d.s senanayake essay in english grade 7

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D. S. Senanayake

Full Name: Don Stephen Senanayake Profession: 1st Prime Minister of Ceylon

Biography: D. S. Senanayake was a Ceylonese (Sri Lankan) politician, known as the "Father of the Nation" of Ceylon. His contributions led to Ceylon's independence from British rule and he served as the first Prime Minister of Ceylon. In his early years, D. S. Senanayake worked as a clerk before joining the family business, which included graphite mining and plantations. He became involved in the temperance movement with his brothers, which later evolved into the independence movement. Arrested during the 1915 Sinhalese-Muslim riots, this event marked his deeper commitment to gaining independence for Ceylon. Elected to the Legislative Council of Ceylon in 1924, he rose in politics, especially after assuming leadership of the independence movement after his brother's death in 1925. As the Minister of Agriculture and Lands, he implemented the Land Development Ordinance, aimed at agricultural improvement, and established the Bank of Ceylon. He later became Leader of the House in 1942 and focused on constitutional reforms and negotiations for self-rule with Britain. Senanayake's efforts culminated in the formation of the United National Party (UNP) in 1946 and Ceylon's independence on 4 February 1948. As Prime Minister, he introduced the Ceylon Citizenship Act and established foundational institutions for the independent state. His domestic policies included the Gal Oya scheme, which relocated a quarter of a million people. D. S. Senanayake died in 1952 after a fall from a horse. His death prompted a national period of mourning demonstrated by a state funeral. He was married to Molly Dunuwila with whom he had two sons, one of whom—Dudley Senanayake—went on to also serve as Prime Minister. His legacy is marked by numerous statues and other public acknowledgments of his role as the "Father of Sri Lanka," despite the mixed reactions to some of his policies, most notably the citizenship laws.

Born: October 21 , 1884 Birthplace: Botale, Mirigama, British Ceylon

Generation: Lost Generation Star Sign: Libra

Died: March 22 , 1952 (aged 67)

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Remembering DS Senanayake on Sri Lanka’s Independence Day

Senanayake Foundation, I tem in Daily Mirror, 4 Feb 2022

The first Prime Minister of Sri Lanka (Ceylon) D.S. Senanayake entered the National Legislature in 1924. He was relatively unknown in the country and was pushed into prominence by his elder brother F.R. Senanayake, who was a very popular and active figure in the social and political arena. Many were surprised and taken aback to see D.S. entering the political field, as they were expecting his brother F.R. to fit the role. Perhaps the only person who had faith in D.S’s capability at that time was none other but F.R. Senanayake himse lf. 

Ceylon (Sri Lanka) as it was then known was under foreign domination from 1505 to 1948. Three Colonial Powers namely the Portuguese, Dutch and the British ruled parts of the island till 1815 when the entire country was subjugated to the British Government. Many a battle fought by our heroes at different times to free the country remained unsuccessful and the freedom struggles thus brutally subjugated became dormant until its last phase was initiated by F.R. Senanayake in 1915, after being released from imprisonment on false accusations. The Colonial Government imprisoned F.R. Senanayake along with his brother D.S. and a host of other Sinhala Buddhist leaders of the Temperance Movement on trumped-up charges. However, they had to be released as they could not find a shred of evidence against them. But the massacre of innocents under Martial Law continued unabated and F.R. Senanayake vowed to free the country from colonial bondage. He set about revitalizing the freedom movement that lay dormant for many years.

He became a dominant member of the Ceylon National Congress. Continuous agitation for reforms by the newly created Congress resulted in elections being held on a limited scale for the National Legislature in 1924 and F.R. supported his brother D.S. Senanayake to become an elected member of the Legislature. However, just two years later, in 1926, F.R. met with an untimely death at a relatively young age of 44. He was D.S.’s mentor and his death was not only an enormous blow to D.S. Senanayake but also a severe setback to the freedom movement. In fact, many thought that it was the end of the freedom struggle. But D.S. kept his brother’s dream alive and carefully planned and plotted the path to freedom. On 4th February 1948, twenty-four years after entering the National Legislature, D.S. Senanayake raised Lanka’s flag that was brought down by the British in 1815 and proclaimed to the world, Lanka’s Independence.

