photography research task

While all of the thirty-one articles reviewed for this paper focused on learners in compulsory education, they covered a wide range of topics within education in a variety of countries. These included gender and bullying in schools in England ( ), inclusion of learners with special educational needs and disabilities in UK, Zambia and Indonesia ( ), the school experiences of Black middle-class male youth in high school in usa ( ), the views of learners in Nordic countries on healthy and unhealthy eating ( ), transition of learners from primary to secondary schools in Bangladesh ( ), the understandings of inclusion held by migrant learners in schools in England ( ) and friendship and meaning in young people’s lives in Australia ( ). The themes explored are necessarily selective and not intended to be exhaustive. However, this thematic section is offered as a summary of some of the key focal points, highlighting significant diversities and commonalities, and with these, some gaps and critical questions that will be discussed and suggested to be taken forward in future research. The two themes are: why photography is used; and how photography and photographs are used. Each of these themes will be treated individually below. Key points from the themes are noted in table .

As referred to earlier, has stated that research methods in social research should be ‘fit for purpose’. This means that a researcher should think carefully about what method would best fit the research topic and the research participants with whom they wish to engage.

It appears that the photographic method is viewed within the selected articles as appropriate for use with a range of different learners in education, and this raises a question about motivation in choosing this method from the vast array of options that are available to any researcher. Despite some critical discussion of the use of the photographic method, most authors were drawn to this approach as an alternative to traditional qualitative methods that focus on the spoken word or observable phenomena, due to its potential to uncover issues that are not often explored, with groups who aren’t often asked, thus adding a richness that may otherwise be absent. Subsequently, three dominant and, in some cases, interlinked terms that emerged were ‘representation’, ‘participation’ and ‘emancipation’. In many cases the researchers discussed more than one of these terms as the focus of the research.

A number of the papers stated that they used photographic methods in order to better ‘represent’ the views or experiences of a particular group of research participants. These were often used in conjunction with other methods, such as in study with teenage female Aboriginal and Maori learners in Australia and New Zealand, that innovated to create the method of ‘photoyarn’ that combined photography with indigenous yarning and yarning circles to represent these students’ experiences. study on spatial mobility of learners viewed representation of children’s ‘real’ experiences as key, as did work with Traveller children and research with learners with special educational needs and disabilities. study on sexual cultures within secondary schools viewed photography as offering participants ‘alternative means of recounting their stories’ (p. 550). Taking representation further, work with children (as part of families) wished to ‘disrupt normative representations of families’ (p. 48). Therefore it was not just about offering a standardized representation of experience, but also challenging current or common representations. Nevertheless, the question remains, and is often raised by these and other authors, about the extent to which a photograph can be described as truly representative of a person, place, time or concept. Reflecting the background debates of many of the studies included in this review, Newman et al., (2006) describe representation as a debate between ‘realist’ and ‘critical’ approaches, between the idea that a photograph can be accurately representative, and the idea that any image invites interpretation and a construction of meaning among a number of actors. There are also significant issues of power, given that it is normally the adult researchers who ultimately get to decide what gets shared from the research work with learners ( ). In this way, it is a deeply ethical issue and researchers need to very carefully consider whether what they are offering is a representation that is in line with what the photographer and/or the photographed intended, in addition to be cognizant of the fact that what the image represents may be viewed differently by the audience (particularly salient in projects where the images are displayed, such as ) and also that this may change over time.

A large number of papers foregrounded the ‘participatory’ side of the photography, where it was chosen in order to promote participation and ‘voice’ in educational research on a particular topic. In paper that focused on the inclusion of learners with special educational needs in education and research, they describe visual methods as appropriate to their study as they ‘gave ‘voice’ and agency to those less able in number, language and textual skills which have systematically biased accounts in past qualitative research.’ (p. 59) work on understandings of learning stated their view that photography ‘offers a very accessible way for young people to become active in the research process themselves, to reverse the normal role of having research done to them, and allow them to participate more in this process’ (p. 366). Similarly, used photography as a way of promoting participation of migrant learners, some non-native speakers of English, in research, due to the lack of competence in English language required to engage with visual methods. , in her extensive research in South Africa, suggested that using such methods forms part of a researcher’s social responsibility to encourage participation in educational research of a variety of groups. Several studies went further to suggest that photographic methods were specifically child-friendly (e.g., ; ; ). However, a question does arise as to the particular ways in which participants might be participating or not participating – such as whether lack of enthusiasm for taking photographs might represent a withdrawal of consent ( ) – as well as whether that creates a false sense of agency to effect change ( ). Furthermore, it must not be assumed that photography is automatically a more ‘child-friendly’ method than any other; returning to , all methods should be ‘fit for purpose’ and adapted to the particular context of the research.

Finally, another tranche of papers in this review focused more on the ‘emancipatory’ potential of using photography as a method in educational research. used photography to highlight the lack of representation for women of colour in the media, and thereby ‘provoked critical conversations about race and gender in their school community.’ (p. 299) viewed photography by Latino/a youth on challenging racism in schools as a way of ‘unsilencing’ them, allowing their voices to be heard as a way of empowering them. used the term ‘counter storytelling’ (Stovall, 2006) to describe how she viewed photography, offering young people of color in usa high schools the chance to counter the dominant narratives about their lives, through not only taking but also displaying their photos. stated that Black male youth participants in his study ‘expressed excitement over getting to share their stories and were hopeful that schoolteachers and administrators would understand them better.’ (p. 452) It is interesting to note that the distinctly emancipatory tone appears to come out most strongly from studies based in the usa where the research participants were secondary school age. This raises questions about whether the perception of agency is absent in many other countries, particularly among primary-age learners, perhaps showing that in compulsory education there remains the sense, introduced earlier, that younger learners are ‘human becomings’ in need of development and adult protection rather than fully-fledged ‘human beings’ with valid opinions and agency ( ).

In addition to the motivation behind using photography, another key theme was how photography and the photographs themselves were used. This is the second theme and is considered below.

Many of the studies in this review paid tribute to the development of specific sub-methods within photography-as-method, such as ‘photo-voice’ (Wang & Burris, 1997) and ‘photo-elicitation’ (Collier & Collier, 1986). However, even where these tried-and-tested methods were employed, researchers used photography and photographs in a variety of ways. There was a clear distinction between those studies that used ‘found’ or pre-generated photographs and those where the participants generated the photographs themselves.

There were only a small number of papers that used pre-generated and/or researcher-generated photographs. These were normally shown to the participants as a way of prompting discussion. study on learners’ perceptions of un/healthy food used pre-generated photographs that were shared with focus groups of children who looked at and then discussed them. Pang et al.’s, (2016) research on subjectivities of un/healthy bodies among Chinese Australian youth used photographs of different bodies from magazines to elicit their views. In part of study, researcher-generated photographs of one school (in Zambia) were shown to learners in another school (in Tanzania) to prompt discussion. study on primary-secondary transition for learners in Bangladesh (2012) used researcher-generated photographs of the learners’ primary school to bring back memories for the learners. Unusually for the selected studies, two papers described researcher-generated photography: uses the photographs taken by herself of a school, and then analyses them herself to explore the school experiences of learners in socioeconomically divergent schools; and uses researcher-generated photographs of shifts in stages of play among young primary school learners. While such studies may raise questions about representation and interpretation (see Rose, 2011), the apparent effectiveness that authors report does pose a challenge to the popular idea that photographs must be generated by participants in order to promote participation in research. It may be that pre-generated photographs are more suitable than participant-generated photographs for exploring particular topics, especially where the issues might be deemed too sensitive to warrant the production of photographs that might be attributed to particular individuals. Indeed, confidentiality is another ethical concern that was mentioned frequently in the articles under review (see, for example, ).

Much more popular than the use of pre-generated photographs was the approach whereby research participants themselves generated photographs. Unsurprisingly, this appears to overlap with studies that saw themselves as overtly ‘representative’, ‘participatory’ or ‘emancipatory’. Many of these studies stated that photo-voice was used, such as Mitchell et al.,’s (2006) work on school absenteeism in rural South Africa, study with Latino/a youth in usa, research on literacy with high school students in usa, and study on wellbeing among adolescents in usa. Usually, research participants were provided with a disposable (e.g. ) or digital camera (e.g. ) and were given the task of taking photographs relating to a particular topic, either within school, with the researcher being present (e.g., ) or outside school, independently and without the researcher being present (e.g. ). Then these cameras were returned to the researcher and at least some of the photographs were developed/printed for the participants to view. The majority of studies that involved participants taking photographs themselves used a version of ‘photo-elicitation’ following the photograph-taking in order to find out participants’ meanings and intentions in taking the photographs, and/or to promote discussion or debate on a particular topic. In O’Donaghue’s (2007) study on gender and masculinities in Irish primary schools, participants added written captions to their images, based also on notes that they had taken down as they took their photographs. paper describes two different approaches: one where a written inscription was added to the photos and another where the photographs were used as a stimulus for oral discussion during individual interviews rather than pinpointing a caption. In their study on deaf children’s experiences of school, used computers to allow participants to edit the images and to add their own interpretations to them. In these kinds of studies, then, the issue of representation and interpretation again came to the fore, with many selecting photo-elicitation as a way of trying to foreground the interpretations of learners rather than those of the adult researchers.

It is worth adding that a small number of studies combined the use of pre-generated and participant-generated photographs. For example, Kirby, Levin and Inchley (2013) investigated the environmental factors that influence physical activity participation among young people in Scotland, where primary school participants created blogs using some of their own and ‘found’ images as a way of capturing the full extent of what they wanted to say, or to keep their own images private. It may be that this offers a more inclusive approach as learner-participants have the choice of creating or finding images that satisfy them, rather than experiencing discomfort in viewing their own ‘inadequate’ photographs or sharing their own images without fully informed consent. Indeed, given that most studies stated that their aim was to be inclusive, then this approach may go some way towards achieving this.

Springing from this, then, is the issue of involvement of research participants in data analysis or in ‘member checking’ once the findings have been drafted. As with the issue of representation, this is an ethical issue, thus showing how ethical dilemmas are threaded through the entire research process, and pertinent often long after the formal research period has come to an end. While it may be argued that photo elicitation goes some way towards involving participants in data analysis, the reality remains that the opportunity to return to the schools and learners and get their input into the analysis of the data was rarely offered or taken (with the exception of computer-based analysis with deaf children). The child rights-based approach developed most extensively by Laura Lundy (see ) would argue that children should be involved at every stage of research, including design, fieldwork, data analysis and dissemination, and so this last stage would be invaluable.

