social media and youngsters essay

Social media brings benefits and risks to teens. Psychology can help identify a path forward

New psychological research exposes the harms and positive outcomes of social media. APA’s recommendations aim to add science-backed balance to the discussion

Vol. 54 No. 6 Print version: page 46

• Social Media and Internet

This was the year that social media itself went viral—and not in a good way. In March, President Joe Biden threatened to ban the Chinese-owned video-sharing site TikTok. In April, a bipartisan group of senators introduced legislation to ban kids under 13 from joining social media. In May, the U.S. surgeon general issued an advisory urging action to protect children online ( Social Media and Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory , 2023 ). Just days earlier, APA issued its first-ever health advisory, providing recommendations to protect youth from the risks of social media ( Health Advisory on Social Media Use in Adolescence , 2023 ).

As youth mental health continues to suffer, parents, teachers, and legislators are sounding the alarm on social media. But fear and misinformation often go hand in hand. APA’s recommendations aim to add science-backed balance to the discussion. “There’s such a negative conversation happening around social media, and there is good reason for that. However, it’s important to realize there can be benefits for many teens,” said Jacqueline Nesi, PhD, an assistant professor of psychology at Brown University who studies technology use in youth, and a member of the APA panel that produced the health advisory. “Teens (and adults) obviously get something out of social media. We have to take a balanced view if we want to reach teens and help them use these platforms in healthier ways.”

[ Related:  What parents should know to keep their teens safe on social media ]

In 2023, an estimated 4.9 billion people worldwide are expected to use social media. For teens who grew up with technology, those digital platforms are woven into the fabric of their lives. “Social media is here to stay,” said Mary Alvord, PhD, a clinical psychologist in Maryland and adjunct professor at George Washington University, and a member of the APA panel. That doesn’t mean we have to accept its dangers, however. “Just as we decide when kids are old enough to drive, and we teach them to be good drivers, we can establish guidelines and teach children to use social media safely,” Alvord said.

Social media charms and harms

Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, rates of depression, anxiety, and suicide in young people were climbing. In 2021, more than 40% of high school students reported depressive symptoms, with girls and LGBTQ+ youth reporting even higher rates of poor mental health and suicidal thoughts, according to data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( American Economic Review , Vol. 112, No. 11, 2022 ).

Young people may be particularly vulnerable to social media’s charms—as well as its harms. During adolescent development, brain regions associated with the desire for attention, feedback, and reinforcement from peers become more sensitive. Meanwhile, the brain regions involved in self-control have not fully matured. That can be a recipe for disaster. “The need to prioritize peers is a normal part of adolescent development, and youth are turning to social media for some of that longed-for peer contact,” said clinical psychologist Mary Ann McCabe, PhD, ABPP, a member-at-large of APA’s Board of Directors, adjunct associate professor of pediatrics at George Washington University School of Medicine, and cochair of the expert advisory panel. “The original yearning is social, but kids can accidentally wander into harmful content.”

[ Related: Potential risks of content, features, and functions: The science of how social media affects youth ]

The potential risks of social media may be especially acute during early adolescence when puberty delivers an onslaught of biological, psychological, and social changes. One longitudinal analysis of data from youth in the United Kingdom found distinct developmental windows during which adolescents are especially sensitive to social media’s impact. During those windows—around 11 to 13 for girls and 14 to 15 for boys—more social media use predicts a decrease in life satisfaction a year later, while lower use predicts greater life satisfaction ( Orben, A., et al.,  Nature Communications , Vol. 13, No. 1649, 2022 ).

One takeaway from such research is that adults should monitor kids’ social media use closely in early adolescence, between the ages of 10 and 14 or so. As kids become more mature and develop digital literacy skills, they can earn more autonomy.

The cost of connection

The internet is at its best when it brings people together. Adults can help kids get the most out of social media by encouraging them to use online platforms to engage with others in positive ways. “The primary benefit is social connection, and that’s true for teens who are connecting with friends they already have or making new connections,” Nesi said. “On social media, they can find people who share their identities and interests.”

Online social interaction can promote healthy socialization among teens, especially when they’re experiencing stress or social isolation. For youth who have anxiety or struggle in social situations, practicing conversations over social media can be an important step toward feeling more comfortable interacting with peers in person. Social media can also help kids stay in touch with their support networks. That can be especially important for kids from marginalized groups, such as LGBTQ+ adolescents who may be reluctant or unable to discuss their identity with caregivers ( Craig, S. L., et al.,  Social Media + Society , Vol. 7, No. 1, 2021 ). In such cases, online support can be a lifeline.

“We know from suicide prevention research that it’s critical for people to know they aren’t alone,” Alvord said.

Kids also learn about themselves online. “Social media provides a lot of opportunities for young people to discover new information, learn about current events, engage with issues, and have their voices heard,” Nesi added. “And it gives them an opportunity to explore their identities, which is an important task of the adolescent years.”

Yet all those opportunities come at a cost. “There is a lot of good that can come from social media. The problem is, the algorithms can also lead you down rabbit holes,” Alvord said. Technology is expertly designed to pull us in. Features such as “like” buttons, notifications, and videos that start playing automatically make it incredibly hard to step away. At the extreme, social media use can interfere with sleep, physical activity, schoolwork, and in-person social interactions. “The risk of technologies that pull us in is that they can get in the way of all the things we know are important for a teen’s development,” Nesi said.

Research suggests that setting limits and boundaries around social media, combined with discussion and coaching from adults, is the best way to promote positive outcomes for youth ( Wachs, S., et al.,  Computers & Education , Vol. 160, No. 1, 2021 ). Parents should talk to kids often about social media and technology and also use strategies like limiting the amount of time kids can use devices and removing devices from the bedroom at night. Caregivers should also keep an eye out for problematic behaviors, such as strong cravings to use social media, an inability to stop, and lying or sneaking around in order to use devices when they aren’t allowed.

[ Related:   How much is too much social media use: A Q&A with Mitch Prinstein, PhD ]

In helping to set boundaries around social media, it’s important that parents don’t simply limit access to devices, Alvord added. “Removing devices can feel punitive. Instead, parents should focus on encouraging kids to spend time with other activities they find valuable, such as movement and art activities they enjoy,” she said. “When kids are spending more time on those things, they’re less likely to be stuck on social media.”

Dangerous content

Spending too much time on social media is one cause for concern. Dangerous content is another. Despite efforts by caregivers and tech companies to protect kids from problematic material, they still encounter plenty of it online—including mis- and disinformation, racism and hate speech, and content that promotes dangerous behaviors such as disordered eating and self-harm.

During the first year of the pandemic, when kids were spending more time at home and online, McCabe saw a flurry of new diagnoses of eating disorders in her teen patients and their friends. “These kids often reported that they started by watching something relatively benign, like exercise videos,” she said. But their social media algorithms doubled down on that content, offering up more and more material related to body image and weight. “It was an echo chamber,” McCabe added. “And several of my patients attributed their eating disorders to this online behavior.”

Unfortunately, McCabe’s observations seem to be part of a common pattern. A large body of research, cited in APA’s health advisory, suggests that using social media for comparisons and feedback related to physical appearance is linked to poorer body image, disordered eating, and depressive symptoms, especially among girls.

Other research shows that when youth are exposed to unsafe behaviors online, such as substance use or self-harm, they may be at greater risk of engaging in similar behaviors themselves. In a longitudinal study of high school students, Nesi and colleagues showed that kids who saw their peers drinking alcohol on social media were more likely to start drinking and to binge drink 1 year later, even after controlling for demographic and developmental risk factors ( Journal of Adolescent Health , Vol. 60, No. 6, 2017 ).

Cyberbullying is another source of worry, both for young people and their caregivers. Indeed, research shows that online bullying and harassment can be harmful for a young person’s psychological well-being. APA’s health advisory cited several studies that found online bullying and harassment can be more severe than offline bullying. The research showed it can increase the risk of mental health problems in adolescents—with risks for both perpetrators and victims of cyberhate.

Ingrained racism

Search engines and social media algorithms can expose adolescents to other types of cyberhate, including racism. In fact, online algorithms often have structural racism and bias baked in, in ways that White users might not even notice. Sometimes, the algorithms themselves churn out biased or racist content. TikTok, for instance, has come under fire for recommending new accounts based on the appearance of the people a user already follows—with the inadvertent effect of segregating the platform. In addition to this form of “algorithmic bias,” people of color are frequently subjected to what some researchers call “filter bias.” In one common example, the beauty filters built into sites like Instagram or Snapchat might apply paler skin or more typically White facial features to a user’s selfies.

Like microaggressions in offline life, online racism in the form of algorithmic and filter bias can take a toll on mental health, said Brendesha Tynes, PhD, a professor of education and psychology at the University of Southern California, and a member of the APA advisory panel. In an ongoing daily diary study with adolescents, she is finding evidence that people who are exposed to algorithmic and filter bias are at increased risk of next-day depression and anxiety symptoms.

“I’m an adult who studies these issues and who has a lot of strategies to protect myself, and it can still be really hard” to cope with online racism, she said. Impressionable teens who haven’t learned such strategies are likely to experience even greater psychological impacts from the racism they encounter every day on social media. “We’re just beginning to understand the profound negative impacts of online racism,” Tynes said. “We need all hands on deck in supporting kids of color and helping them cope with these experiences.”

Despite the drawbacks of technology, there is a silver lining. Tynes has found Black youth receive valuable social support from other Black people on social media. Those interactions can help them learn to think critically about the racism they encounter. That’s important, since her research also shows that youth who are able to critique racism experience less psychological distress when they witness race-related traumatic events online ( Journal of Adolescent Health , Vol. 43, No. 6, 2008 ).

Tynes said more research is needed to understand how online racism affects youth and how best to protect them from its harms.

“Different groups have vastly different experiences online,” she said. “We need more detailed recommendations for specific groups.”

A role for psychology

How to protect kids from online racism is just one of a long list of questions on researchers’ wish lists. Digital technologies evolve so quickly that kids are off to a new platform before scientists can finish collecting data about yesterday’s favorite sites. “There’s so much we still don’t know about this topic. That’s understandably frustrating for people because social media is impacting people’s lives as we speak,” Nesi said.

It’s likely some groups, and some individuals, are more susceptible than others to the negative effects of social media, she added. “We need more information about who is more vulnerable and who is more resilient, and what it is they’re doing online that’s healthy versus harmful.”

While there is a lot of work to be done, Nesi said, “we’re getting closer.” As APA’s recommendations make clear, there is ample evidence some types of content and online behaviors can harm youth. Adult role models can work together with teens to understand the pitfalls of technology and establish boundaries to protect them from dangerous content and excessive screen time.

Psychological research shows children from a young age should be taught digital literacy skills such as identifying misinformation, protecting privacy, understanding how people can misrepresent themselves online, and how to critically evaluate race-related materials online. One way to promote those skills may be to lean into teens’ inherent skepticism of grown-ups. “You can teach kids that a lot of people want something from them,” Alvord said—whether it’s a stranger trying to message them on Instagram, or TikTok earning money by collecting their data or showing them branded content.

That’s not to say it’s easy to help kids develop a healthy relationship with social media. “By necessity, adolescents disagree more with their parents—and they are formidable when they insist on having something, like phones or social media, that all their friends have,” McCabe said. “But parents are eager for guidance. There is an appetite for this information now,” she added—and psychological scientists can help provide it.

That scientific research can inform broader efforts to keep children safe on social media as well. “Parents can’t do this alone,” Nesi said. “We need larger-scale changes to these platforms to protect kids.”

There are efforts to make such changes. The Kids Online Safety Act, a bipartisan bill introduced in April, establishes a duty of care for social media companies to protect minors from mental health harms, sex trafficking, narcotics, and other dangers. Additionally, the bill requires social media companies to go through independent, external audits, allows researcher access to platform data assets, and creates substantial youth and parental controls to create a safer digital environment. Even as legislators and tech companies consider those and other policies, researchers can continue their efforts to determine which actions might be most protective, said Nesi, who is currently leading a study to understand which features of social media are helpful versus harmful for kids at high risk of suicide. “For some kids, being able to connect with others and find support is really important. For others, social media may create more challenges than it solves,” Nesi said. “The key is making sure we don’t accidentally do any harm” by enacting restrictions and legislation that are not backed by science.

While researchers forge ahead, clinical psychologists, too, can add valuable insight for teens and their families. “Screens are a central part of adolescents’ lives, and that needs to be integrated into assessment and treatment,” Nesi said. “Clinicians can help families and teens take a step back and look at their social media use to figure out what’s working for them and what isn’t.”

Someday, McCabe said, digital literacy may be taught in schools the same way that youth learn about sexual health and substance use. “I hope we’ll come to a point where teaching about the healthy use of social media is an everyday occurrence,” she said. “Because of this dialogue that we’re having now among families and policymakers, we may see a new generation of kids whose entry into the digital world is very different, where we can use social media for connection and education but minimize the harms,” she added. “I hope this is the beginning of a new day.”

Social media recommendations

APA’s Health Advisory on Social Media Use in Adolescence makes these recommendations based on the scientific evidence to date:

• Youth using social media should be encouraged to use functions that create opportunities for social support, online companionship, and emotional intimacy that can promote healthy socialization.
• Social media use, functionality, and permissions/consenting should be tailored to youths’ developmental capabilities; designs created for adults may not be appropriate for children.
• In early adolescence (i.e., typically 10–14 years), adult monitoring (i.e., ongoing review, discussion, and coaching around social media content) is advised for most youths’ social media use; autonomy may increase gradually as kids age and if they gain digital literacy skills. However, monitoring should be balanced with youths’ appropriate needs for privacy.
• To reduce the risks of psychological harm, adolescents’ exposure to content on social media that depicts illegal or psychologically maladaptive behavior, including content that instructs or encourages youth to engage in health-risk behaviors, such as self-harm (e.g., cutting, suicide), harm to others, or those that encourage eating-disordered behavior (e.g., restrictive eating, purging, excessive exercise) should be minimized, reported, and removed; moreover, technology should not drive users to this content.
• To minimize psychological harm, adolescents’ exposure to “cyberhate” including online discrimination, prejudice, hate, or cyberbullying especially directed toward a marginalized group (e.g., racial, ethnic, gender, sexual, religious, ability status), or toward an individual because of their identity or allyship with a marginalized group should be minimized.
• Adolescents should be routinely screened for signs of “problematic social media use” that can impair their ability to engage in daily roles and routines, and may present risk for more serious psychological harms over time.
• The use of social media should be limited so as to not interfere with adolescents’ sleep and physical activity.
• Adolescents should limit use of social media for social comparison, particularly around beauty- or appearance-related content.
• Adolescents’ social media use should be preceded by training in social media literacy to ensure that users have developed psychologically-informed competencies and skills that will maximize the chances for balanced, safe, and meaningful social media use.
• Substantial resources should be provided for continued scientific examination of the positive and negative effects of social media on adolescent development.

Read the full recommendations and see the science behind them .

Further reading

Algorithms of oppression: How search engines reinforce racism Noble, S. U., New York University Press, 2018

Family Online Safety Institute

An updated agenda for the study of digital media use and adolescent development: Future directions following Odgers & Jensen (2020) Prinstein, M. J., et al., The Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry , 2020

From Google searches to Russian disinformation: Adolescent critical race digital literacy needs and skills Tynes, B., et al., International Journal of Multicultural Education , 2021

How social media affects teen mental health: A missing link Orben, A., & Blakemore, S.J. Nature , Feb. 14, 2023

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Social Media Effect on Young People

Impact of social media on youth: essay introduction, positive and negative impact of social media on youth: essay conclusion, works cited.

Are you about to write a research paper on social media effect on young people? Then check out our “impact of social media on youth” essay sample! Here, you’ll find psychological, financial, and other effects of social media.

Social media is gaining subscribers daily, and youth actively use one or more platforms. Growth in technology has sparked an exponential rate of using social media for communication, marketing, and other activities among youth. While there are many positive impacts of social media on young people, there are also negative repercussions of using various social media platforms.

Youth can utilize social media to communicate their ideas and set up e-commerce marketing channels through social media platforms. However, access to explicit and dangerous information is a major threat to young people using social media. Social media is a prominent part of youth’s life in the contemporary world. Nonetheless, its use should be regulated to ensure that young people only reap the positive benefits of technology.

Social media has facilitated a medium to develop discussion groups covering the subject matter in class; hence, it is a good platform for enhancing students’ performance in school (Boulianne 526). The discussion groups facilitate consultation when students are handling their assignments. Some discussion groups include tutors who can help students grasp the subject matter delivered in class.

Social media has also led to more youth taking an active role in politics. Social media platforms facilitate direct access to political leaders, which has led to more leaders using the avenue to educate their followers (Valenzuela 922). Youth can now participate in lobbying activities and influence the political climate by voting in large numbers.

Social media is an excellent avenue for accessing information related to the issues facing global society. Young people can facilitate solutions to some of the issues by focusing their education on careers that will place them in a position to tackle the world’s challenges (Boulianne 526). 

Moreover, youth are becoming more tolerant of diversity, following the ability to communicate with people from different parts of the world in various interest groups on social media. The enhancement of cultural competence is a desirable effect on social media.