“Sir, when The Donoughmore Report was accepted I was one of those who were rather apprehensive of the success of the Committee system. At that time, I was not certain how the Constitution would work and what difficulties we would have to contend with. But since I have been in charge of a Committee for about a year I must say that my faith in the Committee system has increased considerably”

Freedom was achieved by many nations all over the world by pursuing either a path of non-violence or by the barrel of the gun. Polemics of revolt have shown us the methodologies advocated by Gandhi to Guevara, from the apostle of peace to the votary of violence. D.S. Senanayake, however, followed another way, the way of effective negotiations. It may have him taken twenty-four years to achieve this goal but he did so by periodically advancing towards freedom without spilling one drop of blood to achieve independence. Perhaps it was this peaceful transition that had created a misconception in the minds of some that freedom for Sri Lanka was gifted when India was granted her freedom.

India and Sri Lanka had their independent freedom struggles. While Indian leaders were seeking freedom through passive resistance, Sri Lankan leaders were represented in the Legislature following a path of active negotiations. It was the capabilities shown by our leaders in the administrative affairs of the country that prompted the then Governor Sir Hugh Clifford to recommend to the British Government in 1926, that the existing Constitution should be viewed as transitional and that a more representative Constitution should be installed. On this recommendation, the British Government appointed the Donoughmore Commission in 1927 to bring about reforms. India received a similar commission, namely the Simon Commission in 1928.

India, however, totally rejected the Simon Commission. They took up the position that the Simon Commission had no right to bring a constitution to India. Demanding Swaraj (independence outside the Commonwealth), non-corporation was unleashed by the Indian leaders throughout the streets of India. Sri Lankan leaders did not resort to the same manner. Though they did not accept the recommendations of the Donoughmore Commission in Toto, it was not rejected. The recommendations were taken up in the National Legislature, amended through debate and discussion, and the amended version was accepted as a step towards achieving self-government. In 1931, Sri Lanka became the first country in the whole of Asia to adopt universal suffrage with women being given the same voting rights as men; a feature that even some advanced European countries did not possess.

Though the Donoughmore Constitution did not measure up to the requirements of the elected representatives who were expecting a Westminster system of government, they were quite pleased with Adult Franchise and abolition of Communal Representation which were viewed as an obstruction to unification. The other main feature, Executive Committee System was received with mixed feelings. Deeply suspicious, D.S. Senanayake was very critical of the proposed Committee system. Having been involved in the functioning of existing committees, the unwanted delays experienced made him to view them as a hindrance rather than an asset to development. However, the amended form was accepted by him on the firm understanding that reforms were to follow.

Bitterly divided, the amended Donoughmore Constitution was accepted by only a slender majority. Leaders such as Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, E.W. Perera and C.W.W. Kannagara opposed the proposals while Sir D.B. Jayatilaka, D.S. Senanayake and W.A. De Silva supported the proposals. It was well known that it was D.S. Senanayake who used his influence to win over the majority for the proposals. He was of the view that though the proposed reforms did not measure up to what was expected, the proposals were a halfway measure to self-government and that it should be given a trial period. The Donoughmore Constitution gave birth to the State Council in 1931 and for the first time elected Representatives entered the realm of the executive. In the election process of the seven Executive Committees announced, chairmen of each committee were designated as Ministers, they were,

It is well known that no member of the Board of Ministers utilized Committees as much as D.S. Senanayake. Having realized that the mere possession of Executive power was meaningless unless it was utilized for the betterment of the masses, he used his Committee to restore all ancient tanks and embarked on massive irrigation schemes to provide water to the rural masses. He opened up the neglected Dry zone which was once the granary of ancient Lanka and settled the landless villages in vast colonization schemes making them a great asset to the nation. Speaking on the Committee system in the State Council on 19th July 1932, D.S. Senanayake said, “Sir, when The Donoughmore Report was accepted I was one of those who were rather apprehensive of the success of the Committee system. At that time, I was not certain how the Constitution would work and what difficulties we would have to contend with. But since I have been in charge of a Committee for about a year I must say that my faith in the Committee system has increased considerably.”

“I feel it is a mistake, a great mistake, to make an attempt to separate the people communally, and make a Constitution whereby the people will forever remain separated communally. If we want to progress, let us all unite. If we try to pander to the feelings of a section of the people, all that will happen is that we will be dividing the people, and that is the greatest danger that can befall any country”

Though many an achievement was made under the Donoughmore Constitution which was in operation for sixteen years, it did not always bring about smooth administration. There were many clashes between the elected Representatives and the Colonial bureaucrats; as such there was continuous agitation for reforms by both the State Council and the Ceylon National Congress. As a result, in May 1943, the Colonial government made a declaration authorizing the Board of Ministers to draft a Constitution within certain parameters and stipulated that the proposed Constitution should be ratified by at least seventy-five percent of the State Council. The Ministers welcomed this offer and proceeded to draft a Constitution with the aim of obtaining ‘Dominion Status’, the surest way for attaining independence. The task was completed in four months, and the draft was submitted to the Governor to be presented to the Secretary of State for approval. However, what they received was a rude shock.

