbeck, two men named George and Lennie move around a lot and work on ranches. In the novel they are working on a ranch near Soledad, California; Soledad means solitude connecting to loneliness. While they are there they meet people like Crooks, Curley, Curley's wife, Carlson and Candy.

  20. Loneliness and Social Isolation

    Overcoming loneliness and isolation tip 1: Expand your social network. Whether you just relocated or simply feel a lack of social support, forming new connections might help you overcome feelings of loneliness. Here are some ways to find new friends and acquaintances. Join clubs that match your interests.

  21. of Mice and men Loneliness Essay

    You can also find more Essay Writing articles on events, persons, sports, technology and many more. Long and Short Essays on of Mice and men Loneliness for Students and Kids in English. We provide students with essay samples on a long essay of 500 words and a short essay of 150 words on the topic Of Mice and Men for reference.

  22. Loneliness Matters: A Theoretical and Empirical Review of Consequences

    Introduction. Loneliness is a common experience; as many as 80% of those under 18 years of age and 40% of adults over 65 years of age report being lonely at least sometimes [1-3], with levels of loneliness gradually diminishing through the middle adult years, and then increasing in old age (i.e., ≥70 years) [].Loneliness is synonymous with perceived social isolation, not with objective ...

  23. Social isolation and loneliness among people living with experience of

    Social isolation and loneliness (SIL) are public health challenges that disproportionally affect individuals who experience structural and socio-economic exclusion. The social and health outcomes of SIL for people with experiences of being unhoused have largely remained unexplored. Yet, there is limited synthesis of literature focused on SIL to appropriately inform policy and targeted social ...