The networks developed through social media interaction processes also enhance youth’s access to business opportunities. Young people are developing small businesses and selling goods and services through social media.

Social media has promoted the development of sedentary lifestyles among young people. Youth spend most of their time chatting with their friends on social media through smartphones and computers, leading to a high preference for staying indoors.

Social media is detrimental to grades in school because studies have shown that as the hours spent on social media increase, grades deteriorate for students.

Social media has also facilitated a platform where young people can be easily victimized by individuals with malicious intentions. For instance, sex predators, identity thieves, and conmen have been targeting profiles belonging to young people because they are easily lured into their traps. 

Parents have been forced to use filtering and monitoring software to protect their children, but young people are still at risk because they use social media from different gadgets away from home (Nikken and Jansz 254). 

Social media has provided young people with a communication avenue tied to various benefits. They include the development of a broad social network that enhances opportunities and cultural competence. However, young people must use various platforms carefully to avoid being victimized by cybercriminals.

Boulianne, Shelley. “Social Media Use and Participation: A Meta-Analysis of Current Research.” Information, Communication & Society , vol. 18, no. 5, 2015, pp. 524-538.

Nikken, Peter, and Jeroen Jansz. “Developing Scales to Measure Parental Mediation of Young Children’s Internet Use.” Learning, Media and Technology , vol. 39, no. 2, 2014, pp. 250-266.

Valenzuela, Sebastian. “Unpacking the Use of Social Media for Protest Behavior: The Roles of Information, Opinion Expression, and Activism.” American Behavioral Scientist , vol. 57, no. 7, 2013, pp. 920-942.

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Essay on Impact of Social Media on Youth

Students are often asked to write an essay on Impact of Social Media on Youth in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Youth

Social media’s influence.

Social media has become a significant part of youth culture. It’s a platform for sharing ideas, connecting with friends, and exploring interests. However, it also presents challenges.

Positive Impacts

Social media can boost confidence, foster friendships, and provide a space for self-expression. It can also be a valuable educational tool, offering access to a wealth of knowledge.

Negative Impacts

On the downside, social media can lead to cyberbullying, loss of privacy, and unhealthy comparisons. It can also be addictive, causing a decrease in physical activity and face-to-face social interaction.

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250 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Youth

Introduction.

Social media has become an integral part of modern society, reshaping the way we communicate and interact. Its impact on youth, who are the most frequent users, is profound and multifaceted.

The Positive Impact

On one hand, social media enhances connectivity, allowing youth to maintain relationships and engage with a broader community. It serves as a platform for self-expression and creativity, aiding in identity formation. Moreover, it provides access to information, fostering learning and awareness.

The Negative Impact

However, the digital landscape also harbors pitfalls. Excessive use can lead to addiction, affecting physical health and academic performance. Social media can also trigger mental health issues, such as anxiety and depression, due to cyberbullying or the pressure to maintain an idealized online persona.

The Influence on Perception

Social media’s curated content influences youth’s perceptions of reality, often fostering unrealistic expectations. This can lead to dissatisfaction, self-esteem issues, and a distorted body image, especially among teenagers.

In conclusion, while social media offers numerous benefits, its adverse effects cannot be overlooked. It is crucial for educational institutions and parents to guide youth in navigating this digital realm, promoting responsible use and digital literacy. This will help mitigate the negative impacts and harness the potential of social media for the holistic development of the youth.

500 Words Essay on Impact of Social Media on Youth

Social media has become an integral part of our lives, shaping our perception of the world. It has a profound impact on youth, influencing their thoughts, actions, and overall development. This essay explores the impact of social media on youth, focusing on both its positive and negative aspects.

The Positive Impact of Social Media

Furthermore, social media serves as an educational resource. It provides a platform for sharing and accessing information on diverse topics, helping young people expand their knowledge and skills. For instance, YouTube tutorials, online study groups on Facebook, or professional networking on LinkedIn can contribute significantly to a student’s academic and career growth.

The Negative Impact of Social Media

While social media has its advantages, it also has a dark side. One of the significant concerns is its impact on mental health. The constant comparison with others’ lives, cyberbullying, and the pressure to maintain an ideal online persona can lead to stress, anxiety, and depression among youth.

The Role of Digital Literacy

Given the pervasive influence of social media, it’s crucial to promote digital literacy among youth. They should be educated about the responsible use of social media, the potential risks involved, and how to safeguard themselves online. Schools, parents, and society at large have a significant role to play in fostering this awareness.

In conclusion, social media has a profound impact on youth, with both positive and negative implications. It has revolutionized communication and learning, but also poses risks to mental health and well-being. Therefore, it’s essential to promote digital literacy and responsible social media usage among young people. This balanced approach can help youth harness the benefits of social media while mitigating its potential harm.

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How does social media affect teenagers?

Study tips Published 15 Jun, 2021  ·  5-minute read

Is social media a blessing for teens, a curse for parents or perhaps a bit of both? We explore how social media affects teenage mental health and other key aspects of this ongoing dilemma.

It’s no secret social media has become an essential part of the average teenager’s everyday life. Whether it’s sharing photos on Instagram, messaging friends on Snapchat or choreographing a dance on TikTok, teens are enveloped by the online world of social media.

But is social media good for teenagers? Can the potential benefits balance out the well-documented problems? We sought out Associate Professor Alina Morawska, Centre Director at the Parenting and Family Support Centre in the UQ School of Psychology, to learn how social media affects teenagers and what parents can do to help.

How does social media affect teenagers’ mental health?

Alina says teenagers on social media have “increased exposure to harm, social isolation, depression, anxiety and cyber-bullying.”

The impact of social media on teenagers can be significant. It’s not just a case of losing sleep and getting distracted during the day – social media can have far-reaching negative effects on a teen’s mental health .

As the adolescent brain is still developing, it’s more vulnerable to time online. And since teens can sometimes struggle to self-regulate their screen time, their exposure – and the risk of harm – increases. As a result, teen social media use often correlates with:

• low self-esteem
• loneliness.

“Adolescence is a time when peer relationships are particularly important, so there may very well be pressure from the peer circle to be online,” says Alina.

“If you’re not online, you’re missing out – you’re not part of the group.”

UQ psychology students learn about a wide range of factors that can influence a person’s mental health.

Depression and anxiety

While researchers have only just started to uncover the link between depression and social media, what they’ve discovered suggests increased social media use can intensify the symptoms of depression . Teens suffering from this will usually display an increase in loneliness and a decrease in social activities.

Another component is anxiety. Many teens are deeply devoted to their social media accounts and content, which leads them to feel an immense amount of stress – to respond quickly, to post perfect photos with witty captions and, of course, to receive lots of likes. Add cyber-bullying and other offensive online behaviours to the mix, and it’s easy to see why social media causes a great deal of anxiety for teens .

Low self-esteem

Another way social media affects teenager’s mental health is by exacerbating any existing problems with low self-esteem . Teens are particularly vulnerable to feeling down about themselves and their bodies when they follow certain celebrities and influencers online. They’re getting content, feedback and pressure from many more people than they ever would encounter in the real world. This makes it easy for teens to play a dangerous comparison game when they see people’s curated feed online and think they are happier, better-looking or more well-off than they are. This can be detrimental to their mental health.

How long does the average teenager spend on social media?

According to Australian statistics from Roy Morgan :

• girls aged 14-24 spend 822 minutes on social media each week (about 2 hours a day )
• boys aged 14-24 spend 528 minutes a week (just over an hour each day ).

The average teenager spends about 1.6 hours on social media every day.

Research carried out by the Australian government’s eSafety Commissioner revealed that in a 6-month period in 2020, 4 in 10 teens (44% of those surveyed) had a negative experience online. This included being contacted by a stranger, sent inappropriate content or being deliberately excluded from events or social groups.  

Despite this, however, teens still spent an average of 14.4 hours a week online and used an average of 4 social media services regularly. 

Alina shed some light on why social media is such an addictive vice for young minds.

“Social networking is a way of being and interacting with others and the world these days,” she says.

“Humans are inherently social, so our use of social media is consistent with this. However, because of the way social media is structured – always on, always available – it can be difficult to switch off from it.”

Should parents limit their teenager’s use of social media?

There are several cases where it might be suitable for a parent to limit their teenager’s social media use.

• The first reason is addiction . If social media takes up a large proportion of their day, affects their sleep and schoolwork, and they don’t have the self-regulation to limit their use themselves, it may be time to step in and implement some boundaries.
• The second reason is if you have reason to believe your teenager is engaging in inappropriate and irresponsible online behaviour or if they are exposed to it. Teens shouldn’t have the privilege of their own social media accounts unless they’re able to conduct themselves responsibly online.
• And thirdly, if your teen is showing signs of mental illness such as depression, anxiety or disordered eating related to social media, it’s a good idea to restrict their use and seek professional help.

In most cases, though, banning or limiting social media use won’t address the underlying issues and may only lead to resentment. So, we asked Alina how else parents can help their teens with their social media usage.

“It’s important for parents to consider their own relationship with social media and what they are modelling to their child,” says Alina.

“Consider setting some household rules around social media and devices for everyone, such as no devices at the dinner table.”

“Encourage discussions about the pros and cons of media use.”

Is social media good for teenagers?

While there are many downfalls of social media, there are benefits for teenagers as well. Social media platforms allow teens to:

• create online identities and be part of a community
• build social networks and communicate with others, which can provide them with support
• find entertainment, distraction, humour, education and information about social movements and human rights issues.

There are many positives associated with social media, and it’s important for teens to develop social media savviness to prepare them for adulthood where, undeniably, social media remains a major part of daily life. You can work with your teen to help them find the right balance between social media and their mental health. And if you’re worried your teen’s social media use is interfering with their schoolwork, consider these helpful study apps .

Would you believe there’s a link between social media platforms and educational environments? Discover how social media and the classroom don’t have to be mortal enemies .

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• Published: 01 July 2020

The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent

• Ine Beyens   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7023-867X 1 ,
• J. Loes Pouwels   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-392X 1 ,
• Irene I. van Driel   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7810-9677 1 ,
• Loes Keijsers   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8580-6000 2 &
• Patti M. Valkenburg   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0477-8429 1  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  10763 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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The question whether social media use benefits or undermines adolescents’ well-being is an important societal concern. Previous empirical studies have mostly established across-the-board effects among (sub)populations of adolescents. As a result, it is still an open question whether the effects are unique for each individual adolescent. We sampled adolescents’ experiences six times per day for one week to quantify differences in their susceptibility to the effects of social media on their momentary affective well-being. Rigorous analyses of 2,155 real-time assessments showed that the association between social media use and affective well-being differs strongly across adolescents: While 44% did not feel better or worse after passive social media use, 46% felt better, and 10% felt worse. Our results imply that person-specific effects can no longer be ignored in research, as well as in prevention and intervention programs.

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Introduction.

Ever since the introduction of social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, researchers have been studying whether the use of such media may affect adolescents’ well-being. These studies have typically reported mixed findings, yielding either small negative, small positive, or no effects of the time spent using social media on different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction and depressive symptoms (for recent reviews, see for example 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ). Most of these studies have focused on between-person associations, examining whether adolescents who use social media more (or less) often than their peers experience lower (or higher) levels of well-being than these peers. While such between-person studies are valuable in their own right, several scholars 6 , 7 have recently called for studies that investigate within-person associations to understand whether an increase in an adolescent’s social media use is associated with an increase or decrease in that adolescent’s well-being. The current study aims to respond to this call by investigating associations between social media use and well-being within single adolescents across multiple points in time 8 , 9 , 10 .

Person-specific effects

To our knowledge, four recent studies have investigated within-person associations of social media use with different indicators of adolescent well-being (i.e., life satisfaction, depression), again with mixed results 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . Orben and colleagues 6 found a small negative reciprocal within-person association between the time spent using social media and life satisfaction. Likewise, Boers and colleagues 12 found a small within-person association between social media use and increased depressive symptoms. Finally, Coyne and colleagues 11 and Jensen and colleagues 13 did not find any evidence for within-person associations between social media use and depression.

Earlier studies that investigated within-person associations of social media use with indicators of well-being have all only reported average effect sizes. However, it is possible, or even plausible, that these average within-person effects may have been small and nonsignificant because they result from sizeable heterogeneity in adolescents’ susceptibility to the effects of social media use on well-being (see 14 , 15 ). After all, an average within-person effect size can be considered an aggregate of numerous individual within-person effect sizes that range from highly positive to highly negative.

Some within-person studies have sought to understand adolescents’ differential susceptibility to the effects of social media by investigating differences between subgroups. For instance, they have investigated the moderating role of sex to compare the effects of social media on boys versus girls 6 , 11 . However, such a group-differential approach, in which potential differences in susceptibility are conceptualized by group-level moderators (e.g., gender, age) does not provide insights into more fine-grained differences at the level of the single individual 16 . After all, while girls and boys each represent a homogenous group in terms of sex, they may each differ on a wide array of other factors.

As such, although worthwhile, the average within-person effects of social media on well-being obtained in previous studies may have been small or non-significant because they are diluted across a highly heterogeneous population (or sub-population) of adolescents 14 , 15 . In line with the proposition of media effects theories that each adolescent may have a unique susceptibility to the effects of social media 17 , a viable explanation for the small and inconsistent findings in earlier studies may be that the effect of social media differs from adolescent to adolescent. The aim of the current study is to investigate this hypothesis and to obtain a better understanding of adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media on their affective well-being.

Social media and affective well-being

Within-person studies have provided important insights into the associations of social media use with cognitive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction 6 ), which refers to adolescents’ cognitive judgment of how satisfied they are with their life 18 . However, the associations of social media use with adolescents’ affective well-being (i.e., adolescents’ affective evaluations of their moods and emotions 18 ) are still unknown. In addition, while earlier within-person studies have focused on associations with trait-like conceptualizations of well-being 11 , 12 , 13 , that is, adolescents’ average well-being across specific time periods 18 , there is a lack of studies that focus on well-being as a momentary affective state. Therefore, we extend previous research by examining the association between adolescents’ social media use and their momentary affective well-being. Like earlier experience sampling (ESM) studies among adults 19 , 20 , we measured adolescents’ momentary affective well-being with a single item. Adolescents’ momentary affective well-being was defined as their current feelings of happiness, a commonly used question to measure well-being 21 , 22 , which has high convergent validity, as evidenced by the strong correlations with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect.

To assess adolescents’ momentary affective well-being (henceforth referred to as well-being), we conducted a week-long ESM study among 63 middle adolescents ages 14 and 15. Six times a day, adolescents were asked to complete a survey using their own mobile phone, covering 42 assessments per adolescent, assessing their affective well-being and social media use. In total, adolescents completed 2,155 assessments (83.2% average compliance).

We focused on middle adolescence, since this is the period in life characterized by most significant fluctuations in well-being 23 , 24 . Also, in comparison to early and late adolescents, middle adolescents are more sensitive to reactions from peers and have a strong tendency to compare themselves with others on social media and beyond. Because middle adolescents typically use different social media platforms, in a complementary way 25 , 26 , 27 , each adolescent reported on his/her use of the three social media platforms that s/he used most frequently out of the five most popular social media platforms among adolescents: WhatsApp, followed by Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and, finally, the chat function of games 28 . In addition to investigating the association between overall social media use and well-being (i.e., the summed use of adolescents’ three most frequently used platforms), we examined the unique associations of the two most popular platforms, WhatsApp and Instagram 28 .

Like previous studies on social media use and well-being, we distinguished between active social media use (i.e., “activities that facilitate direct exchanges with others” 29 ) and passive social media use (i.e., “consuming information without direct exchanges” 29 ). Within-person studies among young adults have shown that passive but not active social media use predicts decreases in well-being 29 . Therefore, we examined the unique associations of adolescents’ overall active and passive social media use with their well-being, as well as active and passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp, specifically. We investigated categorical associations, that is, whether adolescents would feel better or worse if they had actively or passively used social media. And we investigated dose–response associations to understand whether adolescents’ well-being would change as a function of the time they had spent actively or passively using social media.

The hypotheses and the design, sampling and analysis plan were preregistered prior to data collection and are available on the Open Science Framework, along with the code used in the analyses ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ). For details about the design of the study and analysis approach, see Methods.

In more than half of all assessments (68.17%), adolescents had used social media (i.e., one or more of their three favorite social media platforms), either in an active or passive way. Instagram (50.90%) and WhatsApp (53.52%) were used in half of all assessments. Passive use of social media (66.21% of all assessments) was more common than active use (50.86%), both on Instagram (48.48% vs. 20.79%) and WhatsApp (51.25% vs. 40.07%).

Strong positive between-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.69, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.38, p  < 0.01; WhatsApp: r  = 0.85, p  < 0.001): Adolescents who had spent more time actively using social media than their peers, had also spent more time passively using social media than their peers. Likewise, strong positive within-person correlations were found between the duration of active and passive social media use (overall: r  = 0.63, p  < 0.001; Instagram: r  = 0.37, p  < 0.001; WhatsApp: r  = 0.57, p  < 0.001): The more time an adolescent had spent actively using social media at a certain moment, the more time s/he had also spent passively using social media at that moment.