On 5th July 1944, the House of Commons made an announcement that a Commission will be appointed to: ‘To visit Ceylon in order to examine and discuss any proposals for constitutional reforms in the Island which have the object of giving effect to the Declaration of His Majesty’s Government on that subject dated 26th May 1943, and after consultation with various interests in the Island, including minority communities, concerned with the subjects of constitutional reforms, to advise His Majesty’s Government on all measures necessary to attain that object.’ This was a sinister deviation from the original Declaration and a gross breach of trust. Sir John Kotelawala in his autobiography “An Asian Prime Minister’s Story” refers to this incident. He states,

“Sir Ivor Jennings, the great authority on Constitutional questions, has expressed the view that the terms of reference of the Soulbury Commission, appointed in 1944, were undoubtedly a breach of an understanding given by the British Government in May 1943. ‘What is worse,’ says Sir Ivor, ‘was the manner in which this breach was brought about. It left a very nasty taste in one’s mouth.’ When it was all over, Colonel Oliver Stanley, Secretary of State for Colonies, remarked with typical English understatement that this affair had been badly handled.” Many Members of the State Council and of the Ceylon National Congress were aghast at this decision. They began to doubt the sincerity of the British Government. D.S. Senanayake, though disappointed and critical of what had happened, realized that sabotage had emanated from within and not from outside. Referring to this in the State Council on 23rd November 1944, he said,

“As the hon. Members are aware, we received a Declaration to which we gave our interpretation, and on that interpretation, we grafted a constitution. We then decided – at least I had stated our decision was – that we should submit that Constitution to the Secretary of State first and that if it was considered acceptable to him we should bring it here for the approval of a 75 per cent majority of Members of this house ….. You see, Sir, when we drafted that Constitution we sent it to the Secretary of State and I believe, up to this day there was no conditions stipulated that a Commission should come out to examine the views of the interests that were here. If that was so, there was no need for them to tell us that it should get the approval of a 75 per cent majority in this House.

I believe, and I honestly believe, that the reasons for sending a Commission here to consider various interests is due to the fact that the draft Constitution which was submitted by the Board of Ministers and which met with the requirements of the Secretary of State laid down in his Declaration is not the kind of Constitution that those who had influence with the Secretary of State expected us to bring out. So they felt that it was time to sabotage it.”

He went on to say, 

“… I feel it is a mistake, a great mistake, to make an attempt to separate the people communally, and make a Constitution whereby the people will forever remain separated communally. If we want to progress, let us all unite. If we try to pander to the feelings of a section of the people, all that will happen is that we will be dividing the people, and that is the greatest danger that can befall any country. It is because of that danger that I do not want communal representation; it is not that I object to two seats here or two seats there. As long as there is this feeling that each community should be separated politically, that there should be this cleavage between community and community, those ideas will penetrate into our whole social life, our whole economic life, into all our activities in this country.

DS and OEG in London in 1946(?) to press for independence

Dismissing the minority phobia, DS said, 

“When I suggested the procedure we adopted first, namely, that we deal with the Secretary of State and then the Council, I can honestly tell you that in my own mind I had no desire for Sinhalese domination, or Tamil domination, or European domination; my whole desire was for Ceylonese domination, and the freedom I wanted was for the people of Ceylon.” There was huge agitation to boycott the Soulbury Commission that arrived on the island on 22nd December 1945. D.S. Senanayake, however, did not identify himself with such clamour. He was of the view that the Soulbury Commission should be won over to their way of thinking, and though the Ministers never gave evidence officially, they had many discussions with the Commissioners. D.S. Senanayake in particular had numerous discussions with the Commissioners and even accompanied them on their visits to all parts of the Island. Lord Soulbury was greatly impressed by D.S. Senanayake took an instant liking to him. Lord Soulbury’s attitude and D.S. Senanayake’s commitment helped to rectify the stained relationship between the Imperial Government and the Board of Ministers, and most importantly it paved the way for D.S. Senanayake to obtain the approval for the Constitution that he was eagerly waiting for.

The Soulbury Report was published in September 1945, and a White Paper on the intentions of His Majesty’s Government was published on 31st October 1945. Though D.S.