However, it may be argued that the sharing of these photographs (often with captions) is another way of involving participants in data analysis, given that they have some control over what gets shared. This was the case in a number of the studies, where a school- or community-based exhibition was set up (e.g., ; ; ; ; ; ). Nevertheless, it remains the case that the audience has the freedom to interpret the images on display in their own way, which may be entirely different from the intentions of the learner-photographers, and therefore may not promote the kind of ‘counter storytelling’ that scholars such as or might wish for.

This article reviewed 31 research articles from 2001–2019 on the use of photography as a research method with learners in compulsory education. It was set against the background of discussions around ‘visual’, ‘participatory’ and ‘arts-based’ research methods, and the growth of photography as a method in general was attributed to shifts in understandings of children and young people that came around the time of the adoption by the UN of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989, and the movement within the sociology of childhood that began to more vocally advocate the appreciation of different, agentic childhoods and children. It was highlighted that while photography is popular in some disciplines, it remains a relatively under-utilised research method with learners in school-based compulsory education. Nevertheless, 31 research articles were selected for the qualitative, narrative review, and two themes were drawn out. The first theme related to the motivation behind the authors’ use of photography as a research method. Motivations were classified in three ways: representation, participation and emancipation. While the analysis broadly agreed that these were laudable aims, it also raised issues relating to the extent to which a photograph can represent reality and the issue of interpretation by the photographer, the photographed, and the audience, as well as whether participation always indicates consent and whether participation in research can create a false sense of agency to effect change. Another point that was considered was that it appeared to be the studies based in secondary education in the usa that had an overtly emancipatory agenda, and reflected on whether this indicated that, in other countries and in primary education, there is still the sense that learners cannot effect real change.

The second theme considered how photography and the photographs themselves were used in the studies related in these articles. This was broadly divided into two aspects: the use of pre-generated (or ‘found’) photographs; and the use of participant-generated photographs. While a small number of studies used pre-generated photographs, the overwhelming majority involved participants in generating and sometimes editing photographs, and further sometimes selecting photographs for dissemination. This led to a discussion around involving participants in the interpretation of the photographs, where ‘photo-voice’ and ‘photo-elicitation’ techniques were found to be very popular. It was found that only very few studies managed to return to the participants at a later stage for a final ‘member-check’ on the analysis, which for some authors was regrettable, and perhaps not fully in line with the ‘child rights-based approach’ to research.

Given the relatively small uptake of the photographic research method for use with learners in compulsory education (considering both the articles contained in this review as well as a number of monographs and edited volumes mentioned earlier), it is worth pondering, for a moment, why that is. Its limited use may come as a surprise, given that it feels like we are surrounded (bombarded?) by visual culture on a constant basis in the 21st century. This is not least because of the rapid rise and now pervasiveness of social media, particularly among young people ( ). As , p. 361) notes, there are ‘contradictions between the current widespread practice of visual recordings in public and private spheres and the cautious approach adopted in educational research’. This is a conundrum that this Special Issue on ‘Visual Methods in Educational Research’ seeks, in part, to address, and I would like to make my contribution here too.

One of the biggest concerns that has emerged with the rise of photographic research methods is that of ethics, and certainly ethical concerns were something that many of the authors of the articles in this review very clearly grappled with. It appears to be a particularly thorny issue due to the (perceived or real) higher chance of participants being identified through images of their faces than via text-based methods. There are also ethical considerations around the potential for mis-representation of participants’ images (as mentioned above by ), whether children and young people, unfamiliar with research and researchers, can be said to have given ‘fully informed consent’ and who, ultimately, owns the images. These are challenges over which researchers are not agreed, and different researchers have chosen to use the images in different ways, with some using them in public displays, some using software to turn photographs into cartoons or line drawings, others blurring faces in published work, and still others publishing or even holding on to no images at all. In addition to ethical concerns, allusion was made earlier to understandings of children and young people as ‘human becomings’ rather than ‘human beings’ as it was noted that there has been some shifting in this area, not least thanks to the uncrc 1989. However, it may be that the idea of young people as ‘human becomings’ still prevails and may go some way towards explaining the low uptake of the photographic method in the school environment. While full exploration of these issues is beyond the scope of this study (see , for a good summary), it is important to be aware that the rise of university ethics committees and schools’ increasing concerns about being legally challenged over misuse of images, juxtaposed with the ever-increasing popularity of image-based social media, mean that this debate is likely to continue to evolve. ( ; )

However, I would like to posit that it is not only such important ethical and age-related concerns that may be contributing to the lack of use of photography in school-based research; it may also be that access to schools is restricted as research using photography is not strictly related to the ‘core’ subjects of literacy or numeracy. Therefore, it is a challenge for researchers to convince schools of the benefits of their research and may explain why so many of the studies included in this review were very clear about their intentions in using photography and photographs: many of them had to engage in a process of negotiation with schools in order to gain access ( , is a case in point). This is certainly a challenge that I, as a user of photographic research methods, have faced (see ).

A final conundrum that arises from this research review is the fact that the photographic research method is not widely used in compulsory education outside the ‘West’. This is of particular significance to a journal like this one – the – as there is so little published work on the use of photography as a research method in education in China – in English or, I am reliably informed by my local colleagues, in Chinese. The usa and UK show most often in searches for research papers. It would be useful for future research to consider more extensively why that might be, so that all methods might be considered, and so that we can all work towards using methods that are ‘fit for purpose’ and inclusive of all groups in education.

To close, it is important to return to the motivation behind using photography, and why at least some researchers continue to forge ahead in developing the method. I am convinced that photography can be a useful research method in education as long as one remembers that it is imperfect and partial, and should be understood within and adapted to a context, where the researcher is always ready to abandon the method if it is not effective or appropriate. It can contribute to answering some of the most important questions within education, but it cannot answer any one question in full. The final word is left for the author of one of the articles in this review:

As I have written elsewhere ( ) as have many others, this need to reflect the narratives of those within the education systems that we, as social researchers, hope to benefit, continues to be a moral imperative and one that requires our continual engagement.

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• 4.1 Why Photography is Used: Representation, Participation and Emancipation
• 4.2 How Photography and Photographs are Used: Pre-generated, Researcher-generated and Participant-generated Photographs
• 5 Summary and Reflecting on the Prospects for Photography as a Research Method in Education
• Review Articles

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Hogan, S. (2022), "Photography in Research (Summary of Photographic Research Methods: Photo-documentation, Photo-elicitation, Semiotic Analysis and Content Analysis)", Photography ( Arts for Health ), Emerald Publishing Limited, Leeds, pp. 111-133. https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80071-535-620221005

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Photography: Research Methodologies for Photography

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The visual vernacular: embracing photographs in research

Jennifer cleland.

1 Lee Kong Chian School of Medicine, Nanyang Technological University Singapore, Singapore, Singapore

Anna MacLeod

2 Division of Medical Education, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS Canada

Associated Data

The increasing use of digital images for communication and interaction in everyday life can give a new lease of life to photographs in research. In contexts where smartphones are ubiquitous and many people are “digital natives”, asking participants to share and engage with photographs aligns with their everyday activities and norms more than textual or analogue approaches to data collection. Thus, it is time to consider fully the opportunities afforded by digital images and photographs for research purposes. This paper joins a long-standing conversation in the social science literature to move beyond the “linguistic imperialism” of text and embrace visual methodologies. Our aim is to explain the photograph as qualitative data and introduce different ways of using still images/photographs for qualitative research purposes in health professions education (HPE) research: photo-documentation, photo-elicitation and photovoice, as well as use of existing images. We discuss the strengths of photographs in research, particularly in participatory research inquiry. We consider ethical and philosophical challenges associated with photography research, specifically issues of power, informed consent, confidentiality, dignity, ambiguity and censorship. We outline approaches to analysing photographs. We propose some applications and opportunities for photographs in HPE, before concluding that using photographs opens up new vistas of research possibilities.

Supplementary Information

The online version of this article (10.1007/s40037-021-00672-x) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

A Qualitative Space highlights research approaches that push readers and scholars deeper into qualitative methods and methodologies. Contributors to A Qualitative Space may: advance new ideas about qualitative methodologies, methods, and/or techniques; debate current and historical trends in qualitative research; craft and share nuanced reflections on how data collection methods should be revised or modified; reflect on the epistemological bases of qualitative research; or argue that some qualitative practices should end. Share your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag: #aqualspace

Introduction

Smartphones, tablets, and other devices are increasingly embedded in everyday life, influencing how many people interact, think, behave and connect with other people [ 1 , 2 ]. Many people Whatsapp, tweet and text, and/or use Facebook, Instagram and Twitter for professional, social, educational and entertainment purposes. Images are increasingly accessed and used where words would have been used in the past. Indeed, more than 10 years ago, van Dijck [ 3 ] suggested that “digital cameras, camera phones, photoblogs and other multipurpose devices are used to promote the use of images as the preferred idiom of a new generation of users.”

The increasing use of digital images for communication and interaction in everyday life has given a new lease of life to a source of research data long embraced by sociology and anthropology [ 4 , 5 ]. In contexts where smartphones are ubiquitous and with groups of “digital natives” asking participants to share and engage with photographs, this aligns with their everyday activities and norms more than textual or analogue approaches to data collection. Thus, it is time to consider fully the opportunities afforded by digital images and photographs for research purposes [ 6 , 7 ].

This paper joins a long-standing conversation in the social science literature which advocates moving beyond the “linguistic imperialism” of text [ 8 ] to embrace visual methodologies. This conversation has relatively recently made its way into health professions education (HPE): for example, various authors have proposed video [ 9 ], video-reflexivity [ 10 ] and drawings [ 11 ] for research purposes. However, the use of still images or photographs in research remains niche to some areas of inquiry (e.g., exploring patient experiences, particularly mental health and experiences of serious illness (e.g., [ 12 – 14 ]) and some healthcare professions disciplines (e.g., nursing: [ 15 ])), and is an under-exploited approach in HPE research (see below for notable exceptions). Yet it is a method which offers many possibilities, particularly in respect to giving research participants more agency and power in the research process than is the case in traditional qualitative data collection approaches such as interviews.