Table 1 displays the average number of minutes that adolescents had spent using social media in the past hour at each assessment, and the zero-order between- and within-person correlations between the duration of social media use and well-being. At the between-person level, the duration of active and passive social media use was not associated with well-being: Adolescents who had spent more time actively or passively using social media than their peers did not report significantly higher or lower levels of well-being than their peers. At the within-person level, significant but weak positive correlations were found between the duration of active and passive overall social media use and well-being. This indicates that adolescents felt somewhat better at moments when they had spent more time actively or passively using social media (overall), compared to moments when they had spent less time actively or passively using social media. When looking at specific platforms, a positive correlation was only found for passive WhatsApp use, but not for active WhatsApp use, and not for active and passive Instagram use.

Average and person-specific effects

The within-person associations of social media use with well-being and differences in these associations were tested in a series of multilevel models. We ran separate models for overall social media use (i.e., active use and passive use of adolescents’ three favorite social media platforms, see Table 2 ), Instagram use (see Table 3 ), and WhatsApp use (see Table 4 ). In a first step we examined the average categorical associations for each of these three social media uses using fixed effects models (Models 1A, 3A, and 5A) to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse at moments when they had used social media compared to moments when they had not (i.e., categorical predictors: active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use). In a second step, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person categorical associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 1B, 3B, and 5B). Next, we examined the average dose–response associations using fixed effects models (Models 2A, 4A, and 6A), to investigate whether, on average, adolescents would feel better or worse when they had spent more time using social media (i.e., continuous predictors: duration of active use and duration of passive use). Finally, we examined heterogeneity in the within-person dose–response associations by adding random slopes to the fixed effects models (Models 2B, 4B, and 6B).

Overall social media use.

The model with the categorical predictors (see Table 2 ; Model 1A) showed that, on average, there was no association between overall use and well-being: Adolescents’ well-being did not increase or decrease at moments when they had used social media, either in a passive or active way. However, evidence was found that the association of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 1B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.24 to 0.68. For 44.26% of the adolescents the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10). However, for 45.90% of the adolescents there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 8.20%), moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 22.95%) or even strong positive ( r  ≥ 0.30; 14.75%) association between overall passive social media use and well-being, and for almost one in ten (9.84%) adolescents there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 6.56%) or moderate negative (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 3.28%) association.

The model with continuous predictors (Model 2A) showed that, on average, there was a significant dose–response association for active use. At moments when adolescents had used social media, the time they spent actively (but not passively) using social media was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time sending messages, posting, or sharing something on social media. The associations of the time spent actively and passively using social media with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 2B).

Instagram use

As shown in Model 3A in Table 3 , on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) Instagram use and well-being: Adolescents experienced an increase in well-being at moments when they had passively used Instagram (i.e., viewing posts/stories of others). Adolescents did not experience an increase or decrease in well-being when they had actively used Instagram. The associations of passive and active Instagram use with well-being did not differ across adolescents (Model 3B).

On average, no significant dose–response association was found for Instagram use (Model 4A): At moments when adolescents had used Instagram, the time adolescents spent using Instagram (either actively or passively) was not associated with their well-being. However, evidence was found that the association of the time spent passively using Instagram differed from adolescent to adolescent (Model 4B), with effect sizes ranging from − 0.48 to 0.27. For most adolescents (73.91%) the association was non-existent to small (− 0.10 <  r  < 0.10), but for almost one in five adolescents (17.39%) there was a weak (0.10 <  r  < 0.20; 10.87%) or moderate (0.20 <  r  < 0.30; 6.52%) positive association, and for almost one in ten adolescents (8.70%) there was a weak (− 0.20 <  r  < − 0.10; 2.17%), moderate (− 0.30 <  r  < − 0.20; 4.35%), or strong ( r  ≤ − 0.30; 2.17%) negative association. Figure  1 illustrates these differences in the dose–response associations.

The dose–response association between passive Instagram use (in minutes per hour) and affective well-being for each individual adolescent (n = 46). Red lines represent significant negative within-person associations, green lines represent significant positive within-person associations, and gray lines represent non-significant within-person associations. A graph was created for each participant who had completed at least 10 assessments. A total of 13 participants were excluded because they had completed less than 10 assessments of passive Instagram use. In addition, one participant was excluded because no graph could be computed, since this participant's passive Instagram use was constant across assessments.

WhatsApp use

As shown in Model 5A in Table 4 , just as for Instagram, we found that, on average, there was a significant categorical association between passive (but not active) WhatsApp use and well-being: Adolescents reported that they felt better at moments when they had passively used WhatsApp (i.e., read WhatsApp messages). For active WhatsApp use, no significant association was found. Also, in line with the results for Instagram use, no differences were found regarding the associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 5B).

In addition, a significant dose–response association was found for passive (but not active) use (Model 6A). At moments when adolescents had used WhatsApp, we found that, on average, the time adolescents spent passively using WhatsApp was positively associated with well-being: Adolescents felt better at moments when they had spent more time reading WhatsApp messages. The time spent actively using WhatsApp was not associated with well-being. No differences were found in the dose–response associations of active and passive WhatsApp use (Model 6B).

This preregistered study investigated adolescents’ unique susceptibility to the effects of social media. We found that the associations of passive (but not active) social media use with well-being differed substantially from adolescent to adolescent, with effect sizes ranging from moderately negative (− 0.24) to strongly positive (0.68). While 44.26% of adolescents did not feel better or worse if they had passively used social media, 45.90% felt better, and a small group felt worse (9.84%). In addition, for Instagram the majority of adolescents (73.91%) did not feel better or worse when they had spent more time viewing post or stories of others, whereas some felt better (17.39%), and others (8.70%) felt worse.

These findings have important implications for social media effects research, and media effects research more generally. For decades, researchers have argued that people differ in their susceptibility to the effects of media 17 , leading to numerous investigations of such differential susceptibility. These investigations have typically focused on moderators, based on variables such as sex, age, or personality. Yet, over the years, studies have shown that such moderators appear to have little power to explain how individuals differ in their susceptibility to media effects, probably because a group-differential approach does not account for the possibility that media users may differ across a range of factors, that are not captured by only one (or a few) investigated moderator variables.

By providing insights into each individual’s unique susceptibility, the findings of this study provide an explanation as to why, up until now, most media effects research has only found small effects. We found that the majority of adolescents do not experience any short-term changes in well-being related to their social media use. And if they do experience any changes, these are more often positive than negative. Because only small subsets of adolescents experience small to moderate changes in well-being, the true effects of social media reported in previous studies have probably been diluted across heterogeneous samples of individuals that differ in their susceptibility to media effects (also see 30 ). Several scholars have noted that overall effect sizes may mask more subtle individual differences 14 , 15 , which may explain why previous studies have typically reported small or no effects of social media on well-being or indicators of well-being 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 . The current study seems to confirm this assumption, by showing that while the overall effect sizes are small at best, the person-specific effect sizes vary considerably, from tiny and small to moderate and strong.

As called upon by other scholars 5 , 31 , we disentangled the associations of active and passive use of social media. Research among young adults found that passive (but not active) social media use is associated with lower levels of affective well-being 29 . In line with these findings, the current study shows that active and passive use yielded different associations with adolescents’ affective well-being. Interestingly though, in contrast to previous findings among adults, our study showed that, on average, passive use of Instagram and WhatsApp seemed to enhance rather than decrease adolescents’ well-being. This discrepancy in findings may be attributed to the fact that different mechanisms might be involved. Verduyn and colleagues 29 found that passive use of Facebook undermines adults’ well-being by enhancing envy, which may also explain the decreases in well-being found in our study among a small group of adolescents. Yet, adolescents who felt better by passively using Instagram and WhatsApp, might have felt so because they experienced enjoyment. After all, adolescents often seek positive content on social media, such as humorous posts or memes 32 . Also, research has shown that adolescents mainly receive positive feedback on social media 33 . Hence, their passive Instagram and WhatsApp use may involve the reading of positive feedback, which may explain the increases in well-being.

Overall, the time spent passively using WhatsApp improved adolescents’ well-being. This did not differ from adolescent to adolescent. However, the associations of the time spent passively using Instagram with well-being did differ from adolescent to adolescent. This discrepancy suggests that not all social media uses yield person-specific effects on well-being. A possible explanation may be that adolescents’ responses to WhatsApp are more homogenous than those to Instagram. WhatsApp is a more private platform, which is mostly used for one-to-one communication with friends and acquaintances 26 . Instagram, in contrast, is a more public platform, which allows its users to follow a diverse set of people, ranging from best friends to singers, actors, and influencers 28 , and to engage in intimate communication as well as self-presentation and social comparison. Such diverse uses could lead to more varied, or even opposing responses, such as envy versus inspiration.

Limitations and directions for future research

The current study extends our understanding of differential susceptibility to media effects, by revealing that the effect of social media use on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. The findings confirm our assumption that among the great majority of adolescents, social media use is unrelated to well-being, but that among a small subset, social media use is either related to decreases or increases in well-being. It must be noted, however, that participants in this study felt relatively happy, overall. Studies with more vulnerable samples, consisting of clinical samples or youth with lower social-emotional well-being may elicit different patterns of effects 27 . Also, the current study focused on affective well-being, operationalized as happiness. It is plausible that social media use relates differently with other types of well-being, such as cognitive well-being. An important next step is to identify which adolescents are particularly susceptible to experience declines in well-being. It is conceivable, for instance, that the few adolescents who feel worse when they use social media are the ones who receive negative feedback on social media 33 .

In addition, future ESM studies into the effects of social media should attempt to include one or more follow-up measures to improve our knowledge of the longer-term influence of social media use on affective well-being. While a week-long ESM is very common and applied in most earlier ESM studies 34 , a week is only a snapshot of adolescent development. Research is needed that investigates whether the associations of social media use with adolescents’ momentary affective well-being may cumulate into long-lasting consequences. Such investigations could help clarify whether adolescents who feel bad in the short term would experience more negative consequences in the long term, and whether adolescents who feel better would be more resistant to developing long-term negative consequences. And while most adolescents do not seem to experience any short-term increases or decreases in well-being, more research is needed to investigate whether these adolescents may experience a longer-term impact of social media.

While the use of different platforms may be differently associated with well-being, different types of use may also yield different effects. Although the current study distinguished between active and passive use of social media, future research should further differentiate between different activities. For instance, because passive use entails many different activities, from reading private messages (e.g., WhatsApp messages, direct messages on Instagram) to browsing a public feed (e.g., scrolling through posts on Instagram), research is needed that explores the unique effects of passive public use and passive private use. Research that seeks to explore the nuances in adolescents’ susceptibility as well as the nuances in their social media use may truly improve our understanding of the effects of social media use.

Participants

Participants were recruited via a secondary school in the south of the Netherlands. Our preregistered sampling plan set a target sample size of 100 adolescents. We invited adolescents from six classrooms to participate in the study. The final sample consisted of 63 adolescents (i.e., 42% consent rate, which is comparable to other ESM studies among adolescents; see, for instance 35 , 36 ). Informed consent was obtained from all participants and their parents. On average, participants were 15 years old ( M  = 15.12 years, SD  = 0.51) and 54% were girls. All participants self-identified as Dutch, and 41.3% were enrolled in the prevocational secondary education track, 25.4% in the intermediate general secondary education track, and 33.3% in the academic preparatory education track.

The study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of the Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Amsterdam and was performed in accordance with the guidelines formulated by the Ethics Review Board. The study consisted of two phases: A baseline survey and a personalized week-long experience sampling (ESM) study. In phase 1, researchers visited the school during school hours. Researchers informed the participants of the objective and procedure of the study and assured them that their responses would be treated confidentially. Participants were asked to sign the consent form. Next, participants completed a 15-min baseline survey. The baseline survey included questions about demographics and assessed which social media each adolescent used most frequently, allowing to personalize the social media questions presented during the ESM study in phase 2. After completing the baseline survey, participants were provided detailed instructions about phase 2.

In phase 2, which took place two and a half weeks after the baseline survey, a 7-day ESM study was conducted, following the guidelines for ESM studies provided by van Roekel and colleagues 34 . Aiming for at least 30 assessments per participant and based on an average compliance rate of 70 to 80% reported in earlier ESM studies among adolescents 34 , we asked each participant to complete a total of 42 ESM surveys (i.e., six 2-min surveys per day). Participants completed the surveys using their own mobile phone, on which the ESM software application Ethica Data was installed during the instruction session with the researchers (phase 1). Each 2-min survey consisted of 22 questions, which assessed adolescents’ well-being and social media use. Two open-ended questions were added to the final survey of the day, which asked about adolescents’ most pleasant and most unpleasant events of the day.

The ESM sampling scheme was semi-random, to allow for randomization and avoid structural patterns in well-being, while taking into account that adolescents were not allowed to use their phone during school time. The Ethica Data app was programmed to generate six beep notifications per day at random time points within a fixed time interval that was tailored to the school’s schedule: before school time (1 beep), during school breaks (2 beeps), and after school time (3 beeps). During the weekend, the beeps were generated during the morning (1 beep), afternoon (3 beeps), and evening (2 beeps). To maximize compliance, a 30-min time window was provided to complete each survey. This time window was extended to one hour for the first survey (morning) and two hours for the final survey (evening) to account for travel time to school and time spent on evening activities. The average compliance rate was 83.2%. A total of 2,155 ESM assessments were collected: Participants completed an average of 34.83 surveys ( SD  = 4.91) on a total of 42 surveys, which is high compared to previous ESM studies among adolescents 34 .

The questions of the ESM study were personalized based on the responses to the baseline survey. During the ESM study, each participant reported on his/her use of three different social media platforms: WhatsApp and either Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, and/or the chat function of games (i.e., the most popular social media platforms among adolescents 28 ). Questions about Instagram and WhatsApp use were only included if the participant had indicated in the baseline survey that s/he used these platforms at least once a week. If a participant had indicated that s/he used Instagram or WhatsApp (or both) less than once a week, s/he was asked to report on the use of Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games, depending on what platform s/he used at least once a week. In addition to Instagram and WhatsApp, questions were asked about a third platform, that was selected based on how frequently the participant used Snapchat, YouTube, or the chat function of games (i.e., at least once a week). This resulted in five different combinations of three platforms: Instagram, WhatsApp, and Snapchat (47 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and YouTube (11 participants); Instagram, WhatsApp, and chatting via games (2 participants); WhatsApp, Snapchat, and YouTube (1 participant); and WhatsApp, YouTube, and chatting via games (2 participants).

Frequency of social media use

In the baseline survey, participants were asked to indicate how often they used and checked Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube, and the chat function of games, using response options ranging from 1 ( never ) to 7 ( more than 12 times per day ). These platforms are the five most popular platforms among Dutch 14- and 15-year-olds 28 . Participants’ responses were used to select the three social media platforms that were assessed in the personalized ESM study.

Duration of social media use

In the ESM study, duration of active and passive social media use was measured by asking participants how much time in the past hour they had spent actively and passively using each of the three platforms that were included in the personalized ESM surveys. Response options ranged from 0 to 60 min , with 5-min intervals. To measure active Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent (a) “posting on your feed or sharing something in your story on Instagram” and (b) “sending direct messages/chatting on Instagram.” These two items were summed to create the variable duration of active Instagram use. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (only 0.52% of all assessments) were recoded to 60 min. To measure duration of passive Instagram use, participants indicated how much time in the past hour they had spent “viewing posts/stories of others on Instagram.” To measure the use of WhatsApp, Snapchat, YouTube and game-based chatting, we asked participants how much time they had spent “sending WhatsApp messages” (active use) and “reading WhatsApp messages” (passive use); “sending snaps/messages or sharing something in your story on Snapchat” (active use) and “viewing snaps/stories/messages from others on Snapchat” (passive use); “posting YouTube clips” (active use) and “watching YouTube clips” (passive use); “sending messages via the chat function of a game/games” (active use) and “reading messages via the chat function of a game/games” (passive use). Duration of active and passive overall social media use were created by summing the responses across the three social media platforms for active and passive use, respectively. Sum scores exceeding 60 min (2.13% of all assessments for active overall use; 2.90% for passive overall use) were recoded to 60 min. The duration variables were used to investigate whether the time spent actively or passively using social media was associated with well-being (dose–response associations).

Use/no use of social media

Based on the duration variables, we created six dummy variables, one for active and one for passive overall social media use, one for active and one for passive Instagram use, and one for active and one for passive WhatsApp use (0 =  no active use and 1 =  active use , and 0 =  no passive use and 1 =  passive use , respectively). These dummy variables were used to investigate whether the use of social media, irrespective of the duration of use, was associated with well-being (categorical associations).

Consistent with previous ESM studies 19 , 20 , we measured affective well-being using one item, asking “How happy do you feel right now?” at each assessment. Adolescents indicated their response to the question using a 7-point scale ranging from 1 ( not at all ) to 7 ( completely ), with 4 ( a little ) as the midpoint. Convergent validity of this item was established in a separate pilot ESM study among 30 adolescents conducted by the research team of the fourth author: The affective well-being item was strongly correlated with the presence of positive affect and absence of negative affect (assessed by a 10-item positive and negative affect schedule for children; PANAS-C) at both the between-person (positive affect: r  = 0.88, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.62, p < 0.001) and within-person level (positive affect: r  = 0.74, p < 0.001; negative affect: r  = − 0.58, p < 0.001).