Senanayake’s recommendations were included and further advancement had been made, the granting of Dominion Status was postponed. It is believed that the defeat of the Conservative Government in 1945 and the Labour Party assuming office caused this change as the new Secretary of State George Hall, who replaced Colonel Oliver Stanley, was not so amiable to the granting of Dominion Status. Had there been no change of government, Colonel Stanley would have remained as the Secretary of State and Sri Lanka on track to receive Dominion Status in 1945. Anyhow it was conceded that the New Constitution if adopted by the State Council, the Imperial Government would pave the way for the attainment of Dominion Status within a short space of time. On this understanding, on 8th November 1945, D.S. Senanayake moved the following motion in the State Council.

“This House expresses disappointment that His Majesty’s Government has deferred the admission of Ceylon to full Dominion status, but in view of the assurance contained in the White Paper of October 31, 1945, that His Majesty’s Government will co-operate with the people of Ceylon so that such status may be attained by this country in a comparatively short time, this House resolves that the Constitution offered in the said White Paper “’be accepted during the interim period.”

Addressing the State Council on 8th November 1945, D.S. Senanayake went on to say, 

“I was invited to London by Colonel Stanley, but my negotiations were conducted with the new Secretary of State, Mr Hall. I should like at the outset to bear witness to the encouragement which I received from both of them. It has been a weakness in our case that we have had to correspond by telegram. They have not known the depth of our feelings; we have been suspicious of their intentions. Colonel Stanley was Colonial Secretary for most of the war. He was aware of the importance of our co-operation in the war effort; he was anxious to secure our political advancement; in him, I am convinced, we have a true friend. Mr Hall – who is, if I may say so, a miner like myself – came fresh to the problems of Ceylon. It was inevitable that he, and the Government of which he was a member, should require time for the consideration of our problems. That he and they approached with sympathy is proved by the result. For the Declaration which I ask you to accept is better than the Declaration of 1943, better than the Minister’s draft and better than the Soulbury Report.”

In his lengthy speech, he touched upon all aspects from the freedom movement, its origin, obstacles encountered, sabotage experienced and finally the achievement of the moment of freedom.

Allaying the fears of the Minority, he said, 

“The road to freedom was by no means straight. That we were correct in our procedure is proved by paragraph 12 of the White Paper, and I am glad that His Majesty’s Government has had the generosity to admit that we were right. We did all that we were asked to do and with a speed which, I think, surprised Whitehall. The procedure was changed not by us but by His Majesty’s Government, and the change was due solely to the representations of the minorities. After those representations, His Majesty’s Government felt the whole question should be examined by a Commission. We protested as we were bound to do, at what we regarded as a breach of an undertaking. I am convinced, after hearing the case put in London, that the charge was due to an excess of caution. It was felt that the minorities should be given every opportunity of proving their case if they could. They were given every opportunity, and they took it. The Ministers allowed their draft to speak for itself. If the Commissioners wanted to see anything, we showed it to them, but we gave no evidence. The fact that we gave no evidence has had two excellent results.

“First, the minorities said what they pleased and how they pleased. The Ministers were relieved of the temptation to retaliate. In this way we were, I hope, able to avoid adding to the bitterness and ill-will that we so correctly prophesied in 1941. If anybody ought to feel aggrieved it was those who were so bitterly attacked, but we do not feel aggrieved because the verdict has been in our favour. Secondly, that verdict is more impressive because we left our proposals to speak for themselves. “No reasonable person can now doubt the honesty of our intentions. We devised a scheme which gave heavy weightage to the minorities; we deliberately protected them against discriminatory legislation; we vested important powers in the Governor-General because we thought that the minorities would regard him as impartial; we decided upon an independent Public Service Commission so as to give an assurance that there should be no communalism in the Public Service. All these have been accepted by the Soulbury Commission and quoted by them as devices to protect the minorities.

Commending the White Paper, he said, 

“The great advantage of the White Paper is that it gives us complete self-government and puts an end to Commissions. If hon. Members who study the White Paper alone will obtain a false picture. It emphasizes the restrictions and precautions. What they should study is the new Constitution. I have had a new draft prepared and I have compared it with the Constitutions of the Dominions. I can assure the House that there is nothing in it that might not be in the Constitution of a Dominion. In fact, in one respect it goes much further than any Dominion Constitution except that of Eire. It provides specifically and positively for responsible government; and this means responsible government in all matters of administration, civil and military, internal and external.”