In this paper, we discuss ways of using photographs in research, focusing on the use of photography within participatory research inquiry. We consider ethical and philosophical challenges associated with photography research, as well as its unique strengths. We outline some popular approaches to analysing photographic data. We finish with a brief consideration of how photographs could be used more in HPE research.

The photograph as data

Photography has been described as a silent voice, another language to communicate with and understand others, and a way of accessing complexities which may not be captured by text or oral language [ 16 ]. As instances of Latour’s “immutable, combinable mobiles” [ 17 ]—literally things which do not change but which carry action and meaning across time and place, as objects of memory and of relationship—photographs allow us to see what was “happening” at a particular point in time.

Photographs can be a source of data (photo-documentation and existing images) and a tool for eliciting data (photo-elicitation and photovoice). Each of these approaches are explained below.

Photo-documentation

Photo-documentation has been used in clinical medicine for nearly two centuries [ 18 ] Clinical photographs and images are vital for training purposes, to illustrate a clinical finding, steps in a process or procedure, or for comparative (“before” and “after”) purposes. They are an integral part of patient’s clinical notes in numerous specialties and are also used to offer the patient insight into realized or expected treatment results [ 19 ].

This way of using photographs—as objective records documenting an objective something—is quite different from how photographs are used in social science research. In fields such as sociology and social anthropology, photography has been used as a tool for the exploration of society [ 4 , 5 ]. Photographs help others understand how societies are culturally and socially constructed, to critically uncover the meaning people place on certain activities, places, things and rituals and to record and analyse important social events and problems. It is on this second use of photographs in research that we focus from this point onwards.

Existing images

A second way of using photographs in research is analysis of publicly available images: in other words, analysis of secondary (photographic) data. There are examples of this approach in medical education in relation to the messages given by images on public-facing documents and webpages, and how these might influence student choice of medical school [ 20 , 21 ]. Visual data is also used in research examining the relationships between architecture/space and learning [ 22 , 23 ]. Photographs can show us how people and things relate to each other. For example, what can we learn from a photo illustrating how staff are distributed around a coffee room, or around the table during a morbidity and mortality (M&M) meeting? Documenting the materials of a research space in a photograph serves as a mechanism for tracing the complexity of the field (see Fig.  1 and its accompanying explanation).

A photograph as an elicitation tool. Collected as part of a sociomaterial study to document the material complexity of simulation led by MacLeod. This photograph of a manikin in a typical simulation suite could serve as a useful elicitation tool in a study of simulation. Rather than asking research participants to use their memories to imagine a simulation suite, the photograph provides concrete detail, helping to reorient participants to the space. Rather than using a phrase like “simulation is complex”, the photograph serves as “evidence” of the complexity, documenting multiple non-human elements involved in a simulation at a particular time and place. This clarity can provide a jumping-off point for more detailed and specific conversations about the topic being studied

Photo-elicitation

In photo-elicitation (sometimes called photo production [ 24 ] or auto-photography), the specific area of focus is typically decided by the researcher. The photos are either taken by the researcher or participants.

In researcher-driven photo-elicitation the researcher decides on what people, objects, settings and/or scenes they find interesting or potentially important enough for a picture. These photographs are then used as prompts for discussion within an interview with the researcher. The photo(s) is a prompt to elicit data, akin to an open question in a semi-structured interview. Unlike interview or focus group questions however, participants not only respond to photographs with extended narratives but also supply interpretations of the images, drawing from and reflecting their experiences.

In participant-driven photo-elicitation, control of data collection is handed over to participants who have the freedom to pick and choose the representation(s) which is most salient to them in relation to the question under study. For example, to explore children’s experiences of hospital, Adams and colleagues [ 25 ] asked children to photograph architectural or design features that most interested them in a vast hospital atrium (the hospital’s primary non-medical space, full of shops, restaurants and so on). The children’s photographs were then used as the anchor to dialogue [ 26 ].

Participant-driven photo-elicitation empowers the participant to both choose the image and drive the dialogue about the image. Consider a picture of an alarm clock set to an early hour. This becomes meaningful only when the photographer explains that this image signifies their transition from student to first trained job. While the participant’s perspective on the transition to practice could potentially be accessed using traditional words-alone methodologies, photographs are different because they present what the participant felt was worthy to record, help capture the immediacy of the experience and stimulate memories and feelings. In other words, one of photo-elicitation’s strengths, and how it differs from interviews and focus groups, is its potential to collect data that not only taps into the perspective of the participant but does so at the time of the experience.

Images seem to prompt a different kind of reflection on lived experiences. Harper [ 26 ] suggests that images prompt emotions and thoughts in ways that narrative alone cannot. By seeing what they did, informants may help the researcher to better understand their behaviour. Moreover, by viewing and discussing photos together, the researcher and participant actively co-construct meaning. In this way photo-elicitation offers a way to potentially enrich and extend existing interview methodologies and give a combination of visual and verbal data for analysis purposes [ 27 ]. Furthermore, the act of interpreting an image creates a critically reflective space within the research process which is lacking in interview methods. Leibenberg suggests that “collectively then, images introduced into narrative research create important links that participants can use to more critically reflect on their lived experiences and to more accurately discuss and share these experiences with others” [ 28 , p. 4].

Arguably however, if the main source of data is not the photographs themselves but the transcripts from photo-elicited discussions, this may still privilege participants who are more skilled verbally—maintaining the “linguistic imperialism” of text, or, more accurately, of transcribed responses [ 8 ]. While this criticism cannot be wholly dismissed, the many empirical studies referred to in this paper suggest that photographs help make abstract ideas accessible and encourage reflection in groups which are less literate and who do not routinely engage in reflection. Moreover, there are approaches to data analysis which privilege the image, not the accompanying text (see below).

A specific research method within the bracket of photo-elicitation is photovoice. Developed by Wang and Buriss in 1997, photovoice involves asking community members to identify and represent their community through specific photographs and tell the stories of what these pictures mean, promoting critical dialogue and potentially catalysing social action and change [ 29 ]. Photovoice allows people to see the viewpoint of the people who live the lives, and as such is considered an example of participatory research [ 30 ]. For example, MacLeod et al. [ 31 ] asked adolescent youth to take photographs pertaining to the health of their community. The adolescents created a platform for discussion, and helped the researchers, who were medical students, learn about the community they were serving. Photovoice is often used to access and explore patient experiences, particularly mental health and experiences of serious and/or life-threatening illness [ 12 – 14 ].

The ease of taking photographs with a mobile phone has opened up new ways to utilise the photovoice methodology, particularly the method of “time-space diaries” [ 32 ] or digital journals. Participants record what is meaningful to them across time and activities, such as what and where they ate over a full day, or salient events in the first few weeks of medical school. Just like non-research social media activity, a series of images can provide insight into real, lived experiences and give participants a voice to reflect on their everyday lives on issues relevant to the research topic. Consider a resident taking pictures of things and people who were significant to their first experience of a full weekend shift. The nature of the images may change over time, reflecting exposure to different patients, working with different colleagues, task demands and fatigue.

In summary, the nature of photographs as data varies according to who produces them, whether they are independent of the research or created specifically for the research, how they are used in the research process and whether they are used in conjunction with narrative (verbal) data. These key decisions can be synthesised, according to Epstein et al. [ 33 ], into three basic questions:

• Who is going to make or select the images to be used in the interviews?
• What is the content of the images going to be?
• Where are the images going to be used, and how?

How photographs and accompanying narratives can be analysed is discussed next.

Data analysis

There are two main ways of approaching photographic data analysis. The first, the dialogic approach, focuses on analysing the verbal or written reflection on the content of photographs and what they symbolise. This approach is fundamentally constructivist, “locating visual meaning as foundational in the social construction of reality” [ 34 , p. 492]. Traditional ways of analysing verbal/transcribed data such as thematic analysis [ 35 ], content analysis [ 36 ], grounded theory [ 37 ] and various forms of discourse analyses [ 38 ] are appropriate for analysis of photograph-prompted dialogue. In this approach, the photographs themselves are usually used merely for illustration purposes, if at all [ 38 ].

Alternatively, the data can be within the photograph itself, separate from its capacity to generate dialogue and independent of any explanation. Photographs can provide new ways of seeing the phenomena under study from their visual features. For example, in their analysis of existing images on medical school websites and prospectuses in 2019, MacArthur, Eaton and Marrick [ 21 ] recorded information including gender, ethnicity, assumed role and setting, of each person on each image. They found a predominance of hospital-themed images, compared to few community-themed images. They concluded that these images signalled to students a strong preference for hospital-based settings, despite a strong national drive to recruit more general practitioners.

This approach to analysis is referred to as “archaeological” because images inherently reflect the social norms of a point in time. Consider your graduating class photograph. Clothes and hairstyles which were chic at the time may look old-fashioned and incongruous when viewed many years later. In this way, photographs contain “sedimented social knowledge” [ 34 , p. 502], manifest through the photographer’s choices of scenes, subjects, styles, compositions and so on. An educational example of this is presented in Photograph S1, found in the Electronic Supplementary Material (ESM).

Grounded, visual pattern analysis (GVPA) combines both approaches [ 39 ]. Via a structured, multi-step process of analysis, GVPA investigates the meanings individual photographs have for their photographers and also attends to the broader field (sample) level meanings interpreted from analysis of collections of photographs. Paying attention to absence (what is not photographed) is also important [ 40 ]. The analysis process ends by building conceptual contributions rather than purely empirical ones from the photographic data (see Photograph S2 in ESM).

Whichever analysis approach is taken, as with any qualitative research, it is important to consider quality and rigour in respect to the credibility, dependability, confirmability and transferability of the data [ 41 ]. Providing details of the sampling strategy, the depth and volume of data, and the analytical steps taken helps ensure credibility and transferability. Photo-elicitation allows participants to work with and direct the researcher to generate data that is salient to them, thereby increasing the confirmability of research outcomes. Allowing participants to clarify what they meant to convey in their photographs is inherently a form of member checking. As for all research, ethical considerations should be considered and addressed, as well as a clear statement made on formal research ethics committee approval or waiver. Thought must be given to the power relationship between researcher and participants and how this might affect recruitment, the nature of the data and so on. Reflexivity, reflecting on the extent to which similarities or differences between researcher and researched may have influenced the process of research, is particularly critical in photo-elicitation studies [ 42 ]. Keeping written field and methodological notes as well as a reflexive diary is important for dependability and confirmability.