Statistical analyses

Before conducting the analyses, several validation checks were performed (see 34 ). First, we aimed to only include participants in the analyses who had completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments (i.e., at least 14 assessments). Next, we screened participants’ responses to the open questions for unserious responses (e.g., gross comments, jokes). And finally, we inspected time series plots for patterns in answering tendencies. Since all participants completed more than 33% of all ESM assessments, and no inappropriate responses or low-quality data patterns were detected, all participants were included in the analyses.

Following our preregistered analysis plan, we tested the proposed associations in a series of multilevel models. Before doing so, we tested the homoscedasticity and linearity assumptions for multilevel analyses 37 . Inspection of standardized residual plots indicated that the data met these assumptions (plots are available on OSF at  https://osf.io/nhks2 ). We specified separate models for overall social media use, use of Instagram, and use of WhatsApp. To investigate to what extent adolescents’ well-being would vary depending on whether they had actively or passively used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp or not during the past hour (categorical associations), we tested models including the dummy variables as predictors (active use versus no active use, and passive use versus no passive use; models 1, 3, and 5). To investigate whether, at moments when adolescents had used social media/Instagram/WhatsApp during the past hour, their well-being would vary depending on the duration of social media/Instagram/WhatsApp use (dose–response associations), we tested models including the duration variables as predictors (duration of active use and duration of passive use; models 2, 4, and 6). In order to avoid negative skew in the duration variables, we only included assessments during which adolescents had used social media in the past hour (overall, Instagram, or WhatsApp, respectively), either actively or passively. All models included well-being as outcome variable. Since multilevel analyses allow to include all available data for each individual, no missing data were imputed and no data points were excluded.

We used a model building approach that involved three steps. In the first step, we estimated an intercept-only model to assess the relative amount of between- and within-person variance in affective well-being. We estimated a three-level model in which repeated momentary assessments (level 1) were nested within adolescents (level 2), who, in turn, were nested within classrooms (level 3). However, because the between-classroom variance in affective well-being was small (i.e., 0.4% of the variance was explained by differences between classes), we proceeded with estimating two-level (instead of three-level) models, with repeated momentary assessments (level 1) nested within adolescents (level 2).

In the second step, we assessed the within-person associations of well-being with (a) overall active and passive social media use (i.e., the total of the three platforms), (b) active and passive use of Instagram, and (c) active and passive use of WhatsApp, by adding fixed effects to the model (Models 1A-6A). To facilitate the interpretation of the associations and control for the effects of time, a covariate was added that controlled for the n th assessment of the study week (instead of the n th assessment of the day, as preregistered). This so-called detrending is helpful to interpret within-person associations as correlated fluctuations beyond other changes in social media use and well-being 38 . In order to obtain within-person estimates, we person-mean centered all predictors 38 . Significance of the fixed effects was determined using the Wald test.

In the third and final step, we assessed heterogeneity in the within-person associations by adding random slopes to the models (Models 1B-6B). Significance of the random slopes was determined by comparing the fit of the fixed effects model with the fit of the random effects model, by performing the Satorra-Bentler scaled chi-square test 39 and by comparing the Bayesian information criterion (BIC 40 ) and Akaike information criterion (AIC 41 ) of the models. When the random effects model had a significantly better fit than the fixed effects model (i.e., pointing at significant heterogeneity), variance components were inspected to investigate whether heterogeneity existed in the association of either active or passive use. Next, when evidence was found for significant heterogeneity, we computed person-specific effect sizes, based on the random effect models, to investigate what percentages of adolescents experienced better well-being, worse well-being, and no changes in well-being. In line with Keijsers and colleagues 42 we only included participants who had completed at least 10 assessments. In addition, for the dose–response associations, we constructed graphical representations of the person-specific slopes, based on the person-specific effect sizes, using the xyplot function from the lattice package in R 43 .

Three improvements were made to our original preregistered plan. First, rather than estimating the models with multilevel modelling in R 43 , we ran the preregistered models in Mplus 44 . Mplus provides standardized estimates for the fixed effects models, which offers insight into the effect sizes. This allowed us to compare the relative strength of the associations of passive versus active use with well-being. Second, instead of using the maximum likelihood estimator, we used the maximum likelihood estimator with robust standard errors (MLR), which are robust to non-normality. Sensitivity tests, uploaded on OSF ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ), indicated that the results were almost identical across the two software packages and estimation approaches. Third, to improve the interpretation of the results and make the scales of the duration measures of social media use and well-being more comparable, we transformed the social media duration scores (0 to 60 min) into scales running from 0 to 6, so that an increase of 1 unit reflects 10 min of social media use. The model estimates were unaffected by this transformation.

Reporting summary

Further information on the research design is available in the Nature Research Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Data availability

The dataset generated and analysed during the current study is available in Figshare 45 . The preregistration of the design, sampling and analysis plan, and the analysis scripts used to analyse the data for this paper are available online on the Open Science Framework website ( https://osf.io/nhks2 ).

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Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the NWO Spinoza Prize and the Gravitation grant (NWO Grant 024.001.003; Consortium on Individual Development) awarded to P.M.V. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). Additional funding was received from the VIDI grant (NWO VIDI Grant 452.17.011) awarded to L.K. by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). The authors would like to thank Savannah Boele (Tilburg University) for providing her pilot ESM results.

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Ine Beyens, J. Loes Pouwels, Irene I. van Driel & Patti M. Valkenburg

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I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. designed the study; I.B., J.L.P., and I.I.v.D. collected the data; I.B., J.L.P., and L.K. analyzed the data; and I.B., J.L.P., I.I.v.D., L.K., and P.M.V. contributed to writing and reviewing the manuscript.

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Beyens, I., Pouwels, J.L., van Driel, I.I. et al. The effect of social media on well-being differs from adolescent to adolescent. Sci Rep 10 , 10763 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-67727-7

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Social Media

Social media’s positive power for young people, social media has the promise of providing increased well-being..

Updated November 15, 2023 | Reviewed by Ray Parker

• While social media has been tied to negative outcomes for youth, new research highlights the positive.
• Despite the prevalence of social media, the fundamental need for connection among young people remains.
• Social media, when used to maintain offline connections, can foster well-being.

Thanks to my best friend (whom I met at age 13) and her incredible archival abilities, our teen years are expertly preserved like some '90s-era time capsule. Recently, she unearthed (and promptly shared on Instagram) one of our notes that I’d passed to her in eighth grade, complete with colored ink and silly drawings.

She saved most of these notes, individual sheets of notebook paper containing urgent social commentary on the happenings at J.T. Hutchinson Junior High School, expertly folded for efficient delivery into outstretched hands or locker vents. These notes were our daily lifelines to each other, serving as intentional points of connection and friendship .

Almost 30 years later, young people have traded paper and pens for notes shared via smartphones and text threads. Or Snapchat. Or Instagram. The number of delivery methods has grown exponentially since 1994.

Today’s mediums may be more sophisticated, but they help meet the same core need all teenagers possess: to feel connected to their community of friends and peers.

Much of what we understand today about young people and social media skews toward the negative. And this is necessary, as we must understand what may be harmful about these platforms.

Yet, discoveries of the negative tend to bear questions about the opposite—if we know what’s harmful, what’s helpful? Unsurprisingly, the answer lies in connection.

Springtide Research Institute’s most recent report, The State of Religion & Young People 2023: Exploring the Sacred, showed that while some young people didn’t believe sacred moments could happen online, others expressed that they could—and could be as meaningful as those offline. Young people’s descriptions of what made those moments sacred varied greatly, but the common thread was how digital interfaces allowed them to connect to someone or something important.

In this case, digital spaces acted as connective tissue between the physical, the emotional, and the metaphysical, serving as a container for young people to experience connection and the accompanying emotions—more often than not, those moments benefited their well-being.

So what if social media could be part of the wellness solution rather than the pathology problem? Current research is beginning to explore these more nuanced dissections, pointing to how social media interactions can promote positive outcomes.

• Researchers Soojung Jo and Mi Young Jang reviewed prior studies to understand how young people achieve emotional well-being via social media. They found that emotional well-being on social media is defined as,

Being happy and maintaining emotional health through relationships with others via internet-based communication platforms.

Well-being generally occurs when young people approach social media to connect with others, feel safe, or gain information. As a result, they gain better relationships with peers and more positive moods.

• Researchers Chia‑chen Yang, Sean Holden, and Jati Ariati created a framework to understand young people’s social media use concerning their psychological well-being. The model includes activities performed on social media, motives for social media use, and communication partners connected through social media.

Their model shows that:

• Social media use is associated with increased well-being when young people engage actively, directly interacting with followers with whom they have relationships, actively creating or sharing content, or using it to maintain or be entertained.
• Social media is associated with decreased well-being when young people use it to compensate for something lacking. Their use is more passive (i.e., browsing), and their communication partners are mainly those with whom they don’t have strong relationships.

Notice what lies at the core of what is associated with positive well-being instead of the negative. It’s the presence of connection versus a search to alleviate disconnection.

Those experiencing positive outcomes are interacting with people they’re close to and receiving social support based on their interactions with their content. Those experiencing negative outcomes search for connections and turn to social media to fill a void.

Even then, research shows that sometimes these young people still feel they’re falling short, whether they’re genuinely not connecting with others or the connections they are experiencing just aren’t satisfying their need for closeness.

For social media to be a conduit for positive outcomes, young people’s motivations for use matter. For them to be guided to social media for entertainment, there’s a good chance that their core needs for friendship and connection are being met elsewhere. For them to want to use social media to maintain relationships, it means those relationships were formed and solidified offline.

To make social media a place for positive outcomes, what matters most is what’s happening outside it. Social and digital spaces can’t be the only place where life, and the connection that comes with it, is happening. To ensure this technology serves as a conduit for well-being, one of the most impactful things we can do as adults is to ensure young people use it as one of many avenues for connection rather than seeking it out as the primary way to manufacture it.

Whether sheets of folded notebook paper or a series of direct message (DM) threads, young people will use what’s available to them to create meaningful connections. As adults, we must help set the conditions so social media remains a tool and doesn’t become a crutch.

Jo, S. & Jang, M.Y. (2023). Concept analysis of adolescent use of social media for emotional well-being. International Journal of Nursing Practice, 29 (1). https://doi-org.fgul.idm.oclc.org/10.1111/ijn.13116

Smith, D., Leonis, T & Anandavalli, S. (2021). Belonging and loneliness in cyberspace: impacts of social media on adolescents’ well-being, Australian Journal of Psychology , 73:1, 12-23. DOI: 10.1080/00049530.2021.1898914

Yang, C.; Holden, S. M; Ariati, J. (2021). Social media and psychological well-being among youth: The multidimensional model of social media use. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review , 24 (3), 631-650. DOI:10.1007/s10567-021-00359-z

Angela Patterson, Ph.D., is a media psychologist and head writer for Springtide Research Institute, which surveys and interviews young people on topics like mental health, technology, and spirituality.

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Teens and social media use: What's the impact?

Social media is a term for internet sites and apps that you can use to share content you've created. Social media also lets you respond to content that others post. That can include pictures, text, reactions or comments on posts by others, and links to information.

Online sharing within social media sites helps many people stay in touch with friends or connect with new ones. And that may be more important for teenagers than other age groups. Friendships help teens feel supported and play a role in forming their identities. So, it's only natural to wonder how social media use might affect teens.

Social media is a big part of daily life for lots of teenagers.

How big? A 2022 survey of 13- to 17-year-olds offers a clue. Based on about 1,300 responses, the survey found that 35% of teens use at least one of five social media platforms more than several times a day. The five social media platforms are: YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat.

Social media doesn't affect all teens the same way. Use of social media is linked with healthy and unhealthy effects on mental health. These effects vary from one teenager to another. Social media effects on mental health depend on things such as:

• What a teen sees and does online.
• The amount of time spent online.
• Psychological factors, such as maturity level and any preexisting mental health conditions.
• Personal life circumstances, including cultural, social and economic factors.

Here are the general pros and cons of teen social media use, along with tips for parents.

Healthy social media

Social media lets teens create online identities, chat with others and build social networks. These networks can provide teens with support from other people who have hobbies or experiences in common. This type of support especially may help teens who:

• Lack social support offline or are lonely.
• Are going through a stressful time.
• Belong to groups that often get marginalized, such as racial minorities, the LGBTQ community and those who are differently abled.
• Have long-term medical conditions.

Sometimes, social media platforms help teens:

• Express themselves.
• Connect with other teens locally and across long distances.
• Learn how other teens cope with challenging life situations and mental health conditions.
• View or take part in moderated chat forums that encourage talking openly about topics such as mental health.
• Ask for help or seek healthcare for symptoms of mental health conditions.

These healthy effects of social media can help teens in general. They also may help teens who are prone to depression stay connected to others. And social media that's humorous or distracting may help a struggling teen cope with a challenging day.

Unhealthy social media

Social media use may have negative effects on some teens. It might:

• Distract from homework, exercise and family activities.
• Disrupt sleep.
• Lead to information that is biased or not correct.
• Become a means to spread rumors or share too much personal information.
• Lead some teens to form views about other people's lives or bodies that aren't realistic.
• Expose some teens to online predators, who might try to exploit or extort them.
• Expose some teens to cyberbullying, which can raise the risk of mental health conditions such as anxiety and depression.

What's more, certain content related to risk-taking, and negative posts or interactions on social media, have been linked with self-harm and rarely, death.

The risks of social media use are linked with various factors. One may be how much time teens spend on these platforms.

In a study focusing on 12- to 15-year-olds in the United States, spending three hours a day using social media was linked to a higher risk of mental health concerns. That study was based on data collected in 2013 and 2014 from more than 6,500 participants.

Another study looked at data on more than 12,000 teens in England between the ages of 13 to 16. The researchers found that using social media more than three times a day predicted poor mental health and well-being in teens.

But not all research has found a link between time spent on social media and mental health risks in teens.

How teens use social media also might determine its impact. For instance, viewing certain types of content may raise some teens' mental health risks. This could include content that depicts:

• Illegal acts.
• Self-harm or harm to other people.
• Encouragement of habits tied to eating disorders, such as purging or restrictive eating.

These types of content may be even more risky for teens who already have a mental health condition. Being exposed to discrimination, hate or cyberbullying on social media also can raise the risk of anxiety or depression.

What teens share about themselves on social media also matters.

With the teenage brain, it's common to make a choice before thinking it through. So, teens might post something when they're angry or upset, and regret it later. That's known as stress posting.

Teens who post content also are at risk of sharing sexual photos or highly personal stories. This can lead to teens being bullied, harassed or even blackmailed.

Protecting your teen

You can take steps to help your teens use social media responsibly and limit some of the possible negative effects.

Use these tips:

Set rules and limits as needed. This helps prevent social media from getting in the way of activities, sleep, meals or homework.

For example, you could make a rule about not using social media until homework is done. Or you could set a daily time limit for social media use.

You also could choose to keep social media off-limits during certain times. These times might include during family meals and an hour before bed.

Set an example by following these rules yourself. And let your teen know what the consequences will be if your rules aren't followed.

• Manage any challenging behaviors. If your teen's social media use starts to challenge your rules or your sense of what's appropriate, talk with your teen about it. You also could connect with parents of your teen's friends or take a look at your teen's internet history.
• Turn on privacy settings. This can help keep your teen from sharing personal information or data that your teen didn't mean to share. Each of your teen's social media accounts likely has privacy setting that can be changed.

Monitor your teen's accounts. The American Psychological Association recommends you regularly review your child's social media use during the early teen years.

One way to monitor is to follow or "friend" your child's social accounts. As your teen gets older, you can choose to monitor your teen's social media less. Your teen's maturity level can help guide your decision.

Have regular talks with your teen about social media. These talks give you chances to ask how social media has been making your teen feel. Encourage your teen to let you know if something online worries or bothers your teen.

Regular talks offer you chances to give your child advice about social media too. For example, you can teach your teen to question whether content is accurate. You also can explain that social media is full of images about beauty and lifestyle that are not realistic.

• Be a role model for your teen. You might want to tell your child about your own social media habits. That can help you set a good example and keep your regular talks from being one-sided.

Explain what's not OK. Remind your teen that it's hurtful to gossip, spread rumors, bully or harm someone's reputation — online or otherwise.

Also remind your teen not to share personal information with strangers online. This includes people's addresses, telephone numbers, passwords, and bank or credit card numbers.

• Encourage face-to-face contact with friends. This is even more important for teens prone to social anxiety.

Talk to your child's healthcare professional if you think your teen has symptoms of anxiety, depression or other mental health concerns related to social media use. Also talk with your child's care professional if your teen has any of the following symptoms:

• Uses social media even when wanting to stop.
• Uses it so much that school, sleep, activities or relationships suffer.
• Often spends more time on social platforms than you intended.
• Lies in order to use social media.

Your teen might be referred to a mental healthcare professional who can help.