He concluded his speech by saying, 

“The present proposal is for an interim period. We want Dominion Status in the shortest possible space of time. To achieve it we must show not only that we have successfully worked the self-government that the White Paper promises, but also that we are fundamentally agreed no matter what may be our politics or communities. In a short time, the Cabinet will demand the fulfilment of the promises in the White Paper. Their hands can be immensely strengthened by this House and now. Every time we ask for a constitutional advance we are met by the argument that we are not agreed. Let us show that we are agreed by accepting this motion with a majority so overwhelming that nobody dares to use the argument against us again. I am not asking for a majority; I am asking for a unanimous vote.

“It is because of that danger that I do not want communal representation; it is not that I object to two seats here or two seats there. As long as there is this feeling that each community should be separated politically, that there should be this cleavage between community and community, those ideas will penetrate into our whole social life, our whole economic life, into all our activities in this country”

And for what are you being asked to vote? It is a motion to wipe out the Donoughmore Constitution with all its qualifications and limitations and to place the destinies of this country in the hands of its people. It is a motion to end our political subjection and to enable us to devote ourselves to the welfare of the Island freed from these interminable constitutional disputes. A vote for this motion is a vote for Lanka, and it is a pleasure and a privilege to move it.”

The State Council endorsed the Motion in an unprecedented manner; fifty-one Members voted for it while only three voted against it. Those who voted against were two Indian Tamils and one Sinhalese namely W. Dahanayake. D.S. Senanayake triumphantly cabled Lord Soulbury that he obtained 95% of the vote in favour of the proposals. Dominion Status that was promised within three years after the adoption of the White Paper was granted in two years. In February 1947, D.S. Senanayake addressed a personal letter to the Secretary of State through the Governor requesting that Dominion Status be granted to Ceylon (Sri Lanka). This request was supported by the Governor. Three months later, in June 1947, an announcement was made in the House of Commons that, as soon as the new government assumes office, negotiations would begin to confer ‘fully self-governing Status’ to Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

The General Election was held in August 1947, The United National Party became the largest party in the House of Representatives, and since D.S Senanayake had the support of the majority of the Members he became the obvious choice as Prime Minister. The Ceylon Independence Bill was introduced in the House of Commons on 13th November 1947, and on 10th December 1947, The Ceylon Independence Act received Royal Assent. On 3rd February 1948 Ceylon (Sri Lanka) ceased to be a Colony. Four Hundred years of foreign domination came to an end and D.S. Senanayake took his rightful position as the ‘Father of the Nation’.

Sri Lanka never modelled itself or followed India’s path to Independence. Until the eleventh hour, India was demanding Swaraj and not Dominion Status. During this period India was involved in widespread demonstrations advocating non-corporation and asking the Imperial Government to quit India while almost all their leaders were languishing in jail. It was perhaps the decision to create Pakistan that made them change their demand to Dominion Status within the Empire, the position Ceylon (Sri Lanka) clung to from the very inception. The creation of Pakistan not only marked the division of India but also brought about unprecedented communal violence where millions lost their lives. The only country that took India’s demand of ‘Swaraj’ to its logical conclusion was Burma and even Burma after becoming an independent nation outside the Empire, proceeded to sign a defence agreement with the United Kingdom. On the other hand, D.S. Senanayake never deviated from his demand for Dominion Status. He was successful in uniting all communities and united, marched to freedom without shedding a drop of blood. It is the sheer ignorance of these facts that has prompted some to erroneously believe that Sri Lanka’s freedom was an extension of India’s Independence.

Sceptics have castigated our independence as a half-baked measure and that it was not real freedom. “Defence Agreements entered into with the British Government have been highlighted to show that Sri Lanka was never really free and that real freedom came in 1956 when the Defence Pact was abrogated. One begins to wonder how a Pact can be abrogated unless the Country concerned had the right to do so. It was the inherent right of Independence that allowed the abrogation of the Defence Pact.

The independence of a country is not judged by the presence of defence pacts or the presence of foreign forces in the country concerned, but on the right of that country to abrogate such pacts or remove foreign troops if they so desire. Even today free nations stationing of foreign troops and holding defence pacts can be seen all over the world. D.S. Senanayake did enter into a Defense pact with the United Kingdom not because it was forced on him but because he wanted it as a safeguard from external aggression. Introducing these agreements in Parliament on 3rd December 1947, D.S. Senanayake told Parliament that,

“The agreements became necessary for no other reason but because of the obligations that Britain had undertaken on our behalf. There was, therefore, this necessity for an agreement before Dominion Status was granted. Besides that, our own interest needed to have an agreement to provide for our defence.”