Finally, in terms of data presentation, in our discipline most journals have a limit on the number of tables, figures and/or images allowed per paper, and most do not publish colour photographs. This limits the visual data which can be presented in an article. However, journals also offer the option of supplementary e‑files. We suggest that one or two pictures in an article can support key evidential points, with additional data made available electronically.

Ethical considerations associated with photographs in research

As with any method, care must be taken to ensure the proper use of photographs for research purposes. Here we briefly consider the main ethical issues of power, informed consent, anonymity, dignity and image manipulation. We direct readers to Langmann and Pick [ 43 ] for more in-depth discussion.

In any researcher/participant situation, there is a power dynamic that privileges the “expert” researcher over the object of study, the participant. Certain ways of using photographs in research, specifically photo-elicitation, can change this dynamic and empower participants by giving them an active role in the research process, making them the experts, and allowing the researcher greater insight into participant perspectives [ 29 , 30 ]. Photo-elicitation also gives those who are not verbally fluent another way to express themselves effectively, avoids the use of survey questionnaires and other research instruments that might be culturally biased, and places participants as equals—able to reflect and decide how they want to represent themselves visually [ 43 ]. Photo-elicitation is thus firmly rooted in an approach to inquiry that draws on Paulo Freire’s (1970) critical pedagogy [ 44 ] and fits within the broader participatory action research method [ 29 , 30 , 37 – 40 , 45 ].

The use of mobile phones for data collection is considered a way of connecting younger groups with research [ 46 ], connecting with populations in more remote and rural communities across the globe [ 47 ] and with “difficult to reach” populations (e.g., [ 14 ]). However, it is important to again acknowledge the “digital divide” and the associated power differential: marginalised populations and certain societal groups may not have access to equipment to take and share photographs. Where this is the case, the researcher must consider whether to supply the necessary equipment or whether an alternative method of data collection is more feasible.

Informed consent

Informed consent is particularly challenging with photographs. It is difficult to ensure that every person in an image has given their consent to the photo being taken and used for research purposes. Where images are participant-generated, clear instructions about the purpose of the research and the photographs, and the processes of ethical consent, are essential [ 48 ].

Confidentiality

Confidentiality is an issue, particularly if a photograph includes a person’s face. Faces can be pixelated or blurred to protect participants’ identities, but these approaches may objectify the people in the photo and make the photographs less powerful [ 48 ].

Our third point relates to dignity. Langmann and Pick [ 43 ] suggest three ways of considering dignity in research photography: being sensitive to the social and cultural norms of the communities being researched, being aware that those who are the focus of the research will benefit by the presentation of an authentic view of the situation and considering the impression the photograph will give if and when it is published. In all cases, it is the researcher’s responsibility to exclude photographs which are not covered by ethical approvals, as well as any potentially harmful or compromising photographs.

Photographs can mean different things to different people [ 24 , 49 ] and meanings may change over time, depending on context and how they are associated in terms of text and other images (for example, one’s interpretation of a photograph taken as a teenager is likely to differ when viewing it as an adult). This ambiguity makes some researchers uncomfortable. However, if one takes a social constructivist stance, that we live in a multi-reality world, then this possibility of multiple meanings from a photograph adds to the data.

Conscious and unconscious “self-censorship”, including when, where or what to photograph, or editing a photo to convey an intended message, is inherent in photo-elicitation [ 45 ]. However, self-censorship is not an issue if one accepts that the purpose of photo-elicitation is to access the social reality of another individual.

Strengths of using photographs in research

Participation and co-construction.

As mentioned earlier, photo-elicitation and photovoice maximise opportunities for participant agency and engagement in the research process, allowing participants to work with and direct the researcher. Furthermore, in dialogic approaches, research involves a joint process of knowledge-production where narratives are co-constructed between participant and researcher through discussion. By using participant-driven photographs, the researcher gains an understanding of what the content of the photos means to the participants without imposing their own framework or perception of a topic on the process.

Participatory research requires trust, a safe space between participant and researcher, so people can express their thoughts and views. Wicks and Reason [ 50 ] suggest that establishing this safe space must be considered throughout the research process: empowering participants in the earlier stage of the research process can also build the connection and trust between researcher and participant—and reduce participant inhibition later on. This may be particularly useful where the topic is sensitive or taboo. For example, Meo [ 51 ] reported photo-elicitation was useful in tapping “class and gendered practices” (p. 152) in greater depth than with interviews alone.

Giving power to participants within the research process can be challenging for researchers. Adjusting to participants as co-researchers may be new and unfamiliar. Continuous flexibility and reflexivity on a personal (e.g., personal assumptions, values, experiences, etc. that shape the research) and epistemological (e.g., the limits of the research that are determined by the research question, methodology and method of analysis) considerations are critical [ 52 ].

Photographs provide structure to an interview, giving the researcher something to return to, to elicit more detailed discussions and/or trigger memories and reflection [ 53 ]. In addition, participants often give information about people or things outside of the photo (the invisible) as well as on who and what are visible [ 52 ]. Similarly, the researcher may be able to access parts of participants’ lives that would be difficult to see into otherwise. For example, Bourdieu argues that visual methods of research may be particularly helpful in investigating habitus, ways of being, acting and operating in the social environment that are “beyond the grasp of consciousness” [ 54 , 55 ].

Snapshots in time and of space

As mentioned earlier, photographs are inherently snapshots in time. They also provide snapshots of space, a means of examining the material assemblages of space, of how things are ordered and used [ 56 ]. For example, a photo of students in a learning space would illustrate who sits with whom, the spatial relationships between humans (e.g., student and student, students and teachers) and the non-human (e.g., bags, laptops, phones, snacks) (see Fig.  2 as an example).

An example of a photograph representing the assemblage of time and space: Students distributed in the space of a contemporary learning suite. Photograph from a publicly facing webpage on a medical school website. This photograph provides an example of how a photograph captures space and time. It provides a glimpse at a contemporary medical school. The photograph serves to document the complexity of modern medical schools, making clear the digitized learning environment. Such a photograph might evoke emotion and a sense of progress, in particular, when contrasted with more traditional images of students learning in a stadium-style lecture theatre

Applications and opportunities

Looking forward, we encourage researchers to consider the use of photographs as a source of data, as a way of accessing data that might otherwise have been obscured or overlooked if we had relied solely on language-based data. We encourage readers to consider what might be learned were we to augment current understanding by incorporating photographic data sources into healthcare professions research. In Table S1, found in ESM, we suggest some outstanding research questions and topics that could be explored. The list found there is by no means exhaustive. Rather it reflects our own interests and observations and should be regarded as a springboard to help readers consider diverse ways in which photographs may add richness in research endeavours.

There are many ways of conducting qualitative research in health professions education research (HPER). All have their affordances and limitations. In this article, we have offered a critical examination of how photographs can be used to generate rich and potentially different data to that generated through talk-only data collection. Using photographs in HPER research opens up new vistas of research possibilities, whether as a means of accessing snapshots of people and situations in time and space and/or as a means of engaging participants collaboratively, to explore taken-for-granted lived experiences which may not otherwise be accessible. This is a fertile area for future research and the empirical potential is vast, ranging from reflective practice to widening participation to questions which are as yet unknown.

Acknowledgements

This paper was inspired by JC’s move to Singapore, a society which uses photographs rather than text in all spheres of life—as proof of payment or parcel delivery, to illustrate a point, to share information, to advertise an event, etc.

The authors neither sought nor received any funding for this project.

Author Contribution

JC suggested and coordinated this collaborative effort, initiated the writing outlines and drafts. AM helped create and revise outlines and drafts. Both authors contributed significantly to the intellectual contents, gave approval of the version to be published and agree to be accountable for the work.

Declarations

J. Cleland and A. MacLeod declarethat they have no competing interests.

This is not applicable as no human or animal subjects were involved in the creation of this paper.

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“RNA editing patterns as blood biomarker for predicting suicide risk” is an ambitious new study led by an interdisciplinary team of Kent State researchers. Principal investigator Helen Piontkivska, Ph.D., is a professor in the Department of Biological Sciences and an affiliate of the Brain Health Research Institute and the Healthy Communities Research Institute. Mark Dalman, Ph.D., associate professor in the College of Podiatric Medicine, serves as a co-investigator alongside Deric Kenne, Ph.D., director of the Center for Public Policy and Health and professor in the College of Public Health. A two-year grant funded by the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention will allow the team to explore the use of blood-based RNA editing biomarkers as potential predictors of suicidal ideation, a method never explored before. If successful, such biomarkers may later be used to inform targeted interventions and monitoring. 

The study addresses the question, "How can we better or more optimally detect and predict risk?”, which is a top priority of the National Action Alliance for Suicide Prevention’s Research Prioritization Task Force. When attempting to identify a person at risk of suicide, the current and most relied-upon approach is to assess physical appearance, actions, and verbalized intentions. However, Dr. Piontkivska’s study will go beyond this current methodology to use gene expression-based identifiers. 

The study will collect blood samples from participants receiving mental health care who have reported recent thoughts of suicide. These samples will be used to infer RNA editing profiles using computational approaches developed in Piontkivska’s lab. These profiles will then be analyzed to determine whether dynamic RNA editing dysregulation is associated with suicidal ideation risk and whether changes in RNA editing patterns can serve as biomarkers of suicidal ideation and/or recovery. Dr. Piontkivska, Dr. Kenne, Dr. Dalman, and the rest of the research team at Kent State University are hoping that results from this novel study – that combines existing approach of accessing physical identifiers with biological markers - could lead to improvements in suicide prevention and treatment, and ultimately, to better mental health outcomes. 

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Research Photography in the Field

• First Online: 14 December 2017

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• Sten Langmann 3 &
• David Pick 4  

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Good fieldwork with visual methods requires good photographic work. The aim of this chapter is to explain the technical aspect of image-making by presenting the ‘exposure triangle’ that describes the interrelationship between shutter speed, aperture and ISO. The relationships of camera settings in the exposure triangle are important to understand for social researchers, as optimal exposed image hold the most detail and subsequent data is not lost due to over- or underexposure of images. Furthermore, this chapter includes a discussion of photography as a research method in its field application. It can be a powerful social and research enabler, which directly affects the quality of data collected. However, photography in the field can also consciously or subconsciously become a tool for perpetuating stereotypes or reinforcing stigma. With this underlying foundation, the concept of Verständnis is introduced as an important field element of the data collection process. Applying this concept might help researchers better navigate the challenges and encounters when collecting photographs in the field.