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• Hagan JF, et al., eds. Promoting the healthy and safe use of social media. In: Bright Futures: Guidelines for Health Supervision of Infants, Children, and Adolescents. 4th ed. https://publications.aap.org/pediatriccare. American Academy of Pediatrics; 2017. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media can help connect: Research-based tips from pediatricians for families. Center of Excellence on Social Media and Youth Mental Health. https://www.aap.org/en/patient-care/media-and-children/center-of-excellence-on-social-media-and-youth-mental-health/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Health advisory on social media use in adolescence. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/social-media-internet/health-advisory-adolescent-social-media-use. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and teens. American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Social-Media-and-Teens-100.aspx. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Social media and youth mental health: The U.S. surgeon general's advisory. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. https://www.hhs.gov/surgeongeneral/priorities/youth-mental-health/social-media/index.html. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Teens, social media and technology 2022. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2022/08/10/teens-social-media-and-technology-2022/. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Popat A, et al. Exploring adolescents' perspectives on social media and mental health and well-being — A qualitative literature review. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 2023; doi:10.1177/13591045221092884.
• Valkenburg PM, et al. Social media use and its impact on adolescent mental health: An umbrella review of the evidence. Current Opinion in Psychology. 2022; doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.08.017.
• Berger MN, et al. Social media use and health and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer youth: Systematic Review. Journal of Medical Internet Research. 2022; doi:10.2196/38449.
• Self-Harm. Pediatric Patient Education. https://publications.aap.org/patiented. Accessed Oct. 3, 2023.
• Liu M, et al. Time spent on social media and risk of depression in adolescents: A dose-response meta-analysis. 2022; doi:10.3390/ijerph19095164.
• Coyne SM, et al. Does time spent using social media impact mental health? An eight year longitudinal study. Computers in Human Behavior. 2020; doi:10.1016/j.chb.2019.106160.
• Viner RM, et al. Roles of cyberbullying, sleep, and physical activity in mediating the effects of social media use on mental health and wellbeing among young people in England: A secondary analysis of longitudinal data. The Lancet. Child & Adolescent Health. 2019; doi:10.1016/S2352-4642(19)30186-5.
• Riehm KE, et al. Associations between time spent using social media and internalizing and externalizing problems among US youth. JAMA Psychiatry. 2019; doi:10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2019.2325.
• Hoge E, et al. Digital media, anxiety, and depression in children. Pediatrics. 2017; doi:10.1542/peds.2016-1758G.
• How to help kids navigate friendships and peer relationships. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/parenting/navigating-friendships. Accessed Oct. 24, 2023.
• Hoecker JL (expert opinion). Mayo Clinic. Oct. 31, 2023.
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Office of the Surgeon General (OSG). Social Media and Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory [Internet]. Washington (DC): US Department of Health and Human Services; 2023.

Social Media and Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory [Internet].

Social media has both positive and negative impacts on children and adolescents.

The influence of social media on youth mental health is shaped by many complex factors, including, but not limited to, the amount of time children and adolescents spend on platforms, the type of content they consume or are otherwise exposed to, the activities and interactions social media affords, and the degree to which it disrupts activities that are essential for health like sleep and physical activity. 6 Importantly, different children and adolescents are affected by social media in different ways, based on their individual strengths and vulnerabilities, and based on cultural, historical, and socio-economic factors. 7 , 8 There is broad agreement among the scientific community that social media has the potential to both benefit and harm children and adolescents. 6 , 9

Brain development is a critical factor to consider when assessing the risk for harm. Adolescents, ages 10 to 19, are undergoing a highly sensitive period of brain development. 10 , 11 This is a period when risk-taking behaviors reach their peak, when well-being experiences the greatest fluctuations, and when mental health challenges such as depression typically emerge. 12 , 13 , 14 Furthermore, in early adolescence, when identities and sense of self-worth are forming, brain development is especially susceptible to social pressures, peer opinions, and peer comparison. 11 , 13 Frequent social media use may be associated with distinct changes in the developing brain in the amygdala (important for emotional learning and behavior) and the prefrontal cortex (important for impulse control, emotional regulation, and moderating social behavior), and could increase sensitivity to social rewards and punishments. 15 , 16 As such, adolescents may experience heightened emotional sensitivity to the communicative and interactive nature of social media. 16 Adolescent social media use is predictive of a subsequent decrease in life satisfaction for certain developmental stages including for girls 11–13 years old and boys 14–15 years old. 17 Because adolescence is a vulnerable period of brain development, social media exposure during this period warrants additional scrutiny.

• The Potential Benefits of Social Media Use Among Children and Adolescents

Social media can provide benefits for some youth by providing positive community and connection with others who share identities, abilities, and interests. It can provide access to important information and create a space for self-expression. 9 The ability to form and maintain friendships online and develop social connections are among the positive effects of social media use for youth. 18 , 19 These relationships can afford opportunities to have positive interactions with more diverse peer groups than are available to them offline and can provide important social support to youth. 18 The buffering effects against stress that online social support from peers may provide can be especially important for youth who are often marginalized, including racial, ethnic, and sexual and gender minorities. 20 , 21 , 22 For example, studies have shown that social media may support the mental health and well-being of lesbian, gay, bisexual, asexual, transgender, queer, intersex and other youths by enabling peer connection, identity development and management, and social support. 23 Seven out of ten adolescent girls of color report encountering positive or identity-affirming content related to race across social media platforms. 24 A majority of adolescents report that social media helps them feel more accepted (58%), like they have people who can support them through tough times (67%), like they have a place to show their creative side (71%), and more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives (80%). 25 In addition, research suggests that social media-based and other digitally-based mental health interventions may also be helpful for some children and adolescents by promoting help-seeking behaviors and serving as a gateway to initiating mental health care. 8 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29

• The Potential Harms of Social Media Use Among Children and Adolescents

Over the last decade, evidence has emerged identifying reasons for concern about the potential negative impact of social media on children and adolescents.

A longitudinal cohort study of U.S. adolescents aged 12–15 (n=6,595) that adjusted for baseline mental health status found that adolescents who spent more than 3 hours per day on social media faced double the risk of experiencing poor mental health outcomes including symptoms of depression and anxiety. 30

As of 2021, 8th and 10th graders now spend an average of 3.5 hours per day on social media. 31 In a unique natural experiment that leveraged the staggered introduction of a social media platform across U.S. colleges, the roll-out of the platform was associated with an increase in depression (9% over baseline) and anxiety (12% over baseline) among college-aged youth (n = 359,827 observations). 32 The study’s co-author also noted that when applied across the entirety of the U.S. college population, the introduction of the social media platform may have contributed to more than 300,000 new cases of depression. 32 , 33 If such sizable effects occurred in college-aged youth, these findings raise serious concerns about the risk of harm from social media exposure for children and adolescents who are at a more vulnerable stage of brain development.

Limits on the use of social media have resulted in mental health benefits for young adults and adults. A small, randomized controlled trial in college-aged youth found that limiting social media use to 30 minutes daily over three weeks led to significant improvements in depression severity. 34 This effect was particularly large for those with high baseline levels of depression who saw an improvement in depression scores by more than 35%. 35 Another randomized controlled trial among young adults and adults found that deactivation of a social media platform for four weeks improved subjective well-being (i.e., self-reported happiness, life satisfaction, depression, and anxiety) by about 25–40% of the effect of psychological interventions like self-help therapy, group training, and individual therapy. 36

In addition to these recent studies, correlational research on associations between social media use and mental health has indicated reason for concern and further investigation. These studies point to a higher relative concern of harm in adolescent girls and those already experiencing poor mental health, 37 , 38 , 39 as well as for particular health outcomes like cyberbullying-related depression, 40 body image and disordered eating behaviors, 41 and poor sleep quality linked to social media use. 42 For example, a study conducted among 14-year-olds (n = 10,904) found that greater social media use predicted poor sleep, online harassment, poor body image, low self-esteem, and higher depressive symptom scores with a larger association for girls than boys. 43 A majority of parents of adolescents say they are somewhat, very, or extremely worried that their child’s use of social media could lead to problems with anxiety or depression (53%), lower self-esteem (54%), being harassed or bullied by others (54%), feeling pressured to act a certain way (59%), and exposure to explicit content (71%). 44

Unless otherwise noted in the text, all material appearing in this work is in the public domain and may be reproduced without permission. Citation of the source is appreciated.

• Cite this Page Office of the Surgeon General (OSG). Social Media and Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory [Internet]. Washington (DC): US Department of Health and Human Services; 2023. Social Media Has Both Positive and Negative Impacts on Children and Adolescents.
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Connection, Creativity and Drama: Teen Life on Social Media in 2022

Majorities of teens credit social media with strengthening their friendships and providing support while also noting the emotionally charged side of these platforms, table of contents.

• Teens reflect on parents’ concerns and assessments of teen life on social media
• Teens who have a more positive outlook about social media are more likely to say these platforms benefit them
• Online activism is not common on social media among teens; only a minority of teens are highly concerned about digital privacy
• In their own words, teens share their thoughts about social media and the challenges and benefits of using it
• Teens are far more likely to post about their accomplishments and family than their religious or political beliefs
• Some teens – especially older girls – forego posting things on social media because it could be used to embarrass them
• Most teens are not politically active on social media, but their experiences and views related to online activism vary across parties
• Teens more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves
• Teen girls more likely than teen boys to cite certain negative experiences on social media
• Pluralities of teens say teen experiences on social media are better than parents think and believe their parents aren’t too worried about their use
• Majority of teens feel little to no control over their data being collected by social media, but just a fifth are extremely or very concerned about it
• Teens’ reactions to what they see on social media and how they feel about posting run the emotional gamut from anxiety to excitement
• Teens have appreciation for social connectivity on these platforms but also concerns about drama, unrealistic expectations and bullies
• Different social media serve different purposes for teens like general socializing, entertainment and direct personal communication
• Teens acknowledge the tensions of ‘cancel culture’ on social media
• Teens have a range of definitions for digital privacy
• Activism is a draw for some teens on social media
• Some teens say their use of social media changed during the pandemic
• Teens detail how their lives would change if social media disappeared overnight
• Acknowledgments
• Appendix A: Survey methodology
• Appendix B: Focus groups methodology
• Appendix C: Supplementary table

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand the experiences American teens are having with social media. For this analysis, we surveyed 1,316 U.S. teens. The survey was conducted online by Ipsos from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, which is an independent committee of experts that specializes in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents who were a part of its  KnowledgePanel , a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey is weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with parents by age, gender, race, ethnicity, household income and other categories.

This report also includes quotes from teen focus groups. Pew Research Center worked with PSB Insights to conduct four live, online focus groups with a total of 16 U.S. 13- to 17-year-olds. The focus groups were conducted Jan. 12-13, 2022. 

Here are the questions used for this report , along with responses. Here is the survey methodology and the focus groups methodology .

Society has long fretted about technology’s impact on youth. But unlike radio and television, the hyperconnected nature of social media has led to new anxieties , including worries that these platforms may be negatively impacting teenagers’ mental health . Just this year, the White House announced plans to combat potential harms teens may face when using social media.

Despite these concerns, teens themselves paint a more nuanced picture of adolescent life on social media. It is one in which majorities credit these platforms with deepening connections and providing a support network when they need it, while smaller – though notable – shares acknowledge the drama and pressures that can come along with using social media, according to a Pew Research Center survey of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 conducted April 14 to May 4, 2022. 1

Eight-in-ten teens say that what they see on social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives, while 71% say it makes them feel like they have a place where they can show their creative side. And 67% say these platforms make them feel as if they have people who can support them through tough times. A smaller share – though still a majority – say the same for feeling more accepted. These positive sentiments are expressed by teens across demographic groups.

When asked about the overall impact of social media on them personally, more teens say its effect has been mostly positive (32%) than say it has been mostly negative (9%). The largest share describes its impact in neutral terms: 59% believe social media has had neither a positive nor a negative effect on them. For teens who view social media’s effect on them as mostly positive, many describe maintaining friendships, building connections, or accessing information as main reasons they feel this way, with one teen saying:

“It connects me with the world, provides an outlet to learn things I otherwise wouldn’t have access to, and allows me to discover and explore interests.” – Teen girl

While these youth describe the benefits they get from social media, this positivity is not unanimous. Indeed, 38% of teens say they feel overwhelmed by all the drama they see on social media, while about three-in-ten say these platforms have made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (31%) or have felt pressure to post content that will get lots of likes or comments (29%). Another 23% say these platforms make them feel worse about their own life.

Teen girls report encountering some of these pressures at higher rates. Some 45% of girls say they feel overwhelmed because of all the drama on social media, compared with 32% of boys. Girls are also more likely than boys to say social media has made them feel like their friends are leaving them out of things (37% vs. 24%) or worse about their own lives (28% vs. 18%).

When asked how often they decide not to post on social media out of fear of it being using against them, older teen girls stand out. For example, half of 15- to 17-year-old girls say they often or sometimes decide not to post something on social media because they worry others might use it to embarrass them, compared with smaller shares of younger girls or boys.

These are some of the key findings from a Pew Research Center online survey of 1,316 U.S. teens conducted from April 14 to May 4, 2022.

Teens are more likely to view social media as having a negative effect on others than themselves

The strong presence of social media in many teenagers’ lives begs the question: What impact, if any, are these sites having on today’s youth?

Even as teens tend to view the impact of social media on their own lives in more positive than negative terms, they are more critical of its influence on their peers. While 9% of teens think social media has had a mostly negative effect on them personally, that share rises to 32% when the same question is framed about people their age .

There are also gaps when looking at the positive side of these platforms. Some 32% of teens say social media has had a positive effect on them personally, compared with a smaller share (24%) who say the same about these platforms’ impact on teens more broadly.

Still, regardless of whether teens are assessing social media’s impact on themselves or others, the most common way they describe its effect is as neither positive nor negative.

Parents are often on the front lines in navigating challenges their children may face when using social media. While previous Center surveys reflect parents’ anxieties about social media, only a minority of teens in this survey describe their parents as being highly concerned about their use of these sites.

Some 22% believe their parents are extremely or very worried about them using social media, while another 27% say their parents are somewhat worried. However, many teens – 41% – say their parents are worried only a little or not at all. And 9% say they aren’t sure about the level of concern their parents have over their social media use. These youth also weighed in on whether parents overall – not just their own – have an accurate picture of what it’s like to be a teenager on social media. Some 39% say teens’ experiences are better than parents think, while 27% say things on social media are worse for teens than parents think. Still, one-third believe parents’ assessments are about right.

Teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age are more likely than teens who see mostly negative effects to say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think. They are also more likely to say they have had positive experiences while personally using these platforms.

Whether teens see social media’s effects as positive or negative relates to their perspective on whether parents’ views stack up to reality. About six-in-ten teens who say that social media has had a mostly positive effect on people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are better than parents think, while a plurality of teens who say social media has been mostly negative for people their age say teens’ experiences on social media are worse than parents think.

Teens who have a more positive view of social media’s effect on their peers report more positive personal experiences with these platforms. More than half (54%) of teens who see social media as having a mostly positive effect on people their age say that what they see on social media makes them feel a lot more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives. About four-in-ten say they feel a lot like they have a place where they can show their creative side. Some 35% of teens who see the effect as mostly positive say social media makes them feel a lot like they have people who can support them through tough times, and 28% say it makes them feel a lot more accepted. By comparison, much smaller shares – about or quarter or fewer – of teens who see social media as having a negative effect say what they see on social media makes them feel each of these positive experiences a lot.

While teens who have a positive outlook on the impact of social media are more likely to report personally benefiting from these sites, they tend to say they’ve experienced the more negative side in similar proportions as those who rate these sites’ effect on teens negatively. There is one exception: 12% of teens who believe social media has a mostly negative effect on teens say they feel overwhelmed by all of the drama on these platforms a lot, compared with 6% of those who see its impact as mostly positive.

Beyond broad measurement of social media, this survey also tackled two popular topics in the debates around social media: online activism and digital privacy .

Only small shares of teens are engaging in online activism on social media, but experiences and views vary by political affiliation

On topics from MAGA to Black Lives Matter , social media platforms have become an important way for people of all ages to share information, mobilize and discuss issues that are important to them.

But this survey reveals that only a minority of teens say they have been civically active on social media in the past year via one of the three means asked about at the time of the survey. One-in-ten teens say they have encouraged others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them or have posted a picture to show their support for a political or social issue in the past 12 months. Some 7% say the same about using hashtags related to a political or social cause on social media during this period. Taken together, 15% of teens have engaged in at least one of these activities on social media in the past 12 months.

While majorities of both Democrats and Republicans have not used social media in this way, there are some notable partisan differences among those who engage in activism. For example, 14% of teens who identify as Democrats or who lean toward the Democratic Party say they have used social media to encourage others to take action on political or social issues that are important to them in the past 12 months, compared with 6% of teens who are Republicans or GOP leaners. And larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say they have posted pictures or used hashtags to show support for a political or social issue in the past year. In total, Democratic teens are twice as likely as Republican teens to have engaged in any of these activities during this time (20% vs. 10%).

Not only do small shares of teens participate in these types of activities on social media, relatively few say these platforms play a critical role in how they interact with political and social issues.

About one-in-ten or fewer teens say social media is extremely or very important to them personally when it comes to exposing them to new viewpoints, getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding other people who share their views, helping them figure out their own views on an issue or giving them a venue to express their political opinions.