“Now with regard to this Agreement, my Good Friend was not quite logical when he said that we would be prevented from terminating this agreement by virtue of the fact it did not stipulate a definite period, and that therefore we have no remedy. But these are mutual agreements to be entered into at different times. There is no question of giving bases to anyone. There was a question bases being found in Ceylon, but I was certainly not prepared to grant any. What I felt was that if at any time we wanted the assistance of England we should be able to get that assistance by agreement, and if necessary for that purpose to get their aeroplanes we should give them aerodromes. There is no question of any bases being given to her. They were only to be given when it becomes necessary, in our own interest, and after entering into an agreement.” So far as these agreements are concerned, it has definitely stated that they will be in force only during such time as they are necessary.”  Referring to the Defence Agreement sought by Burma that had become independent from the United Kingdom, he went on to say, “As far as Burma is concerned, she has got independence outside the British Empire, but she has come to an agreement with Britain. She is independent, but there is an agreement with Britain –

……. Now that is a country that has obtained independence. But the people feel that it is in the interest of Burma itself and in the common interest to come to such an agreement. But as far we are concerned, what is the position? We say we belong to one family, we have mutual interests, and it is by mutual agreement that we are able to decide what is to be done. I feel that does not in any way remove our independence; it only means that we can maintain our independence” in our country. There is a good deal more that I should like to say, but I think I have said enough. I feel sure that no’ Member of this House or anyone outside can say that we could have more speedily better and more secure Agreements than those we have got. All those who have the love of this country at heart should rejoice not only over our getting freedom but over securing these Agreements, so that we may be safe in Ceylon.”

Parliament approved these agreements on 3rd December 1947. Incidentally, even S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike who abrogated this pact in 1956, voted in favour of these agreements. What he did may have been a popular decision as cutting off ties with the former Colonial Ruler was widely acceptable emotionally. But it certainly did expose Sri Lanka to brazen interference by our giant neighbour and we still continue to pay a heavy price for it.

D.S. Senanayake never advocated that Sri Lanka should have a permanent Defence Pact with the United Kingdom but that to protect our newly won freedom we need the protection of a powerful Nation and at that time the best source was the United Kingdom. Referring to this predicament as far back as 23rd November 1944, speaking in the State Council of Ceylon on Reforms (Introduction of Constituent Bill), he stated,  “It may be that there will be a time when perhaps the British will not be our best shield; we may then join some other Commonwealth or come to some arrangement with some other people. But as long as there is no nation I could think of which is better than the British, I would like to get Dominion Status for Ceylon within the Empire. Now at this time, when countries, even big nations, consider it necessary that they should come to some arrangement for the protecting each other, I think it would be foolhardy on our part to think that we can stand by ourselves.” 

Harbouring deep suspicions on the intentions of our giant neighbour; D.S. Senanayake was convinced that we need a defence arrangement with a powerful country for our safety. However, after his demise in 1952, the United National Party Government led by Sir John Kotelawala was defeated in 1956 and S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike who was elected Prime Minister proceeded to abrogate the defence pact with the United Kingdom. What followed thereafter was blatant interference in our internal affairs and continued infringement of our sovereignty. What we had to experience and continue to experience to date, more than justifies D.S. Senanayake’s suspicions.

Sri Lanka was plagued with a foreign-sponsored armed terrorist organization committed to the division of our country. It took a herculean effort from our armed forces to free the country from this brutal terror. Now, in the name of peace, another threat armed with international repercussions has emerged that threatens the very existence of this nation. It is our bounden duty to save our country from being dismembered and its dominance passed to Foreign Nations. If not greatest .disservice will be done to our National Heroes and another despicable betrayal will be featured in our history.

*****  *****

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One response to “ Remembering DS Senanayake on Sri Lanka’s Independence Day ”

Sri Lankans love to live in the past remembering, commemorating leaders and kings. Time to change the gear from reverse position to a forward position.

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D.S.Senanayake, a Brilliant Leader, and a Proven Legacy

Sri Lanka is one of the tiny islands in the vast Indian Ocean. Nevertheless, it is a land that has been popular worldwide for many and more reasons . That includes the glorious history and uncomparable culture starting from the kingdom eras and the natural beauty to be one of the best in the tourism industry as a fantastic holiday resort! During the history of this magical land of Sri Lanka, there have been many great leaders who shed their sweat for the country’s betterment. The most valuable service of those personalities can never be missed, which helped the country become what it is today. One such great leader who marked an important place in the history of Sri Lanka was D.S.Senanayake, whose story is an excellent example for all.