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Langmann, S., Pick, D. (2018). Research Photography in the Field. In: Photography as a Social Research Method. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7279-6_4

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Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra, Russia

The capital city of Khanty-Mansi okrug: Khanty-Mansiysk .

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra - Overview

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra is a federal subject of Russia, part of the Urals Federal District. Khanty-Mansiysk is the capital city of the region.

The population of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra is about 1,702,200 (2022), the area - 534,801 sq. km.

Khanty-Mansi okrug flag

Khanty-mansi okrug coat of arms.

Khanty-Mansi okrug map, Russia

Khanty-mansi okrug latest news and posts from our blog:.

21 March, 2020 / Nizhnevartovsk - the view from above .

8 November, 2017 / Surgut - the view from above .

4 March, 2017 / Khanty-Mansiysk - the view from above .

12 February, 2016 / Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug from above .

21 May, 2013 / The most powerful thermoelectric power station in Russia .

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History of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra

Yugra is the historical homeland of the Ob-Ugric peoples: Khanty, Mansi, Nenets, and Selkup. They were engaged in hunting, fishing, cattle breeding. After the Turkic peoples pushed them from south to north, these peoples had to apply their skills in more severe conditions. It is at this new location Ugrians began to domesticate deer.

In the first half of the second millennium AD, the main features of the material and spiritual culture of Khanty, Mansi and forest Nenets were formed. It is believed that since then they have not undergone major changes. Since the second half of the 13th century, a new factor in the development of the region was its entry into the Golden Horde.

At the end of the 14th century, the collapse of the Golden Horde led to the emergence of a separate Tyumen Khanate. In 1495, the Siberian Khanate appeared. At that time the basic principles of political, administrative and socio-economic organization of this territory were developed. The region was called Ugra or Yugra.

More historical facts…

The region became part of Russia in the end of the 16th century. From the middle of the 18th century, this region became a place of exile for criminals. December 10, 1930, Ostyako-Vogul national okrug was formed with the center in the settlement of Samarovo. Construction of a new center began 5 km away from it. In February 1932, the new center of the region was named Ostyako-Vogulsk.

In 1934, the first steps to find oil and natural gas in the region were taken. October 23, 1940, Ostyko-Vogul national okrug was renamed Khanty-Mansi national okrug and Ostyko-Vogulsk was renamed Khanty-Mansiysk. August 14, 1944, the region became part of Tyumen Oblast. On January 27, 1950, Khanty-Mansiysk became a city.

On September 21, 1953, in Berezovo, the first natural gas in Western Siberia was produced. On June 23, 1960, the first oil in Western Siberia was discovered near Shaim. This was followed by the discovery of many other oil and natural gas fields. Along with the industrial exploitation of oil and gas fields, the timber industry developed rapidly.

By the end of the 20th century, under the influence of demographic and socio-economic developments the Khanty-Mansi region in fact lost its national basis. On July 25, 2003, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug was renamed Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra.

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra views

Rest on the lake in Yugra

Author: O.Frolov

Golden autumn in the Khanty-Mansy region

Author: Leonid Karpushin

Beautiful nature of Yugra

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra - Features

The name of the region is associated with the self-names of the two main groups of northern peoples - Khanty and Mansi. In the Middle Ages, the word “Yugra” was used to refer to peoples and lands beyond the Northern Urals.

This region, located in the middle of Russia, occupies the central part of the West Siberian Plain. Its territory stretches from west to east for almost 1,400 km, from north to south for 900 km. The area of the region is comparable to France or Ukraine.

The climate is temperate continental characterized by rapid change of weather especially in spring and autumn. Winters are long, snowy and cold with frosts below minus 30 degrees Celsius. Summers are short and warm. From the west this region is protected by the Ural mountains, from the north it is open to cold arctic air.

The highest points of the region are Mount Narodnaya (1,895 m) in the Polar Urals and Mount Pedy (1,010 m) in the Northern Urals. Two major rivers flow in Khanty-Mansi autonomous okrug: the Ob (3,650 km) and its tributary the Irtysh (3,580 km). About 30% of the territory is covered by swamps. There are more than 300,000 lakes surrounded by marshes and forests.

The largest cities of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra are Surgut (396,000), Nizhnevartovsk (280,800), Nefteyugansk (128,700), Khanty-Mansiysk (106,000), Kogalym (69,200), Nyagan (58,500). Today, only about 32,000 people are representatives of indigenous peoples: Khanty, Mansi and Nenets. Half of them live in the traditional way.

This region is very rich in oil and natural gas. The largest oil and natural gas fields are Samotlorskoye, Fedorovskoye, Mamontovskoye, Priobskoye. There are also deposits of gold, coal, iron ore, copper, zinc, lead and other mineral resources.

The climate is not favorable for agriculture. Most of the agricultural products and foodstuffs is brought from other Russian regions. Waterways and railways are the main shipping ways. The total length of the pipeline network is 107,000 km.

About 60% of Russian oil is produced in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra. In total, more than 10 billion tons of oil were produced here. The total number of oil and natural gas fields discovered is 475. In the coming decades, the Khanty-Mansi region will remain the main resource base of hydrocarbons in Russia.

Tourism in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra

Yugra has unique natural, cultural and historical resources for the development of recreation and tourism. On the territory of the region there are historical and cultural monuments, as well as modern infrastructure for lovers of cultural, educational, recreational tourism, and outdoor activities. International events (sports competitions, festivals and forums) help to open this place to foreigners as an amazing corner of the globe.

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra has a number of wonderful natural sites worthy of attention: two nature reserves (“Malaya Sosva” and “Yugansky”), four nature parks (“Samarovsky Chugas”, “Siberian ridges”, “Numto”, “Kondinskie lakes”), ten monuments of nature, archeological complexes (“Barsova Mountain”, “Saygatino”, Sherkaly settlement).

Holidays of the northern peoples are also popular among tourists: Reindeer Herder’s Day, Day of indigenous Peoples of the North “Crow day”, Fisherman’s Day, Bear holiday and others.

Active and extreme types of tourism (skiing, snowboarding, kiting) are gaining in popularity. There are seven ski resorts in the region. In summer, travelers can go rafting on mountain rivers of Siberia. Tourists can also go on a special oil tour that includes a visit to the oil-producing companies. They learn about the oil industry and the history of oil exploration in Siberia.

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra is a region of endless charm of the beautiful nature and modern tourist facilities. True lovers of northern landscapes and local cultures will be able to fully enjoy the incomparable scenery and generous hospitality in Ugra.

Khanty-Mansi okrug of Russia photos

Khanty-mansi autonomous okrug scenery.

Road through autumn forest in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Deep winter snow is not a problem in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Author: Chernenko

Yugra scenery

Author: Sergej Fedotov

Pictures of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug - Yugra

Winter in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Orthodox church in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Author: Alexey Borodko

Church in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Author: Peter Sobolev

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Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug — Yugra [lower-alpha 1] , commonly shortened to Khantia-Mansia, is a federal subject of Russia (an autonomous okrug of Tyumen Oblast ). It has a population of 1,532,243 as of the 2010 Census . [4] Its administrative center is located at Khanty-Mansiysk .

Administrative divisions

Demographics, settlements, ethnic groups, vital statistics, external links.

The peoples native to the region are the Khanty and the Mansi , known collectively as Ob-Ugric peoples , but today the two groups only constitute 2.5% of the region's population. The local languages, Khanty and Mansi , are part of the Ugric branch of the Finno-Ugric language family, and enjoy a special status in the autonomous okrug. Russian remains the only official language.

In 2012, the majority (51%) [7] of the oil produced in Russia came from Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, giving the region great economic importance in Russia and the world. It borders Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug to the north, Komi Republic to the northwest, Sverdlovsk Oblast to the west, Tyumen Oblast to the south, Tomsk Oblast to the south and southeast and Krasnoyarsk Krai in the east.

The okrug was established on December   10, 1930, as Ostyak-Vogul National Okrug ( Остя́ко-Вогу́льский национа́льный о́круг ). In October 1940, it was renamed the Khanty-Mansi National Okrug . In 1977, along with other national okrugs of the Russian SFSR , it became an autonomous okrug (Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug). In 2003, the word " Yugra " was appended to the official name. [8]

The okrug occupies the central part of the West Siberian Plain .

Principal rivers include the Ob and its tributaries Irtysh and Vatinsky Yogan . There are numerous lakes in the okrug, the largest ones are Numto , Tormemtor , Leushinsky Tuman and Tursuntsky Tuman , among others. [9]

The northeasterly line of equal latitude and longitude traverses the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug.

Population : 1,674,676 (2020); [10] 1,532,243   ( 2010 Russian census ) ; [4] 1,432,817   ( 2002 Census ) ; [11] 1,268,439   ( 1989 Soviet census ) . [12]

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug has an area of 523,100   km 2 , but the area is sparsely populated. The administrative center is Khanty-Mansiysk , but the largest cities are Surgut , Nizhnevartovsk , and Nefteyugansk .

The Indigenous population ( Khanty , Mansi , Komi , and Nenets ) is only 2.8% of the total population in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug. The exploitation of natural gas in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug has attracted immigrants from all over the former Soviet Union. The 2021 Census counted 17 ethnic groups of more than five thousand persons each. The ethnic composition is as follows:

Population of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug: [13]

Historical population figures are shown below:

Source: [15]

According to a 2012 survey [16] 38.1% of the population of Yugra adheres to the Russian Orthodox Church , 5% are unaffiliated generic Christians , 1% of the population adheres to the Slavic native faith (Rodnovery) or to Khanty-Mansi native faith. Muslims (mostly Tatars ) constitute 11% of the population. In addition, 23% of the population declares to be spiritual but not religious , 11% is atheist , and 10.9% follows other religions or did not give an answer to the question. [16] According to recent reports Jehovah's Witnesses have been subjected to torture and detention in Surgut. [18]

In Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, the primary transport of goods is by water and railway transport; 29% is transported by road, and 2% by aviation. The total length of railway tracks is 1,106   km. The length of roads is more than 18,000   km.

• Hockey Club Ugra
• List of Chairmen of the Duma of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug

Related Research Articles

Khanty-Mansiysk is a city in west-central Russia. Technically, it is situated on the eastern bank of the Irtysh River, 15 kilometers (9.3 mi) from its confluence with the Ob, in the oil-rich region of Western Siberia. Though it is an independent city, Khanty-Mansiysk also functions as the administrative centre of Khanty-Mansiysky District, and the administrative center of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug–Yugra.