Just as Democratic teens are more likely than Republican teens to engage in these forms of online activism, they also see social media as a more integral tool for civic engagement. For example, 18% of Democratic teens say social media is extremely or very important to them when it comes to exposing them to new points of view, compared with 8% of Republican teens. Democrats are also more likely than Republicans to say these platforms are at least very important to them for getting involved with issues that are important to them, finding others who share their views or helping them figure out their own way of thinking.

And when asked about what people should do more broadly, Democratic teens (22%) are more likely than Republican teens (12%) to say that regardless of whether they engage in online activism themselves, it is very or extremely important for people to speak out about political or social issues on social media.

Teens feel a lack of control over their personal data but aren’t too concerned about social media companies having this information

Amid the continued privacy discussions in the media and among policymakers , teens have nuanced views on the topic. Just 14% of teens report feeling a lot of control over the personal information that social media companies collect about them. Meanwhile, 60% of teens feel like they have little to no control. A further 26% say they are not sure how much control they have over companies’ collection of this information.

Despite feeling a lack of control over their data being collected by social media companies, teens are largely unconcerned. A fifth of teens (20%) say they feel very or extremely concerned about the amount of their personal information social media companies might have. Still, a notable segment of teens – 44% – say they have little or no concern about how much these companies might know about them.

“TikTok is more of a place to watch videos … then Instagram [is] more to see what my friends are up to and then Snapchat [is] a way of more direct communication.” – Teen girl

To inform and supplement this survey, the Center conducted a series of teen focus groups to better understand how teens were using social media and thinking about topics related to it. These focus groups highlight how nuanced teens’ views on social media truly are.

Teens share how different platforms serve different purposes as they navigate online life and that using these platforms can lead to a variety of emotions and experiences, from anxiety to excitement and from improved social connections to bullying: 2

“I’ve liked, especially during the pandemic, being able to communicate with my friends more, since I couldn’t see them in person. And then also, having something to watch to entertain me, which was good, because we were just stuck at home.” – Teen girl

“Okay, for me, it is like bullies or like negative comments or stuff like that, you just see a lot of people hating under the comments, under your posts and stuff like that.” – Teen boy

“During the pandemic, I feel like less people were using social media in certain ways, because there wasn’t much to post, like going out. You’re just staying at home. But TikTok, everyone was on it, because it was their source of entertainment.” – Teen girl

As teens walk us through their perspectives, they also share how the pandemic changed (and didn’t change) their social media habits and what they think their lives would be like if social media disappeared overnight:

“I think it would be a little bit [messed up if social media disappeared]. I spend 99% of my time indoors in front of my computer, if I’m not playing games, I’m watching pirated videos. If I’m not watching videos, maybe I’m reading an article. I’m always online. And I hardly step out of my room. I have had issues with my dad. He said my room is too creepy. I should come outside and play with people but I’m not really good at making friends. So, it’s a bit hard on me.” – Teen boy

“[When] we were younger, [social media] didn’t have an effect on us and social media wasn’t as big as it is now. I feel like we were more free and more happy, and no stress or overthinking or insecure.” – Teen girl

For more quotes and themes from the focus groups, see Chapter 3 .

• A 2018 Center survey also asked U.S teens some of the same questions about experiences and views related to social media (e.g., whether social media makes them feel more connected to what’s going on in their friend’s lives). Direct comparisons cannot be made across the two surveys due to mode, sampling and recruitment differences. Please read the Methodology section to learn more about how the current survey was conducted. ↩
• Quotations in this report may have been lightly edited for grammar, spelling and clarity. ↩

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The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth Quantitative Research

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Introduction

Literature review, research methodology, addiction and the desire to unplug.

Social media has become a part of the daily patterns of most individuals, forming a link between their online and offline experiences. This has made it the most common tool for communication and interaction among both individuals and businesses. Social media has been used in various ways in the Arab region. For instance, social media has also been used to elicit change in Yemen, Jordan and Morocco.

The protestors in these countries have made note of the significance of social media in addressing their issues that concern corruption and other disparities that oppress most of the population. Besides rallying people around social causes and political campaigns, social media in the Arab region has also been used to enhance citizen journalism and civic participation (Turkle, 2011).

This paper looks at the role of social media in the UAE, and its impact on the youth. In order to achieve this, this paper looks at various social media that are used by the youth in the UAE, what he youth see as the main benefits of social media, level of trust in social media, and the limitations that they face with regard to social media.

Social networking has become the easiest way for individuals to communicate, whether they live in the same country, or across the world from each other.

Social networking refers to the “network of social interactions and personal relationships” that consists of devoted websites or applications, which permit users to communicate with each other through posting messages, pictures, and sharing comments, among others (Oxford Dictionaries, 2010).

The drastic impact that various social networking websites such as Facebook and MySpace have on people’s lives, and the way they communicate with one another, has made this topic relatively crucial.

People who are often addicted to such networks get fairly attached to it, causing them to communicate less with their families and replace the need for face-to-face interaction with their friends. This paper examines the effect of social media on the youth of the United Arab Emirates.

Studies show that the media is used for three primary reasons. First, it is used to bring meaning of the social world. Second, it informs people on how to act within a society. And third, it promotes pleasure and entertainment (Lenhardt & Madden, 2011). Based on these three elements that motivate media, it is apparent that various individuals are impacted in different ways by the media.

The audience has varied degree of reliance on the media based on their relationship with both the society, and the media. Studies show that the reliance of an audience on particular media gives that media a certain degree of authority over that audience. This theory is useful in the explanation of the impact of media during crisis, and will also be useful in the analysis of the impact of social media on the youth of the UAE (Boyd, 2007).

According to Al-Jenaibi (2011), social media has also been useful in developing forums for debate and interaction between governments and the communities, as well as, to enhance innovation and collaboration within the government. Social media has been used for various purposes including relaying information and cultural production, as well as, entertainment.

The rapid increase in the number of youth accessing various social media in the last decade has been driven by accessibility of the internet, especially through the mobile phones (Al-Jenaibi, 2011).

According to Al-Jenaibi (2011), the recent trrnsformations in both political and societal matters have been effected by the rapid adoption of social media as a driver for regional change, especially among the Arab youthm “netizens” and women. There has been increased involvement of both youth and women in political and civic actions owing to increased access to the internet.

At the same time, regional and international level policy makers have taken an active role in the regulation of access to the internet and the use of social media for political and societal activism.

The use of the Internet has grown rapidly in the Arab world due to the diversification of its uses from social neworking and entertainment, to more professional engagements between businesses, as well as, in enhancing the transparency and participatory objectives of governance models (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

Although some may believe that social networking has helped our youth in many ways, social networking also possesses several negative features that are not widely recognized. Since social networking involves the Internet, it is prone to several dangers that people can easily come across.

Online predators can easily gather certain information; therefore, people are more likely to get security attacks and are prone to hackers due to the personal information they reveal on these social networking communities (ProCon.org, 2012).

A popular example of this involves people who provide detailed information about themselves on MySpace, without having the option of limiting this information to only people they know/accept. In addition, cyber bullying is very common on such websites and can lead to decreased self-esteem and declining of grades (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007).

The various social media investigated in the study include blogs, micro blogs, social network service, video-sharing service, social bookmarking, and image sharing websites (Ito & Baumer, 2010). The quantitative study involved 30 surveys that were randomly distributed in a population of youth aged between 15 and 30 years from different parts in the seven regions of the United Arab Emirates.

The mean age of the sample used was 21 years, with most of the respondents pursuing tertiary education. However, all of the respondents selected had graduated from high school. Reliability of the survey questions was enhanced by rewording the questions in various ways in order to identify the stability of the responses provided.

No inconsistencies were noted in the retests; hence, all 30 surveys were used in analysis of the research question. The survey was administered online, and comprised questions that sought to measure the emotional and social well-being of the youth.

Some of the questions inquired about their state of happiness or sadness compared to other people who did not have access to social networking, whether they had many friends or were lonely at times, and more questions along those lines.

Face to face communication

The study revealed that despite the prevalence of the use of technology among the youth, most of them still preferred to communicate face to face. Text messaging came in second and the use of social network s third.

Social and digital communication

The sample was also surveyed for their use of social and digital communications. Texting was observed as a common trend among 87% of the sample, followed by social networking and emailing. These three activities were also the most prevalent on a daily basis, in the same order.

Social networking

This analysis of the use of social networking sites showed that it forms a crucial part of the youth’s lives, since more than half of the sample stated that they visit a social site on a daily basis. About 75% of the youth indicated that they were familiar with the privacy policies on social networking sites.

Social networking and social-emotional well-being

Most of the study group indicated that the use of social networking did not influence their social or emotional well being. Some indicated that social networking had a positive effect on them, like for those who were less shy due to social networking, or more outgoing, and more confident.

Social media and relationships

Many youth feel that social media has been useful in enhancing their relationships with both related and non-related people. Conversely, the sample stated that social networking impacted on the time that they spent with their friends or other people in person.

Hate Speech Online

One of the impacts of social media that has not been explored is the use of social media to spread hate speech. The study noted that about half of the sample had encountered various forms of discriminatory content in the various social media indicated earlier. About 25% of the sample also indicated that they encountered hateful content on various social networks on a regular basis.

Table 15: Frustration with Gadgets and the Desire to Unplug.

Strongly or somewhat agree that they:

• Get frustrated with friends for texting or social networking when hanging out together 45%.
• Wish they could unplug for a while sometimes 43%.
• Sometimes wish they could go back to a time when there was no Facebook 36%.
• Wish their parents spent less time with cell phones and other devices 21%.

The study revealed that a considerable proportion of the youth could not operate without a cell phone. A considerable number stated that they occasionally felt the need to do away with social networking. This was especially evident in the frustration that most youth expressed due to the distraction that is caused when they were hanging out with their friends.

During the study, it was identified that the most common types of social media were social networks like Facebook, video-sharing websites like YouTube, and micro-blogging sites like Twitter, among others. The respondents in the study showed high familiarity with a variety of social media, including the privacy policies, and the potential ethical and practical shortcomings.

Social networking was identified to have a positive impact on the youth in terms of boosting their confidence and level of interaction. Social media also served as a reliable means of conveying social issues in the UAE. Further research on the topic can be narrowed down to the impact of social media on women in the UAE.

In addition, more research can be conducted to draw a complete picture of the merits, demerits, and possibilities of social media that have made the UAE one of the regions in the world with the highest internet migration rates.

Al-Jenaibi, B. (2011). The Use of Social Media in the United Arab Emirates – An Initial Study. European Journal of Social Sciences , 23(1), 87-96.

Boyd, d. (2007). Why youth (heart) social network sites: the role of networked publics in teenage social life. Youth, Identity, and Digital Media , 119-142.

Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. (2007). Offline consequences of online victimization: school violence and delinquency. Journal of S. Violence , 6(3), 89–112.

Ito, M., & Baumer, S. (2010). Hanging out, messing around, and geeking out: Kids living and learning with new media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Lenhardt, A., & Madden, M. (2011). Teens, kindness and cruelty on social network sites. Washington, D.C.: Pew Internet and American Life Project.

Oxford Dictionaries. (2010). Social network . Web.

ProCon.org. (2012). Social Networking . Web.

Turkle, S. (2011). Alone together: Why we expect more from technology and less from each other. New York: Basic Books.

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IvyPanda. (2019, May 31). The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-effect-of-social-media-on-todays-youth/

"The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth." IvyPanda , 31 May 2019, ivypanda.com/essays/the-effect-of-social-media-on-todays-youth/.

IvyPanda . (2019) 'The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth'. 31 May.

IvyPanda . 2019. "The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth." May 31, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-effect-of-social-media-on-todays-youth/.

1. IvyPanda . "The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth." May 31, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-effect-of-social-media-on-todays-youth/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "The Effect of Social Media on Today’s Youth." May 31, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-effect-of-social-media-on-todays-youth/.

Essay on Social Media for School Students and Children

500+ words essay on social media.

Social media is a tool that is becoming quite popular these days because of its user-friendly features. Social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and more are giving people a chance to connect with each other across distances. In other words, the whole world is at our fingertips all thanks to social media. The youth is especially one of the most dominant users of social media. All this makes you wonder that something so powerful and with such a massive reach cannot be all good. Like how there are always two sides to a coin, the same goes for social media. Subsequently, different people have different opinions on this debatable topic. So, in this essay on Social Media, we will see the advantages and disadvantages of social media.

Advantages of Social Media

When we look at the positive aspect of social media, we find numerous advantages. The most important being a great device for education . All the information one requires is just a click away. Students can educate themselves on various topics using social media.

Moreover, live lectures are now possible because of social media. You can attend a lecture happening in America while sitting in India.

Furthermore, as more and more people are distancing themselves from newspapers, they are depending on social media for news. You are always updated on the latest happenings of the world through it. A person becomes more socially aware of the issues of the world.

In addition, it strengthens bonds with your loved ones. Distance is not a barrier anymore because of social media. For instance, you can easily communicate with your friends and relatives overseas.

Most importantly, it also provides a great platform for young budding artists to showcase their talent for free. You can get great opportunities for employment through social media too.

Another advantage definitely benefits companies who wish to promote their brands. Social media has become a hub for advertising and offers you great opportunities for connecting with the customer.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Disadvantages of Social Media

Despite having such unique advantages, social media is considered to be one of the most harmful elements of society. If the use of social media is not monitored, it can lead to grave consequences.

Thus, the sharing on social media especially by children must be monitored at all times. Next up is the addition of social media which is quite common amongst the youth.

This addiction hampers with the academic performance of a student as they waste their time on social media instead of studying. Social media also creates communal rifts. Fake news is spread with the use of it, which poisons the mind of peace-loving citizens.

In short, surely social media has both advantages and disadvantages. But, it all depends on the user at the end. The youth must particularly create a balance between their academic performances, physical activities, and social media. Excess use of anything is harmful and the same thing applies to social media. Therefore, we must strive to live a satisfying life with the right balance.

FAQs on Social Media

Q.1 Is social media beneficial? If yes, then how?

A.1 Social media is quite beneficial. Social Media offers information, news, educational material, a platform for talented youth and brands.

Q.2 What is a disadvantage of Social Media?

A.2 Social media invades your privacy. It makes you addicted and causes health problems. It also results in cyberbullying and scams as well as communal hatred.

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The effect of social media influencers' on teenagers Behavior: an empirical study using cognitive map technique

• Published: 31 January 2023
• Volume 42 , pages 19364–19377, ( 2023 )

Cite this article

• Karima Lajnef   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1084-6248 1  

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The increase in the use of social media in recent years has enabled users to obtain vast amounts of information from different sources. Unprecedented technological developments are currently enabling social media influencers to build powerful interactivity with their followers. These interactions have, in one way or another, influenced young people's behaviors, attitudes, and choices. Thus, this study contributes to the psychological literature by proposing a new approach for constructing collective cognitive maps to explain the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior. More in depth, this work is an attempt to use cognitive methods to identify adolescents' mental models in the Tunisian context. The findings reveal that the influencers' distinctive features are interconnected. As a result, the influencer's distinctive features are confirmed in one way or another, to the teenagers' behavior. These findings provide important insights and recommendations for different users, including psychologists and academics.

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Introduction

The number of social media users has increased rapidly in the last few years. According to the global ‘State of Digital’ report (2021), the number of social media users reached 4.20 billion, which represents 53% of the world’s total population. This number has risen by more than 13% compared to the last year (2020). In Tunisia, until January 2021 the number of social media users has increased to 8.20 million, which represents 69 percent of the total population, while 97%, are accessed via mobile phones. According to the ALEXA report ( 2021 ), Google.com, Facebook are the most used networks by Tunisian people. Most importantly, 18, 5% of Facebook users are under 13 years old.

In fact, the emphasis on social media has created a consensus among tech companies, leading to the creation of more platforms. Today, the diversity of such platforms has created a new horizon of social media in terms of usage and ideas.

Many people whose careers’ are largely reliant on social media are known as "influencers". More than a profession, for some people, it is even considered as a way of life. Influencers use social media every day to express their opinions and critiques on many topics (like lifestyle, health, beauty) and objects (e.g. brands, services, and products). Accordingly, one of the most important marketing strategies in the market is relying on influencers, which has known as influencer marketing (Audrezet et al., 2020 ; Boerman, 2020 ; Lou & Yuan, 2019 ). In 2017, influencer marketing was considered as the most widespread and trendiest’ communication strategy used by the companies. Therefore, influencers have been considered by many marketing experts as opinion leaders because of their important role in persuading and influencing their followers (De Veirman et al., 2017 ). According to the two-step flow of communication theory, the influencer, as a representative of an organization, is inviting to filter, decode and create messages to match with his particular follower base (Lazarsfeld et al., 1944 ). An influencer is a mediator between consumers and organizations. According to Tarsakoo and Charoensukmongkol ( 2019 ), social media marketing implementation capabilities have a positive effect on customer relationship sustainability. In line with the premise of observational learning theory, influence occurs when the consumers use precedent information and observations shared with them gradually to extend their decision-making by evolving their beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors, (Bandura & Adams, 1977 ). In fact, the consumers are sizeable social networks of followers. In their turn, consumers, especially youth and adolescents, consider influencers as a source of transparency, credibility, and source of personal information from what helps the offered brands to be enlarged through the large social media network (e.g. Jin and Phua, 2014).