Thus, we thought of sharing the story of this legend with you, through this read. Continue reading, to get to know about this true Sri Lankan leader!

Who is D.S. Senanayake?

Don Stephan Senanayake or D.S, as he was famous among Lankans, was a respected personality for several specialties during the history of Sri Lanka . He was one of those Sri Lankan leaders, with true dedication who shed sweat for the betterment of this precious Island.

Primarily his significance emerged in the political field of Sri Lanka. In fact, this gentleman was a person respected by the people of Sri Lanka for his greatness in the field of politics and leadership. Consequently, D.S Senanayake became extremely popular for his active participation in serving the national independence movement of Ceylon in the 18 th century.

To be specific, he is among the number of significant personalities who worked hard but peacefully to win back the lost independence of the motherland. His unmatchable talent and suitability were the reasons for the same.

D.S.Senanayake then became the first Prime minister of the independent Ceylon. After serving the nation for its betterment in many other facets, finally, his name became immortal with his outstanding service to the education sector of this island . Besides, his name is famous among young and old as the ‘Father of the Nation’ of Sri Lanka.

Education and Early Life of D.S. Senanayake

D.S.Senanayake was born on 21 st October 1883 in a village called Botale, around the current Mirigama area in Sri Lanka. He was the younger son who was born to the family of Don Spater Senanayake and Dona Catherina Elizabeth Perera Gunesekara Senanayake. His father was an entrepreneur of the graphite industry , and his mother was a housewife. D.S. Senanayake had two brothers older than he called Don Charles Senanayake and Frederick Richard Senanayake, along with a sister named Maria Frances Senanayake. 

Although the little Stephan Senanayake was a child of a devout Buddhist family, he received his education at the St. Thomas College, Mutwal, a prestigious Anglican school. This school later was shifted to Mount Lavinia and is currently popular as the St. Thomas college in Mount Lavinia.

However, D.S.Senanayake was not a very bright student during school days when it came to studies. Nevertheless, he was popular at the school as a sports star. Stephan showed talents in the world-famous game of cricket and was a shining cricketer at the national level. Young Stephan was an essential player at the annual Royal-Thomian matches those days. He also played for several cricket clubs and showed his sporting talents during his studentship.

However, he was physically active and a popular student in games at the school rather than other academic work. Further, he excelled at martial arts such as boxing and wrestling while participating in weight-lifting. As a reason for that, Stephan Senanayake was always a favorite of his peers and teachers. At one instance, his warden told Stephan Senanayake that “I see you everywhere, Senanayake”. His reply to this statement was, “yes sir, just like God”. Indeed, this smart gentleman, later on, could act similarly for the nation and become famous from generation to generation.

The Early Life of D.S.Senanayake

After completing his secondary education , D.S.Senanayake started working for the government first as a clerk. But he did not continue the job for an extended period therefore, joined his father’s business and started working with his brother-D.C. Senanayake, and later F.R. Senanayake in the rubber plantation field.

At that time, F.R. Senanayake had ownership of the famous Kahatagaha Graphite mine. Thus, Stephan Senanayake got to manage the mine for the brother, which he did successfully. He once went to Madagascar to learn and report on graphite mining. It was after taking over the position of a member of a government commission.  

At that time, he also became famous as a planter who introduced Rubber as a commercial crop to the family planters of Sri Lanka.

In 1910, the young D.S.Senanayake married Molly Dunuwila, the daughter of a well-educated family. Then they got two sons namely, Dudley Shelton Senanayake and Robert Parakrama Senanayake.

The Political Career of D.S. Senanayake

D.S. Although he was famous as a sports star in academic life, Senanayake later became significant and prominent in Sri Lanka in the political field. Thus, there is a long story on the politics of Senanayake and how his name later became immortal in the political field.

At the very beginning, he was an active member of the Legislative Council, and then he took over the duties at the State Council of Ceylon. Later on, he became a minister of Sri Lanka and took the responsibilities of the Ministry of Agriculture and Land .

D.S.Senanayake also became an activist in the period of World War II as well. Finally, after being a significant contributor in achieving the independence of Sri Lanka , he became the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka for the first time in the country’s political history.

Let us now look into each stage of his political career which we pointed out above, and learn about this great personality and his importance to Sri Lanka. 