Nyagan is a town in the northwest of Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located near the Ob River and 230 kilometers (140 mi) northwest of Khanty-Mansiysk. It is named after the Nyagan-Yugan River, a tributary of the Ob River. Population: 63,034 (2021 Census) ; 54,890 (2010 Russian census) ; 52,610 (2002 Census) ; 54,061 (1989 Soviet census) .

Megion is a town in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug–Yugra, Russia, located at the altitude of 45 meters (148 ft) above sea level, on the right bank of the Ob River, 380 kilometers (240 mi) east of Khanty-Mansiysk and 760 kilometers (470 mi) northeast of Tyumen. The area of the town is 50.51 square kilometers (19.50 sq mi) and the nearest airport is in Nizhnevartovsk. Population: 49,449 (2010 Russian census) ; 46,566 ; 39,783 (1989 Soviet census) .

Yugorsk is a town in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located in the northwestern part of the East-West lowland, 420 kilometers (260 mi) from Khanty-Mansiysk. Population: 34,067 (2010 Russian census) ; 30,285 (2002 Census) ; 24,928 (1989 Soviet census) .

Sovetsky is a town and the administrative center of Sovetsky District in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located 470 kilometers (290 mi) west of Khanty-Mansiysk, the administrative center of the autonomous okrug. Population: 26,495 (2010 Russian census) ; 23,230 (2002 Census) ; 21,123 (1989 Soviet census) .

Lyantor is a town in Surgutsky District of Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the Pim River, 625 kilometers (388 mi) northeast of Khanty-Mansiysk, the administrative center of the autonomous okrug. Population: 38,992 (2010 Russian census) ; 33,011 (2002 Census) ; 22,071 (1989 Soviet census) .

Pokachi is a town in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the right bank of the Vatyegan River, 350 kilometers (220 mi) east of Khanty-Mansiysk and 800 kilometers (500 mi) northeast of Tyumen. Population: 17,171 (2010 Russian census) ; 17,017 (2002 Census) ; 11,536 (1989 Soviet census) .

Kogalym is a town in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the Inguyagun River 325 kilometres (202 mi) northeast of Khanty-Mansiysk. Population: 58,181 (2010 Russian census) ; 55,367 (2002 Census) ; 44,297 (1989 Soviet census) .

Beloyarsky is a town and the administrative center of Beloyarsky District in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the Kazim River, northwest of Khanty-Mansiysk, the administrative center of the autonomous okrug. Population: 20,283 (2010 Russian census) ; 18,721 (2002 Census) ; 20,534 (1989 Soviet census) .

Raduzhny is a town in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the Agan River, 475 kilometers (295 mi) northeast of Khanty-Mansiysk and 975 kilometers (606 mi) northeast of Tyumen. Population: 43,399 (2010 Russian census) ; 47,060 ; 43,726.

Pyt-Yakh is a town in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia, located on the east bank of the Bolshoy Balyk River, southeast of Khanty-Mansiysk. Population: 41,488 (2010 Russian census) ; 41,813 (2002 Census) ; 17,101 (1989 Soviet census) .

Beloyarsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug of Tyumen Oblast, Russia. It is located in the north of the autonomous okrug. The area of the district is 41,574 square kilometers (16,052 sq mi). Its administrative center is the town of Beloyarsky. Population: 9,766 ; 9,493 (2002 Census) ; 8,927 (1989 Soviet census) .

Khanty-Mansiysky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia. It is located in the center of the autonomous okrug. The area of the district is 46,400 square kilometers (17,900 sq mi). Its administrative center is the town of Khanty-Mansiysk. As of the 2010 Census, the total population of the district was 19,362.

Kondinsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug of Tyumen Oblast, Russia. It is located in the south of the autonomous okrug. The district is 55,170 square kilometers (21,300 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Mezhdurechensky. Population: 34,494 ; 35,018 (2002 Census) ; 36,640 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of Mezhdurechensky accounts for 32.1% of the district's total population.

Nizhnevartovsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia. The area of the district is 118,500 square kilometers (45,800 sq mi). Its administrative center is the city of Nizhnevartovsk. Population: 35,745 ; 33,508 (2002 Census) ; 28,288 (1989 Soviet census) .

Oktyabrsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug of Tyumen Oblast, Russia. It is located in the western central part of the autonomous okrug. The area of the district is 24,500 square kilometers (9,500 sq mi). Its administrative center is the urban locality of Oktyabrskoye. As of the 2010 Census, the total population of the district was 32,224, with the population of Oktyabrskoye accounting for 11.3% of that number.

Sovetsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug of Tyumen Oblast, Russia. It is located in the southwest of the autonomous okrug. The area of the district is 29,768.74 square kilometers (11,493.77 sq mi). Its administrative center is the town of Sovetsky. Population: 48,059 ; 44,720 (2002 Census) ; 73,247 (1989 Soviet census) . The population of the administrative center accounts for 55.1% of the district's total population.

Surgutsky District is an administrative and municipal district (raion), one of the nine in Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia. It is located in the center of the autonomous okrug. The area of the district is 105,190 square kilometers (40,610 sq mi). Its administrative center is the city of Surgut. Population: 113,515 ; 106,624 (2002 Census) ; 74,685 (1989 Soviet census) .

Uray a town in Khanty–Mansi Autonomous Okrug, located on the Konda River 350 kilometres (220 mi) from Khanty-Mansiysk. Population: 39,457 (2010 Russian census) ; 38,872 (2002 Census) ; 37,198 (1989 Soviet census) .

Agirish is an urban-type settlement in Sovetsky District of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Russia. Population: 2,856 (2010 Russian census) ; 2,831 (2002 Census) ; 3,592 (1989 Soviet census) .

• ↑ Russian and Mansi : Ханты-Мансийский автономный округ — Югра, Khanty-Mansiyskiy avtonomnyy okrug — Yugra; Khanty : Хӑнты-Мансийской Aвтономной Округ
• ↑ Президент Российской Федерации.   Указ   №849   от   13 мая 2000 г. «О полномочном представителе Президента Российской Федерации в федеральном округе». Вступил в силу   13 мая 2000 г. Опубликован: "Собрание законодательства РФ", No.   20, ст. 2112, 15 мая 2000 г. (President of the Russian Federation.   Decree   # 849   of   May 13, 2000 On the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in a Federal District . Effective as of   May 13, 2000.).
• ↑ Госстандарт Российской Федерации.   №ОК 024-95   27 декабря 1995 г. «Общероссийский классификатор экономических регионов. 2.   Экономические районы», в ред. Изменения №5/2001 ОКЭР. ( Gosstandart of the Russian Federation.   # OK 024-95   December 27, 1995 Russian Classification of Economic Regions. 2.   Economic Regions , as amended by the Amendment   # 5/2001 OKER. ).
• 1 2 3 Russian Federal State Statistics Service (2011). Всероссийская перепись населения 2010 года. Том   1 [ 2010 All-Russian Population Census, vol.   1 ] . Всероссийская перепись населения 2010   года [2010 All-Russia Population Census] (in Russian). Federal State Statistics Service .
• ↑ "Об исчислении времени" . Официальный интернет-портал правовой информации (in Russian). June 3, 2011 . Retrieved January 19, 2019 .
• ↑ Official throughout the Russian Federation according to Article   68.1 of the Constitution of Russia .
• ↑ В Ханты-Мансийском автономном округе добыта 10-миллиардная тонна нефти
• ↑ "Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of July 25, 2003 No. 841" (in Russian). Official website of the President of Russia .
• ↑ Google Earth
• ↑ 2020 Russian Subjects Population
• ↑ Federal State Statistics Service (May 21, 2004). Численность населения России, субъектов Российской Федерации в составе федеральных округов, районов, городских поселений, сельских населённых пунктов   – районных центров и сельских населённых пунктов с населением 3   тысячи и более человек [ Population of Russia, Its Federal Districts, Federal Subjects, Districts, Urban Localities, Rural Localities—Administrative Centers, and Rural Localities with Population of Over 3,000 ] (XLS) . Всероссийская перепись населения 2002   года [All-Russia Population Census of 2002] (in Russian).
• ↑ Всесоюзная перепись населения 1989   г. Численность наличного населения союзных и автономных республик, автономных областей и округов, краёв, областей, районов, городских поселений и сёл-райцентров [ All Union Population Census of 1989: Present Population of Union and Autonomous Republics, Autonomous Oblasts and Okrugs, Krais, Oblasts, Districts, Urban Settlements, and Villages Serving as District Administrative Centers ] . Всесоюзная перепись населения 1989   года [All-Union Population Census of 1989] (in Russian). Институт демографии Национального исследовательского университета: Высшая школа экономики [Institute of Demography at the National Research University: Higher School of Economics]. 1989 – via Demoscope Weekly .
• ↑ "Russian Census of 2021" . (in Russian)
• ↑ Перепись-2010: русских становится больше Archived December 25, 2018, at the Wayback Machine . Perepis-2010.ru (2011-12-19). Retrieved on 2013-08-20.
• ↑ Russian Federal State Statistics Service
• 1 2 3 "Arena: Atlas of Religions and Nationalities in Russia" . Sreda, 2012.
• ↑ 2012 Arena Atlas Religion Maps . "Ogonek", № 34 (5243), 27/08/2012. Retrieved 21/04/2017. Archived .
• ↑ "7 Jehovah's Witnesses Brutally Tortured in Russia, Spokesman Says" . February 20, 2019.
• Official website of Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug – Yugra Archived June 6, 2017, at the Wayback Machine
• Official site of Khanty-Mansi Duma (in Russian)
• Informational website of Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug – Yugra (in Russian)

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Welcome to the land of sheer silent whiteness. Its vast expanses are filled with fresh Arctic air, howling winds, and the spirit of true adventure. Come with us to the lands of the ancient Khanty and Mansi tribes that survived in this harsh climate of the Nether-Polar Urals . See the mountains that defy any logical or geological reason for their existence. Experience the wonders of this sparsely populated land where you can hardly see a human trace. Welcome to Yugra!

Flora & Fauna

Water resources, landmarks and tourism, major mountains, mount narodnaya, mount zaschita, mount neroyka, the pyramid mountain, samarovskaya mountain, ski and sports facilities, protected sites, reserves, national and natural parks, rivers and lakes, major cities, khanty-mansiysk.

The Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Area – Yugra (KhMAO) is located in the central part of the West Siberian Plain, stretching from west to east from the Ural Range to the Ob-Yenisei Watershed. The vast areas of this plain, as well as the Lower Priob region, are considered one of the most recently inhabited areas.

The Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Area (KhMAO) was established in 1930. Its name comes from two main northern indigenous peoples – the Khanty and the Mansi. From 1944 it was legally part of the Tyumen Region , but in 1993 the Area received autonomy and became a full-fledged territorial entity of the Russian Federation. It is a part of the Urals Federal District. The administrative centre is the city of Khanty-Mansiysk , whereas the largest city is Surgut. The word Yugra was introduced to the name of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Area in 2003 to pay tribute to the old name used by the locals to call the territories lying beyond the North Urals.

The KhMAO borders the Komi Republic in the north-west, the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District in the north, the Krasnoyarsk Area and the Tomsk Region in the east and south-east, the Tyumen Region in the south and the Sverdlovsk Region in the south-west.

The area of the territory is 534,801 sq.km, the length from north to south is 800 km, from west to east is 1400 km. The population of this huge territory is 1,674,676 people as of 2020, which is the same amount as people living in Barcelona or Munich.

The main part of the territory is a huge, poorly dissected plain where absolute elevation marks rarely exceed 200 meters above sea level. The western part of the KhMAO territory is characterized by low and middle mountainous terrains with some Alpine relief featured in the Subpolar Urals. Here are ridges and spurs of the mountain system of the North Urals and the Subpolar Urals. The maximum absolute elevations are on the border with the Komi Republic . Mount Narodnaya (1,895m) is the highest peak.

More than 800 species of higher plants grow in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area . Almost the entire territory is covered by taiga forests that occupy about 52% of the area. Spruce, fir, pine, cedar, larch, birch, alder grow here. In the northern parts of the area, the composition of the vegetation is greatly influenced by perennial permafrost. Light lichen grasslands which are used as deer pastures are widespread there. Tundra dominates in the mountainous and hilly areas. River floodplains and lowlands are characterized by meadow vegetation, the so-called water meadows. High floodplains of large rivers are mainly covered with woods that mainly feature willows, birches and aspens. Forests and swamps are rich in berries and various valuable plants, most of which are used in traditional indigenous medicine.

The animal world is typical for the Russian taiga zone. There are 369 species of vertebrates. Mammals are represented by 60 species (28 of them are commercial species). The most common and valuable of them are wild reindeer, elk, fox, sable, fox, squirrel, marten, ermine, Siberian weasel, polecat, mink, weasel, otter, hare and others. Wolverine and West Siberian river beaver are included in the Red Book of Russia.

There are 256 bird species in the region, including 206 sedentary and nesting species. Some rare bird species are listed in the Red Book. There are 42 species of fish in rivers and lakes. Of these, 19 species are commercial, among them are starlet sturgeon, lelema, muksun (whitefish), pelyad, chir, lake herring, wader, tugun, freshwater cod, pike, ide, roach, bream, fir, perch, ruff, golden and silver crucian carp, carp (carp is grown in the cooling ponds of the Surgutskaya and Nizhnevartovskaya hydroelectric plants). Sturgeon is listed in the Red Book. There is an abundance of mosquitoes and gnats in the area, the greatest activity of which is in the second half of summer.

Yugra can boast of over 2 thousand large and small rivers, the total length of which is 172,000 km. The main rivers are the Ob (3,650 km), the Irtysh (3,580 km). These are some of the largest rivers in Russia. Other significant rivers include the tributaries of the Ob (the Vakh, Agan, Tromyogan, Bolshoy Yugan, Lyamin, Pim, Bolshoy Salym, Nazym, Severnaya Sosva, Kazym rivers), the tributary of the Irtysh (the Konda River) and the Sogom River. Ten rivers are over 500 km long. All the Yugra rivers with the exception of the rivers in the Ural part of the region are characterized by rather slow currents, gentle slopes, some surge wave phenomena, spring and summer floods. The Ob River basin extends over a distance of 700-200 km from the mouths of its tributaries. Such abundance of water facilitates the appearance of floodplain swamps and seasonal lakes.

The region's swamps are predominantly of the upper and transitional type. Those water basins occupy about a third of the region. About 290,000 lakes with the area of more than 1 ha are surrounded by swamps and forests. The largest lakes are Tursuntsky Tuman, Levushinsky Tuman, Vandemtor and Trmemtor. The deepest lakes are Kintus (48 m) and Syrky Sor (42 m). However, most of the lakes (about 90%) are modest and quite small and have no surface runoff.

The area is rich in resources of fresh, mineral and thermal underground waters, which are still insignificantly used.

The climate is moderately continental. Winters are harsh, snowy and long, and summers are short and relatively warm. The territory is protected from the west by the Ural Mountains but its openness from the north has a significant impact on the climate formation because cold air masses from the Arctic freely penetrate the area. The flat character of the terrain with a large number of rivers, lakes and swamps also has its impact. Most of the precipitation falls during the warm seasons. But even with a small amount of precipitation, their evaporation is very low, which as a result contributes to the formation of the zone of excessive moisture throughout the Yugra. The snow cover is stable from late October to early May, its height varies from 50 to 80 cm. The region is characterized by a rapid change of weather conditions, especially in transitional seasons (autumn and spring), as well as during the day. Late spring and early autumn frosts are rather frequent and can happen even until mid-June. Average January temperatures range from -18ºC to -24ºC (0 F to -11 F) and can reach -60ºC to -62ºC (-76 F to -80 F) when the northern cold air masses break through. The average temperature in July, the warmest month of the year, ranges from +15ºC to +20ºC (+59 F to +68 F) and on very rare days can reach a maximum temperature of +36ºC (+97 F). The prevailing wind direction is north in summer and south in winter.

The weather in the mountains is quite changeable and cool even in summer. The best time to visit the region's mountains is between July and mid-August.

The Yugra of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area has a huge natural resource potential. These are oil and gas deposits, forests, gold and iron ore deposits, as well as bauxites, copper, zinc, lead, niobium, tantalum, brown and hard coal deposits, rock crystal, quartz and piezo quartz, peat deposits, etc. The region has plenty of natural resources. In terms of natural gas reserves, the Yugra ranks second in the Russian Federation after the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District .

The industry is dominated by oil and gas production, power generation and processing industries, including woodworking except for pulp and paper production.

The Khanty-Mansi area has very developed tourism of all kinds. There is a modern infrastructure for cultural exploration as well as for active recreation.

Fans of sports and eco-friendly tourism will be able to conquer majestic mountains and raft down picturesque rivers, enjoy the beauty of nature in nature reserves and natural parks. The hills and mountains of this area open up endless opportunities for skiing and snowboarding.

The mountainous part of the Subpolar Urals located on the territory of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area is very beautiful. The highest peaks of the Ural Mountains are situated here.

Being the highest point of the whole Urals, Mount Narodnaya (1,895 m), also known as Naroda and Poenurr and translated as People's Mountain is territorially situated in the Subpolar Urals, on the border of the Yugra Area and the Komi Republic . It is the highest point in European Russia outside the Caucasus. This leads to its large topographic prominence of 1,772 metres (5,814 ft).

The top of the mountain is half a kilometre from the border towards Yugra. As for the name of the mountain, scientists could not come to a common opinion for a long time, so there are two versions. According to one version, in the Soviet years, an expedition of pioneers gave the mountain a name in honour of the Soviet people - Narodnaya (the stress is on the second syllable). According to the other version, even before the arrival of the first Soviet tourists, the peak was named after the River Naroda (the stress is on the first syllable) flowing at the foot of the mountain. The Nenets peoples called the River Naroda Naro, which means a thicket or a dense forest, and the Mansi peoples called it Poengurr or Poen-urr, which translates as the top, or head. The maps used to refer to it as Mount Naroda or Mount Naroda-Iz. Nowadays, it appears everywhere as Narodnaya.

In the 1980s, someone set a bust of Lenin on the top of the mountain. Its remains can be found there to this day. There is one more symbolic relic there – some Orthodox believers erected a worship cross on top of Mount Narodnaya after a Procession of the Cross.

The slopes of the mountain are steeper in the north-east and south-west and there are many steep rocks on them. The south-eastern and northern parts of the mountain are more gentle but they are also covered with scree. Be vigilant and careful when climbing! On the slopes of the mountain, there are many not only boulders but also caverns filled with clear water as well as ice. There are glaciers and snowfields. From the north-eastern part of the mountain, you can observe Lake Blue near which tourists and travellers like to make bivouacs.

Mesmerizing with its beauty and inaccessibility, it attracts many tourists and fans of active recreation. This majestic mountain is quite remote from the settlements, so getting to it is not an easy task. The mountain is located in the Yugyd Va National Park , so it is necessary to register in advance and get a visit permit from the park administration. How to get to the park administration and get a permit, read the article on the Yugyd Va National Park .

Mountain Zaschita (1,808 m) is the second-highest peak in the Ural Mountains, after Mount Narodnaya . Mysteriously, the name of the mountain, which roughly translates as Defense or Protection Mount, does not correlate in any way with the Mansi names of the nearby mountains and rivers. The origin of the name is unknown. There are some speculations but we will consider just one of them. On the map of the Northern Urals which was made by the Hungarian researcher Reguli the closest peak to Mount Narodnaya was called gnetying olu. Its location coincides with that of the present-day Mount Zaschita . The name gnetying olu in the Mansi can be deciphered as a mountain on which there is some help from ice. The mountain is believed to protect deer grazing on glaciers from mosquitoes. So, early topographers called the mountain more briefly – Mount Defense. Indeed, the slopes of this mountain are covered with a lot of snow and glaciers (the Yugra, Naroda, Kosyu, Hobyu glaciers and others). And it is here that the Mansi shepherds bring their deer which can rest on glaciers and snow. Summarizing all the above, we can say that Zaschita Mount is to some extent protection for deer from mosquitoes. The very name Zaschita appeared on maps with the beginning of hiking tours in the Subpolar Urals.