Social media influencers play a greater role in controlling and influencing the behavior of the consumer especially young people and teenagers (e.g. Marwick, 2015 ; Sokolova & Kefi, 2020 ). Actually, the use of Smartphone's has become an integral part of the lives of both young people and adolescents. According to Anderson ( 2018 ), 95% of teenagers aged between 13 and 17 own a Smartphone. For young people, the pre-social media era has become something of a blur. This generation has known as Generation Z where its members were born between the nineties and the 2000s. What distinguishes this generation is its extensive use of the Internet at an early age. For them, the social media presents an important part of their social life and since then many thinkers set out to explore the effects of using social media platforms at an early age on adolescents' lives. The excessive use of social media may have an effect on teens' mental health. In fact, adolescence is the interval period between childhood and adulthood. A teenager is not a child to act arbitrarily and is not an adult to make critical decisions. Therefore, young people and teenagers have considered as the most sensitive class of consumers. Teenagers' brain creates many changes that make them more sensitive to the impressions of others, especially the view of their peers (e.g. Elkind, 1967 ; Dacey & Kenny, 1994 ; Arnett, 2000 ). Adolescents' mental changes cause many psychological and cognitive problems. According to Social identity theory, teens appreciate the positive reinforcement they get by being included in a group and dislike the feeling of social rejection (Tajfel, 1972 ). To reinforce their sense of belonging, teens are following influencers on social media (e.g., Loureiro & Sarmento, 2019 ). In line with psychological theories, the attachment theory helps to clarify interpersonal relationships between humans. This theory provides the framework to explain the relationship between adolescents and influencers. Several studies have confirmed that the distinctive feature of social media influencers, including relatedness, autonomy and competence affects the behavior, the psychological situation and the emotional side of the consumers (Deci & Ryan, 2000 ). Does the distinctive feature of social media influencers affect teens' behavior? This kind of questions have become among the most controversial ones (e.g. Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 ). This problem is still inconclusive, even not addressed in some developing countries like Tunisia. Indeed, it is clear that there are considerable gaps in terms of the academic understanding of what characteristics of social media influencers and their effect on teen behaviors. This problem still arises because the lack of empirical works is investigating in this area.

Therefore, this study contributes to the literature by different ways. First, this paper presents a review of the social media influencers' distinctive features in Tunisian context. This is important because social influencers have been considered as credible and trustworthy sources of information (e.g. Sokolova & Kefi, 2020 ). On the others hand, this study identifies the motivations that teens have for following social influencers. MICS6 Survey (2020) shows a gradual increase in suicide rates among Tunisian children (0–19 years). According to the general delegate for child protection, the phenomenon is in part linked to the intensive use of online games. Understanding the main drivers of social media influence among young Tunisians can help professionals and families guide them. Empirically, this study provides the first investigation of teens’ mental models using the cognitive approach.

The rest of this paper is organized as the following: The second part presents thetheoretical background and research hypotheses. The third part introduces the research methodology. The forth part is reserved to application and results. In the last part, both the conclusion and recommendations are highlighted.

Theoretical background and research hypotheses

Social media influencers' distinctive features.

"Informational social influence" is a concept that has been used in literature by Deutsch & Gerard, 1955 ), and defined as the change in behavior or opinions that happened when people (consumers) are conformed to other people (influencers) because they believe that they have precise and true information (e.g. Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 , Alotaibi et al., 2019 ). According to (Chahal, 2016 ), there are two kinds of "influencers". The classic ones are the scientists, reporters, lawyers, and all others examples of people who have expert-level knowledge and the new ones are the Social media influencers. Accordingly, social media influencers have many followers that trust them especially on the topics related to their domain of knowledge (e.g. Moore et al., 2018 ). According to the Psychology of Influence perspective, people, often, do not realize that they are influenced because the effect occurs mainly in their subconscious (Pligt & Vliek, 2016 ). When influencers advocate an idea, a service, or a product, they can make a psychological conformity effect on followers through their distinctive features (Colliander, 2019 ; Jahoda, 1959 ).

Vollenbroek et al. ( 2014 ) investigated a study about social media influencers and the impact of these actors on the corporate reputation. To create their model, the authors use the Delphi method. The experts have exposed to a questionnaire that included the characteristics of influential actors, interactions, and networks. The first round of research indicates that a bulk of experts has highlighted the importance of intrinsic characteristics of influencers such as knowledge, commitment, and trust etcetera. While others believe that, the size of the network or the reach of a message determines the influence. The results of the second round indicate that the most agreed-upon distinctive characteristics to be a great influencer are being an active mind, being credible, having expertise, being authoritative, being a trendsetter, and having a substantive influence in discussions and conversations. According to previous literature, among the characteristics that distinguish the influencers is the ability to be creative, original, and unique. Recently, Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) indicated that originality and uniqueness positively influence opinion leadership on Instagram. For the rest of this section, we are going to base on the last two studies to draw on the most important distinctive features of social media influencers.

Credibility (expertise and trustworthiness)

According to Lou and Yuan ( 2019 ), one of the most distinctive characteristics that attract the audience is the influencer's credibility specifically the expertise and trustworthiness. In fact, source credibility is a good way of persuasion because it has related to many conceptualizations. Following Hovland et al. ( 1953 ), credibility has subdivided into expertise and trustworthiness. The expertise has reflected the knowledge and competence of the source (influencer) in a specific area (Ki & Kim, 2019 ; McCroskey, 1966 ). While trustworthiness is represented in influencer honesty and sincerity (Giffin, 1967 ). Such characteristics help the source (influencer) to be more convincing. According to the source credibility theory, consumers (social media audience) give more importance to the source of information to take advantage of the expertise and knowledge of influencers (e.g. Ohanian, 1990 ; Teng et al., 2014 ). Spry et al., ( 2011 ) pointed out that a trusted influencer's positive perception of a product and/or service positively affects consumers' attitudes towards recommended brandsHowever, if the product does not meet the required specifications, consumers lose trust in the product and the influencer (Cheung et al., 2009 ). Based on source credibility theory, this work tested one of the research goals: the effect of expertise and credibility on adolescent behavior.

Originality and creativity

Originality in social media represents the ability of an influencer to provide periodically new and differentiate content that attracts the attention of the audience. The content has perceived as innovative, sophisticated, and unusual. Social media influencers look for creating an authentic image in order to construct their own online identity. Marwick ( 2013 ) defined authenticity as "the way in which individuals distinguish themselves, not only from each other but from other types of media". Most of the time, an authentic and different content attracts attention, and sometimes the unusual topics make surprising (Derbaix & Vanhamme, 2003 ). According to Khamis et al. ( 2017 ), social media influencers attract the consumers' attention by posting authentic content. In fact, the audience often appreciates the originality and the creativity of the ideas (Djafarova & Rushworth, 2017 ).The originality of the content posted by an influencer has considered as a way to resonate with their public (Hashoff, 2017 ). When a company seeks to promote its products and services through social media, it is looking for an influential representative who excels at presenting original and different content. The brand needs to be presented by credible and believable influencers that create authentic content (Sireni, 2020 ). One of the aims of this work is to identify the effect of the authentic content on teen’s behaviors.

Trendsetter and uniqueness

According to Maslach et al. ( 1985 ), uniqueness is the case in which the individual feels distinguished compared to others. Tian et al. ( 2001 ) admitted that individuals attempt to be radically different from others to enhance their selves and social images. The uniqueness in content represents the ability of the influencer to provide an uncirculated content specific to him. Gentina et al. ( 2014 ) proved that male adolescents take into account the uniqueness of the content when they evaluated the influencer role particularly in evaluating the role of an opinion leader. Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) indicated that uniqueness positively influences the leadership opinion. Thus, the uniqueness of influencers’ contents may affect audiences’ attitude. Therefore, we aim to test the effect of the influencers’ contents uniqueness and trendsetter on teenagers’ behaviors.

Persuasion has a substantive influence in discussions and conversations. According to the Psychology of Persuasion, the psychological tactic that revolves around harnessing the principles of persuasion supports in one way or another the influencer’s marketing. The objective is to persuade people to make purchase decisions. Persuasion aims commonly to change others attitudes and behavior in a context of relative freedom (e.g. Perloff, 2008 ; Crano & Prislin, 2011 ; Shen & Bigsb, 2013 ). According to Scheer and Stern ( 1992 ), the dynamic effect of marketing occurs when an influencer persuades consumers to participate in a specific business. Influencers' goal is to convince the audiences of their own ideas, products, or services. There are six principles of persuasion, which are consensus, consistency, scarcity, reciprocity, authority, and liking. Thus, among the objectives of this study is to set the effect of influencers' persuasion on teens' behavior.

To sum up, our hypothesis is as the following:

H1: Social media influencers' distinctive features affect teenagers’ behavior.

Social media influencers' and teenagers’ behavior

Young people and adolescents are increasingly using social media, consequently, they receive a lot of information from different sources that may influence in one way or another their behavior and decisions. Accordingly, the Digital report (2021) (published in partnership with Hootsuite and we Are Social) indicated that connected technologies became an integral part of people's lives, and it has seen great development in the last twelve months especially with regard to social media, e-commerce, video games, and streaming content. According to the statistics raised in the global State of Digital (2021), the number of social media users has increased by 490 million users around the world compared to last year to attain 4.20 billion. In Tunisia, until January 2021 the number of social media users has increased to attain 8.20 million, which represents 69 percent of the total population while 97% accessing via mobile phone. According to the ALEXA report ( 2021 ), Google.com, Facebook and YouTube are the networks most used by Tunisian people. In addition, 18, 5% of Facebook users are under 13 years old.The use of social media by young people has recently increased, which led us to ask about the influence of such an alternative on their psychological and mental conditions, their identity formation, and their self-estimation. One of this study aims is also to answer the question: why teens follow Social media influencers?

Identity formation

Identity formation relates to the complex way in which human beings institute a continued unique view of the self (Erikson, 1950 ). Consequently, this concept has largely attached to terms like self-concept, personality development, and value. Identity, in a simplified way, is an aggregation of the “self-concept, who we are” and “self-awareness” (Aronson et al., 2005 ). In line with communication theory, Scott ( 1987 ) indicated that interpersonal connection is a key factor in identity formation. Most importantly, the individual's identity formation is the cornerstone of building a personality. A stream of research indicates that consumers accept influence from others they identify with and refuse influence when they desire to disconnect (Berger & Heath, 2007 ; White & Dahl, 2006 ).

Adolescence is a transitional stage in individuals' lives that represents the interval between childhood and adulthood (e.g. Hogan & Astone, 1986 ; Sawyer et al., 2018 ). From here begins teens' psychological conflicts that call into question-related to themselves and about their role in society (e.g. Hill et al., 2018 ). In fact, teens go through many experiences because of the physical and psychological changes during the self-establishment phase, which influences not only their identity formation but also their own personality. At this stage, radical changes occur in their lives, which may affect the course of their future life. The family (precisely parents' behaviors) represents the first influencer on their kids' view of themselves, but this is not the main side. In the era of globalization and technological development, social media has become an important role in shaping the identity of adolescents (see Gajaria et al., 2011 ). In the adolescent stage, individuals start to use the flood of information received from various sources (especially from social media) to find out a sense of self and personal identity. Davis ( 2013 ) affirmed that students who communicated online with their peers express better visibility of self-concept. In its turn, self-concept visibility has related to friendship quality. According to Arnett and Hughes ( 2014 ), identity formation is the result of "thinking about the type of person you want to be” (p. 340). Due to the intense appearance of social media in the lives of teenagers, identity formation is highly affected by social media influencers' personalities. Kunkel et al. ( 2004 ) affirmed that targeted advertisements in social media affect the identity molding of teens by encouraging them to espouse new habits of appearance and consumption. Identification is easier when there is a previous model to mimic.

This work aims to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on the healthy identity development of teens.

Mimetic bias

Investigating mimicry in the psychological literature is not a recent subject. Kendon ( 1970 ) and LaFrance ( 1982 ) were the first researchers that introduce the mimicry concept in literature. Nevertheless, exploring mimicry effect on peoples’ behavior presents a new area of research. Many researchers like Chartrand and Dalton ( 2009 ) and Stel & Vonk ( 2010 ) presented mimicry as the interaction of an individual with others through observing and mirroring their behaviors, attitudes, expressions, and postures. Chartrand and Dalton ( 2009 ) indicated that social surroundings are easily contagious and confirmed the high ability of individuals to mimic what they see in their social environment. Individuals resort to mimicry to fulfill their desire to belong to a group and be active members of society. Therefore, Lakin et al. ( 2003 ) affirmed that mimicry could be used to enhance social links with others. Such behavior aims to bring people closer to each other and create intimacy. White and Argo ( 2011 ) classified mimicry as conscious and unconscious. According to the Neuroscience literature, unconscious mimicry occurs due to the activation of individual mirror neurons that lead to mimic others (e.g. Hatfield et al., 1994 ). Thus, mimickers “automatically” imitate others in many situations like facial expressions (e.g., smiling), behavioral expressions (e.g., laughing), and postural expressions (e.g., hand positioning) (Meltzoff & Moore, 1983 ; LaFrance & Broadbent, 1976 ; Simner, 1971 ). On the other hand, a recent stream of research has advocated conscious mimicry (White & Argo, 2011 ; Ruvio et al., 2013 ). Ruvio et al. ( 2013 ) have presented the "Consumer’s Doppelganger Effect" theory. According to the authors, when consumers have the intention to look like their role models, they imitate them.

One of the paradoxical challenges in the adolescence period is the teens' simultaneous need for "mimic" and "differentiation ".Among the most common questions asked between adolescents is "Who we are?”. The identification of themselves based commonly on a comparison between them and members of the group to which they aim to belong. The feeling of being normal is an obsession that haunts the majority of teenagers. Their sense of being within the norm and not being alienated or disagreed with others prompts teenagers to do anything even if this poses a danger to them just to be accepted by others. Today, with the development of social media, family, peers and friends are no longer the only influencers that teens mimic, but this environment has expanded to include social media influencers. Teens give more attention to their online image and mimic social media influencers to achieve a sense of belonging. According to Cabourg and Manenti ( 2017 ), the content shared by adolescents with each other about their lives on their own social networks helps them understand and discover each other, and create their identity away from their parents. This phenomenon turns into a problem when adolescents mimic each other only not to be excluded or rejected, even if these actions do not represent them.

Another important aim of this study is to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teen’s mimicry behavior.

Confirmation bias

Cabourg and Manenti ( 2017 ) pointed out that it is a necessity for a teenager to be a part of a peer group. Belonging to the group for a teenager reinforces his/her sense of existence away from family restrictions. As we have mentioned before and in line with Hernandez et al. ( 2014 ), teens need to create peer relationships, whether to contribute positively or negatively to their psychosocial side and undoubtedly play a crucial role in the development of identity. Araman and Brambilla ( 2016 ) argued that: "Teenage is an important stage in life, full of physical and psychological transformation, awakening in love and professional concerns. Identifying yourself with a group makes you feel stronger, to say that you exist, and even to distinguish yourself from society”. The development of social media platforms promotes the desire of teens to a group belonging. Social media platforms, such as tick-tock, Facebook, and Instagram, motivate their users to interact with likes and comments on others people’s posts. In fact, according to Davis ( 2012 ), casual communication between teens through social networking using text and instant messages enhances their sense of belonging. Furthermore, the author indicates that social media helps teens to compare their ideas and experiences with their peers, which support their sense of belonging. According to Zeng et al. ( 2017 ), social media interactions aim to create strong social bonds and raise emotional belonging to a community. Confirmation bias occurs when an individual cannot think and create outside the herd. Equally important, due to the confirmation bias, teens cannot identify themselves, except by flying inside the swarm. Teens may identify themselves as fans of a famous influencer just to feel the sense of belonging. This work tests the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teens’ sense of belonging.

Self-esteem

Psychological literature defines Self-esteem as the individual’s evaluation of himself or herself that can be positive or negative (Smith et al., 2014 ). Coopersmith ( 1965 ) affirmed that the self-esteem is the extent to which an individual views his self as competent and worthwhile. A stream of past works highlighted the effects of social media on self-esteem (Błachnio et al., 2016 ; Denti et al., 2012 ; Gonzales & Hancock, 2011 ). The majority of them found that audiences with low self-esteem use more social networks’ to reinforce their self-esteem. Due to technological developments, social media networks offer a self-comparison between users. According to Festinger ( 1954 ), social media users focus more on self-evaluations by making social comparisons with others concerning many issues like beauty, popularity, social classes or roles, wealth accumulation, etc. Social comparison is a part of building a teen's personal identity (Weinstein, 2017 ). Among adolescents, there are two types of comparisons on social media, which are upward comparison, and downward comparison (Steers et al., 2014 ). The first one has related to weakened levels of self-esteem and high depressive symptoms. The second one is characterized by expanding levels of self-esteem and low levels of anxiety (Burrow & Rainone, 2017 ). According to Wright et al. ( 2018 ), self-presentation on social media is related to the extent to which others accept and the determined level of belonging that based on the number of likes and comments.

This study aims to test the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teens’ self-esteem.

Digital distraction

Social media has taken over most of the spare time. It has displaced the time spent on other activities like reading, watching TV, make sports etc.… (Twenge et al., 2019 ). Consequently, the phenomenon of digital distraction has widely spread, especially with the rise of smartphones use. The results of a study established by Luna ( 2018 ) indicated that the use of smartphones during a meal leads to minimize the levels of connectedness and enjoyment and increase the levels of distraction comparing to those who set devices off. Martiz ( 2015 ) found that students with Internet addiction often feel lonely and depressed. Recently, Emerick et al. ( 2019 ) affirmed that the students themselves agree that spending a lot of time using social media leads to distraction. Many studies have proven that most teens spend a lot of time online (e.g., Anderson & Jiang, 2018 ; Twenge et al., 2018 ). Thus, they are the most vulnerable to digital distraction. We believe that whenever distinctive features of influencers are good, the most important impact they have on young people, leads to distraction.

At this level, our second hypothesis is as the following:

H2. The behavior and cognitive biases of teens are affected by social media influence.

Research methods

The cognitive maps.

The cognitive map is relatively an old technique (Huff, 1990 ). However, the use of cognitive maps in scientific research has increased in recent years. According to Axelrod ( 1976 ), a cognitive map is a mathematical model that reflects a belief system of a person. In another words, a cognitive map is a representation of causal assertion way of a person on a limited area. At the beginning of the 1970s, it was intellectually popular amongst behavioral geographers to investigate the significance of cognitive maps, and their impacts on people’s spatial behavior. A cognitive map is a type of mental representation, which serves an individual to acquire, store, recall, code, and decode information about the relative locations and attributes of phenomena in their everyday or metaphorical spatial environment. It is usually defined as the graphical representation of a person belief about a particular field. A map is not a scientific model based on objective reality, but a graphical representation of an individual's specific beliefs and ideas about complex local situations and issues. It is relatively easy for humans to look at maps (cognitive maps in our case) and understand connections, between different concepts. Cognitive maps can therefore also be thought of as graphs. Graphs can be used to represent many interesting things about our world. It can also be used to solve various problems. According to Bueno & Salmeron ( 2009 ), Cognitive Maps are a powerful technique that helps to study human cognitive phenomena and specific topics in the world. This study uses cognitive maps as a tool to investigate the mental schema of teenagers in Tunisian Scouts. In fact, cognitive mapping helps to explore the impact of social media on teenage behavior in the Tunisian context. In other words, we focus on the effect of influencers' distinctive features on teen behavior.

Data collection and sample selection

The aim of this work is to explore the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior in Tunisian context. On the other hand, this work investigates if the psychological health of teens is affected by social media influence. To analyze mentally processing multifactor-interdependencies by the human mind or a scenario with highly complex problems, we need more complex analysis methods like the cognitive map technique.

The questionnaire is one of the appropriate methods used to construct a collective cognitive map (Özesmi & Özesmi, 2004 ). Following Eden and Ackermann ( 1998 ), this study uses face-to-face interviews because it is the most flexible method for data collection and it is the appropriate way to minimize the questionnaire mistiness. The questionnaire contains two parts: the first part is reserved to identify the interviewees. The second part provides the list of concepts for each approach via cross-matrix. The questionnaire takes the form of an adjacency matrix (see Table 1 ). The data collection technique appropriate to build a cognitive map is the adjacent matrix. The adjacency matrix of a graph is an (n × n) matrix:

The variables used in the matrix can be pre-defined (by the interviewer using the previous literature) or it can be identified in the interview by the interviewees. This paper uses the first method to restrict the large number of variables related to both influencers’ distinctive features and teenagers' behavioral biases (see Table 2 ). This work identified two types of social media influencers that are Facebook bloggers and Instagrammers for two reasons. Facebook is the most coveted social network for Tunisians. It has more than 6.9 million active users in 2020 or 75% of the population (+ 13 years) of which 44.9% were female users and 55.1% male. On the other hand, Instagram is the second popular social media platform. It has more than 1.9 million, namely 21% of the Tunisian population (+ 13 years).

In this work, we deal with (10 × 10) adjacency matrix.

Experts (psychologists, academics, etc.) often analyze the relationships between social media and young people’s behavior. The contribution of this work is that we rely on the adolescents' point of view in order to test this problem using the cognitive maps method. To our knowledge, no similar research has been done before.

This work is in parallel to the framework of the Tunisian State project "Strengthening the partnership between the university and the economic and social environment". It aims to merge the scientific track with the association work. We have organized an intellectual symposium in conjunction with the Citizen Journalism Club of youth home and the Mohamed-Jlaiel Scouts Group of Mahres entitled "Social Influencers and Their Role in Changing Youth Behaviors”.This conference took place on April 3, 2021, in the hall of the municipality, under the supervision of an inspector of youth and childhood”. In fact, Scouts is a voluntary educational movement that aims to contribute to the development of young people to reach the full benefit of their physical and social capabilities to make them responsible individuals. Scouts offer children and adolescents an educational space complementary to that of the family and the school. The association emphasizes community life, taking responsibility, and learning resourcefulness.Scouting contributes to enhancing the individual's self-confidence and sense of belonging and keeps them away from digital distraction. Therefore, our sample has based on a questionnaire answered by young people belonging to the Tunisian Scoutsaged between 14 and 17 and, who belong to the Mohamed-Jlaiel Scouts Group of Mahres. In fact, scouting strengthens the willpower of young people and allows them to expand their possibilities for self-discipline. In addition, Scout youth are integrated into the community and spend more time in physical and mental activities than their peers who spend most of their free time on social media. Unfortunately, because of the epidemiological situation that Tunisia experienced during this period due to the spread of the Coronavirus, we could not summon more than 35 people, and the first sample was limited only to 25 young people. Thus, a second study with another data collection is needed. Over two successive months (November and December 2021), we make a few small workshops (due to the pandemic situation) with scouts’ young people. The second sample contains 38 teens. Therefore, our total data hold 63young people (26 female and 37 male). It should be noted that the surveys were carried out after parental consent.

We start our interviews with presenting the pros and cons of social mediaand its effect on audiences’ behavior. After forming an idea with the topic, we asked young people to answer the questionnaire presented to them after we defined and explained all the variables. We have directly supervised the questionnaire. Teens are invited to fulfill the questionnaire (in the form of a matrix) using four possibilities:

If variable i has no influence on variable j, the index (i, j) takes a value of zero

1 if variable I has a weak influence on variable j.

2 if variable I has a strong influence on variable j.

3 if variable I has a very strong influence on variable j.

To sumup, the final data contains 63 individual matrices. The aim of the questionnaire is then to build the perception maps (Lajnef et al., 2017 ).

Collective cognitive map method

This work is of qualitative investigation. The research instrument used in this study is the cognitive approach. This work aims to create a collective cognitive map using an interviewing process. Young peopleare invited to fill the adjacencymatrices by giving their opinion about the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior. To draw up an overall view, individual maps (creating based on adjacency matrices) aggregated to create a collective cognitive map. Since individual maps denote individual thinking, collective map is used to understand the group thinking. The aggregation map aimed to show the point of similarities and differences between individuals (Lajnef et al., 2017 ). The cognitive map has formed essentially by two elements: concepts (variables) and links (relations between variables). The importance of a concept is mainly related to its link with other variables.

This technique helps to better understand the individual and collective cognitive universe. A cognitive map became a mathematical model that reflects a belief system of individuals since the pioneering work of Tolman ( 1948 ). Axelrod ( 1976 ) investigated the political and economic field and considered "cognitive maps" as graphs, reflecting a mental model to predict, understand and improve people's decisions. Recently, Garoui & Jarboui ( 2012 ) have defined the cognitive map as a tool aimed to view certain ideas and beliefs of an individual in a complex area. This work aims to explore a collective cognitive map to set the complex relationships between teenagers and social media influencers. For this reason, we investigate the effect of social media influencers' distinctive features on teenagers' behavior using an aggregated cognitive map.

Results and discussion

In this study, we report all measures, manipulations and exclusions.

Structural analysis and collective cognitive map

This paper uses the structural analysis method to test the relationship between the concepts and to construct a collective cognitive map. According to Godet et al. ( 2008 ), the structural analysis is “A systematic, matrix form, analysis of relations between the constituent variables of the studied system and those of its explanatory environment”. The structural analysis purpose is aimed to distinguish the key factors that identify the evolution of the system based on a matrix that determines the relationships among them (Villacorta et al., 2012 ). To deal with our problem, Micmac software allows us to treat the collected information in the form of plans and graphs in order to configure the mental representation of interviewees.

The influence × dependence chart

This work uses the factor analysis of the influence-dependence chart in which factors have categorized due to their clustered position. The influence × dependence plan depends on four categories of factors, which are the determinants variables, the result variables the relay variables, and the excluded variables. The chart has formed by four zones presented as the following (Fig.  1 ):

Influence-dependence chart, according to MICMAC method

Zone 1: Influent or determinant variables

Influent variables are located in the top left of the chart. According to Arcade et al. ( 1999 ) this category of variables represents a high influence and low dependence. These kinds of variables play and affect the dynamics of the whole system, depending on how much we can control them as key factors. The obtained results identify uniqueness, trustworthiness, and Mimetic as determinant variables. The ability of influencers’ is to provide personalized and unique content that influence Tunisian teens’ behavior. This finding is in line with Casaló et al. ( 2020 ) work. On the other hand, the results indicate that teens mimic social media influencers to feel their belonging. Such an act allows them to discover each other, and create their identity away from their parents (Cabourg & Manenti, 2017 ). The most Influential variable of the system is trustworthiness.The more trustworthiness influencers via social media are, the higher their influence on young people will be. This finding is conformed to previous studies (Giffin, 1967 ; Spry et al., 2011 ).

Zone 2: Relay variables

The intermediate or relay variables are situated at the top right of the chart. These concepts have characterized by high influence and sensitivity. They are also named “stake factors” because they are unstable. Relay variables influence the system depending on the other variables. Any effect of these factors will influence themselves and other external factors to adjust the system. In this study, most of influencers' distinctive features (persuasion, originality, and expertise) play the role of relay variables. The results indicate that the influence of persuasion affects young people's convictions, depending on other variables. The results are in line with previous studies (e.g. Perloff, 2008 ; Shen et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, the findings indicate that the more expertise social media influencers' are, the higher their influence on young people will be. The study of Ki and Kim ( 2019 ) supported our findings. Additionally, the originality of the content presented on social media attracts the audience more than the standard content. The results are in line with those of Khamis et al., ( 2017 ) and Djafarova & Rushworth ( 2017 ).

Based on the results of zone 1 and zone 2, we can sum up that Social media influencers' distinctive features tested on this work affect teenagers’ behavior. Therefore, H1 is accepted.

Zone 3: Excluded or autonomous variables

The excluded variables are positioned in the bottom left of the chart. This category of variables is characterized by a low level of influence and dependence. Such variables have no impact on the overall dynamic changes of the system because their distribution is very close to the origin. This work did not obtain this class of variables.

Zone 4: Dependent variables

The dependent variables are located at the bottom right of the chart. These variables have characterized by a low degree of influence and a high degree of dependence. These variables are less influential and highly sensitive to the rest of variables (influential and relay variables). According to our results, the dependent variables are those related to teens' behavior and cognitive biases. Social media influencers affect the identity development of teens. These findings are in line with those of Kunkel et al. ( 2004 ).The results show also that young people often identify themselves as fans of a famous influencer just to feel the belonging. These results are in line with previous studies like those of Davis ( 2012 ) and Zeng et al. ( 2017 ). Furthermore, the findings indicate that young people use more social networks’ to reinforce their self-esteem.The results confirm with those of Denti et al. ( 2012 ) and Błachnio et al. ( 2016 ).Influencers via social media play a role in digital distraction. Thus, the result found by Emerick et al. ( 2019 ) supports our findings.

Based on the results of zone 3, we can sum up that the behavior and cognitive biases of teens are affected by social media influencers. Therefore, H2 is accepted.

Collective cognitive maps

During this study, we have gathered the individuals’ matrices to create a collective cognitive mind map. The direct influence graph (Figs.  2 and 3 ) present many interesting findings. First, the high experience of influencers via social media enhances the production of original content. Furthermore, the more expertise the influencers' are, the higher their degree of persuasion on young people will be. As similar to this work, Kirmani et al. ( 2004 ) found that the influencers' experience with persuasion emerges as factors that affect customers. Beside the experience, the more an influencer provides unique and uncirculated content specific to him, the higher the originality of the content will be. Previous studies hypothesized that unique ideas are the most stringent method for producing original ideas (e.g., Wallach & Kogan,  1965 ; Wallach & Wing, 1969 ).Generally; influencers that produce different contents have a great popularity because they produce new trends. Therefore, our results indicate that young people want to be one of their fans just to feel their belonging. Furthermore, our findings indicate that the originality of content can be a source of digital distraction. Teenagers spend a lot of time on social media to keep up with new trends (e.g. Chassiakos & Stager, 2020 ).

The collective cognitive maps (25% of links)

The collective cognitive map (100% of links)

The influencers' experience and their degree of trustworthiness, besides the originality of the content, enhance their abilities to persuade adolescents. During adolescence, young people look for a model to follow. According to our results, it can be a social media influencer with a great ability to persuade.

In recent years, the increasing use of social media has enabled users to obtain a large amount of information from different sources. This evolution has affected in one way or another audience's behavior, attitudes, and decisions, especially the young people. Therefore, this study contributes to the literature in many ways. On the first hand, this paper presents the most distinctive features of social media influencers' and tests their effect on teenagers' behavior using a non-clinical sample of young Tunisians. On the other hand, this paper identifies teens' motivations for following social media influencers. This study exercises a new methodology. In fact, it uses the cognitive approach based on structural analysis. According to Benjumea-Arias et al. ( 2016 ), the aim of structural analysis is to determine the key factors of a system by identifying their dependency or influence, thus playing a role in decreasing system complexity. The present study successfully provides a collective cognitive map for a sample of Tunisian young people. This map helps to understand the impact of Facebook bloggers and Instagrammers on Tunisian teen behavior.

This study presents many important findings. First, the results find that influencers' distinctive features tested on this work affect teenagers’ behavior. In fact, influencers with a high level of honesty and sincerity prove trustworthiness among teens. This result is in line with those of Giffin ( 1967 ). Furthermore, the influencer’s ability to provide original and unique content affects the behavior of teens. These findings confirm those of Casaló et al. ( 2020 ). In addition, the ability to influence is related with the ability to persuade and expertise.

The findings related to the direct influence graph reveal that the influencers' distinctive features are interconnected. The experience, the degree of trustworthiness, and the originality of the submitted content influence the ability of an influencer to persuade among adolescents. In return, the high degree of persuasion impresses the behavior, attitudes, and decisions of teens with influences in their identity formation. The high experience and uniqueness help the influencer to make content that is more original. Young people spend more time watching original content (e.g. Chassiakos & Stager, 2020 ). Thus, the originality of content can be a source of digital distraction.

The rise in psychological problems among adolescents in Tunisia carries troubling risks. According to MICS6 Survey (2020), 18.7% of children aged 15–17 years suffer from anxiety, and 5.2% are depressed. The incidence of suicide among children (0–19 years old) was 2.07 cases per 100,000 in 2016, against 1.4 per 100,000 in 2015. Most child suicides concern 15–19-year-olds. They are in part linked to intensive use of online games, according to the general delegate of child protection. However, scientific studies rarely test the link between social media use and psychological disorders for young people in the Tunisian context. In fact, our result emphasized the important role of influencers' distinctive features and their effect on teens' behavior.

Thus, it is necessary and critical to go deeper into those factors that influence the psychological health of teens. We promote researchers to explore further this topic. They can uncover ways to help teens avoid various psychological and cognitive problems, or at least realize them and know the danger they can cause to themselves and others.

These results have many implications for different actors like researchers and experts who were interested in the psychological field.

This work suffers from some methodological and contextual limitations that call recommendations for future research. Fist, the sample size used is relatively small because of the epidemiological situation that Tunisia experienced at the time of completing this work. On the other hand, this work was limited only to study the direct relationship between variables. Therefore, we suggest expanding the questionnaire circle. We can develop this research by interviewing specialists in the psychological field. From an empirical point of view, we can go deeper into this topic by testing the indirect relationship among variables.

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Lajnef, K. The effect of social media influencers' on teenagers Behavior: an empirical study using cognitive map technique. Curr Psychol 42 , 19364–19377 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-023-04273-1

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Accepted : 12 January 2023

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-023-04273-1

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To summarize, a robotic teacher does not have the necessary disciple to properly give instructions to students and actually works to retard the ability of a student to comprehend new lessons. Therefore, it is clear that the idea of running a classroom completely by a machine cannot be supported. After thorough analysis on this subject, it is predicted that the adverse effects of the debate over technology-driven teaching will always be greater than the positive effects, and because of this, classroom teachers will never be substituted for technology.

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The working week should be shorter and workers should have a longer weekend. Do you agree or disagree?

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