Mount Neroyka (1,645 m) is 100 km from Neroyka village, the closest tourist base to this peak. In the 1950s, people who were engaged in quartz mining near the mountain worked and lived in this base. Later, a gravel road was built from the village of Saranpaul to the mountain for large-scale development of the quartz deposit. In recent years, the road has not been much used and is practically not cleaned from snow in winter. There has been a plant built 20 km down from the mountain for primary processing of quartz with the use of nanotechnologies. There is an annual big camping event near the mountain. It is organized by the Tourism Department of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area. You can have a 1-hour helicopter ride to the mountain from the village of Saranpaul. Should you wish to fly from the city of Khanty-Mansiysk , be prepared to fly over the taiga for 2.5-3 hours.

Quite inquisitive tourists happened to discover, by a lucky chance, a Pyramid similar to that of Cheops but four times bigger. It is located on the territory of the Narodo-Ityinsky Ridge. The closest to the pyramid is the village of Saranpaul. The sizes of the found pyramid are as follows: the height is 774 m, in comparison to the Egyptian pyramid which is 147 m; the length of a lateral edge is 230 m whereas the Egyptian pyramid is 1 km. The pyramid is located precisely according to the cardinal directions, there is not a single degree deviation at that. The origin of the pyramid is unknown, scientists are still making assumptions. No traces of human activity were found near the pyramid. The only way to get here at this time is by helicopter.

Samarovskaya Mountain is another wonder that is baffling many people. It is dividing the city of Khanty-Mansiysk into northern and southern parts. Few now living residents know that in the old days the highest part of the modern city used to bear a plural name of the Samarovsky Mountains among which there were Mount Palenina, Komissarskaya, Miroslavskaya, Filinova, and Romanova. Originally, there was a village called Samarovo amidst these mountains. Until now, many issues bewilder both residents and scientists. How could a mountain form in the middle of the West Siberian Plain? What is inside it? Won't the weight of the buildings erected on the top of the mountain affect its height? The uniqueness of Samarovskaya Mountain is that it consists of numerous large stones, boulders, rocks that are absolutely foreign to this area. Scientists have not yet come to a consensus on the mountain’s origin.

The Yugra is very famous for its ski resorts, the main of which are:

• The Cedar Ravine ski resort (Surgut city, Naberezhny Ave. 39/1)
• Three Mountains (Trekhgorie) ski resort (30 km from Nizhnevartovsk, Ermakovsky settlement)
• Stone Cape (Kamenniy Mys) ski resort (near the city of Surgut)
• Pine Urman ski resort ( Khanty-Mansiysk , Sportivnaya Str., 24)

The far-away lands of the Yugra are the blessed sanctuaries for many animals as the area is rather hostile to a human There are reserves, natural parks, wildlife sanctuaries here that aim to protect the national treasures of the lands. Having visited these regions once, you would crave for coming back again and again to feel that unique sense of unity with nature, to forget about the urban fuss and and hustles whatsoever. The harsh but beautiful nature of this extraordinary area leaves an indelible trace in the soul of every person.

On the territory of the district there are 25 specially protected natural areas, the most famous of them are:

• The reserves are two: the Malaya Sosva Reserve and the Yugan Reserve, the latter was established in 1982 as the largest reserve of taiga landscapes. The purpose of the reserves was to study unobtrusively and carefully preserve the endemic flora and fauna without disturbing natural processes. Hunting and economic activities are prohibited here, which is important for the preservation of natural ecosystems.
• The natural parks are the Samarovsky Chugas Nature Park, the Siberian Sloping Hills (Uvaly), the Numto (also called Lake Numto), and the Kondinskie Lakes.

These reserves and natural parks offer tourists their own excursion programs to make visiting their territory much more enjoyable and educational.

The Samarovsky Chugas Nature Park is located in the center of Khanty-Mansiysk , on a small hill between the Ob and Irtysh rivers.

The territory of the Siberian Sloping Hills (Uvaly) natural park is 350 km away from the city of Khanty-Mansiysk . You can get there by helicopter or by plane. The office of the park is located at 7a Pionerskaya Street, Nizhnevartovsk.

The Kondinskie Lakes Natural Park is located 380 km from Khanty-Mansiysk . Half of the park is covered with swamps, but there is also a recreational area. There you can rest, swim, do some amateur fishing, picking berries (cowberries, cranberries) and mushrooms is permitted. There is only one independent walking route here, it runs for 3 km in the deep forest. It is a cool place for kids since the park is equipped with sports grounds, a pool and a small zoo where the kids can interact with brown bear cubs. What else, try the TaiPark, it is a rope course running at the height of 2.5 meters, having 15 stages, the full length is 125 meters. There is an opportunity to order water walking tours in the town of Sovetsky, which can be reached by train from Khanty-Mansiysk .

The Numto Nature Park is located almost in the center of the West Siberian Plain, in the Beloyarsk district of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Area, 300 km from the city of Surgut and 200 km from the town of Beloyarsk. It is located on the border of Yugra and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Area. The administration of the park is located at 2, Beloyarsky micro-district, 4a. The territory of the natural park is a treasure trove of archaeological and ethnocultural monuments. As of today, there have been discovered 20 architectural monuments, including fortified and not fortified settlements, places of worship abandoned by the peoples who lived here from the Stone Age to almost the present day. Researchers have also found 65 monuments of ethnic value, the main of which are worship objects, sacred places and cemeteries.

The Malaya Sosva Reserve includes several subordinated territories and sanctuaries, including Lake Ranghe-Tour. The reserve offers a 4-km walking guided route that gets the visitors introduced to the typical features and characteristics of flora and fauna of the region. The route is called Bear Trail and you can spot bears there (don’t come close though, we’ve already written how to behave if you meet a bear in the wild). Also, you will see the River Malaya Sosva, some marshes, ancient cultural monuments and other nice sights. Permission to visit the reserve can be obtained from the administration of the reserve at Lenina Str. 46, town Sovetskiy.

As to the Yugan Nature Reserve , it is inaccessible to common hikers who are afraid of flying since there are no roads to it. The only way to get there is taking a helicopter ride. You also must obtain a permit in the administration of the reserve, go accompanied by employees of the reserve, and only on special transport of the reserve (motorboat, snowmobile). The central manor of the Reserve and the administration are located in the village of Ugut. To get to this village, you should first go to the town of Surgut, then go to the town of Pyt-Yakh, and from it there is a road to the village of Ugut. It is about 100 km from Ugut to the southern border of the reserve i, and another 25 km to the nearest cordon. The administration works from Monday to Friday. You can request a permit via mail at [email protected] , order a guided tour at [email protected]

The Yugra lands are heaven for water sports aficionados. They can have some awesome fishing or go rafting along such rivers as: the river Naroda, the Deep Sabun, etc.

The Naroda River is 140 km long. It is the left tributary of the Manya River located in the Ob River basin. The river has its origin on the south-western slope of Mount Narodnaya . It is a mountain-taiga river with rapids, swifts, numerous rolls, which attracts interest among water tourists. However, it is usually not rafted very often.

The Deep Sabun River flows through the territory of the Siberian Sloping Hills Nature Park. The park has developed multi-day water routes. It is possible to raft along the river in summer and to go skiing along it in winter.

The Kondinskie Lakes are a system of lakes along the left bank of the Konda River. The largest lake is the Arantur, with pine forests on the northern side and sandy beaches well equipped for a nice relaxing me-time. The water heats up well in summer. The small river Okunevaya and the river Maly Akh flow into the lake. The Maly Akh comes in on the west side and connects lake Arantur with Lake Pon-Tour. This lake is the richest in fish, and there is also a parking lot for fishermen here. The streams connect Pon-Tour with small lakes Krugloe and Lopukhovoye. When you look at Lopukhovoe lake, you feel as if you have found yourself in a fabulous place: more than half of its surface is covered with white lilies, as well as yellow flowers of the water-beans. Then the river Big Akh, which flows into the river Konda, connects all the lakes into a single system. Along the river there are many archeological monuments such as forts and settlements which have paths to them. The southernmost lake of the park is Ranghe-Tour.

Yugra is not the easiest destination and not the most accessible, but the effort is well worth it. You should first get to the capital of Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Area – the city of Khanty-Mansiysk either by air or by train.

Khanty-Mansiysk is based on the premises of the former village Samarovo founded in 1582. It used to be the territory of the Khanty people and a pit stop for coachmen who rode their wagons across the country. The village was founded by Russian Count Samara, thus the name Samarovo. The modern city actually began to develop in 1930 because amidst the Siberian taiga there finally started to appear stone houses on the high bank of the Irtysh River. In 1940, the village was renamed into Khanty-Mansiysk by the name of the peoples living on this territory – the Khanty and the Mansi, and in 1950 it received the status of a town.

The city has several attractions. Mount Samarovskaya is probably the biggest natural and scientific wonder. It divides the city in two parts and causes many concerns for urban developers who always wonder whether this mountain can move making the buildings slide or even sink in.

Another beauty is the century-old cedar grove that is within the city limits. The grove is a part of the natural park Samarovsky Chugas. The word chugas in the language of the Khanty means a lonely hill in the low river floodplain.

The park is one of the main attractions of the city, it hosts an open-air ethnographic museum called the Torum Maa, a cultural and tourist complex called Archaeopark, a biathlon center. Kids and adults, nature lovers and fans of culture love this place dearly.

A memorial sign to Yugra's discoverers is installed on top of the Samarovsky Chugas. It is a tall stele pyramid divided into three portions. On the lower level, there is a restaurant, on the second level is a small museum, and on the third level there is an observation deck, 40 m above the ground, with a magnificent view of the Irtysh River and the river port. The pyramid is decorated by the bas-relief depicting the discoverers of the region, from the 16th-century Count Samara to the geologists of the 20th century.

Another trademark of Khanty-Mansiysk is the State Museum of Nature and Man. The museum hosts a gallery and a workshop of a famous artist G. Rayshev.

The city has a lot of small monuments generously spread around the city. There is the Khanty family resting on a camp, this monument is near the airport building. You can take a pic at the Golden Tambourine located at the intersection of Gagarin Street and Mira Street. Connoisseurs of culture should also visit the Sun – the Theatre of Ob-Ugrian Peoples, it is the world's first professional theatre of Khanty and Mansi peoples. And if you are travelling with kids, the Khanty-Mansiysk Puppet Theatre is a must-visit. In the period from May to October, you can take a boat ride to the confluence of two rivers – the Ob and the Irtysh. Yugra Service Co. operates such cruises, you can find more information locally at their address Tobolsk Trakt street 4, Khanty-Mansiysk .

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