The Early Political Activism of D.S.Senanayake

In 1912, Buddhism and the anti-colonialism of Sri Lanka commenced a political movement. It was the famous temperance movement, one of the leading organizations that strengthened the foundation of the country’s Independence movement . 

D. S. Senanayake, along with his two brothers, participated in the temperance movement and actively worked. It was the very first move of this young and energetic soul towards public service. Undoubtedly, the experience gained through these initiations might have been the reason for his political career to be a success ultimately.

Subsequently, he joined the Colombo town guard regiment in 1914. A Colombo Town Guard was a volunteer regiment attached to the Ceylon Defence Force in which both British and Ceylonese officers took part. This regiment has been mobilized with the emergence of world war 1 and 2. D.S. Senanayake was one of the notable participants in this movement. Some of his peers were Sir Razik Farid, Captain Henry Pedrick, and Sir Oliver Goonatillake. All these people became prominent characters in Sri Lankan history afterward.

However, Stephan Senanayake, along with his brothers, had to be imprisoned at Welikada prisons after the riots in 1915. He then got released after 46 days without any charges. At that time, the educated middle-class people of Sri Lanka started the modern independence movement. Parallelly, in 1919 a Ceylonese political party in the name of ‘Lanka Mahajana Sabha’ came into existence under F. R. Senanayake-a, brother of Stephan Senanayake. Thus, Stephan Senanayake and his brother Don Charles Senanayake joined this party and worked hard to achieve independence in Sri Lanka.

Legislative Council

The next move of D.S.Senanayake was at the legislative council. He held the secretary of the unofficial members in the committee after being elected without any opposition. It was in 1924. Senanayake raised his voice and was active in matters related to agriculture, lands, and irrigation. He highlighted several issues and tried providing solutions to them while he was in this position.

One such issue was the administration’s discriminatory policies held by the colonial administrators in the plantation field. Then, he also questioned the council about the costs over the budget on the railway lines constructed during this period—for example, the Batticaloa line and the Trincomalee Line. Also, another vital thing is D.S.Senanayake raised his voice against was the delay in completing the Norton Bridge Dam.  It is a gravity dam built in the Central Province of Sri Lanka across the Kehelgamu Oya. Norton Dam is also one of the major tributaries to the Kelani River.

Meanwhile, D.S.Senanayake was one of the great personalities who joined in advocating for establishing one of the first universities in Sri Lanka under the University of Ceylon.

State Council of Ceylon

The character of D.S.Senanayake subsequently emerged at the state council of Ceylon. Established in 1931, it was the unicameral legislature for Ceylon. Senanayake represented the Ceylon National Congress of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam.  National congress – a party formed in the 20th century when nationalism grew in Lankans with the commencement of the British Colonial rule.

With no opposition, D.S. Senanayake became a minister in the first board of ministers and became the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands.  Some of his peers were C.W.W. Kannangara, Sir Baron Jayatilake, and many other leading characters.

Memorable Service of D.S.Senanayake as the Minister of Agriculture and Lands

After D.S.Senanayake took over the duties as the minister of Agriculture and Lands in Ceylon; there has been significant improvement and success in the field as never before. The policies prepared by him using his knowledge and great thinking could solve many problematic areas in the agricultural field of Sri Lanka.

It is he who established the Land Development Ordinance in 1935. This Ordinance legalizes the isolation of state land. He could also solve the issues in the country related to rice by making policies that adequately address those issues. The commitment, the significant contribution, and the success gained in these fields by this great leader made way for the public to respect and accept D.S.Senanayake over and over again. As a result, he could secure his position as a minister for fifteen long years. People elected him again and again over the years. 

“Agriculture modernization’ is another program that he enforced while bearing the position of the Minister of Agriculture and Lands. History also reveals that D.S.Senanayake was the person who introduced the land bill in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, another remarkable service rendered by this great character as a political leader was, expanding the cooperative movement. It was in 1923. Cooperative is one of the most famous enterprises in Sri Lanka even at present.

Meanwhile, he also introduced the “Flora and Fauna Protection Ordinance” in Sri Lanka, with the establishment of The Yala National Park . It aimed at the conservation of wildlife for both the present and future generations.

Other Services Offered while being in the Position of the Minister of Agriculture and Lands

Besides the agricultural reforms, he also contributed to the many other fields of Sri Lanka. One such example was the banking field. The very famous Bank of Ceylon (BOC) is the leading state-owned bank in Sri Lanka. D.S.Senanayake was one of those people who contributed to establishing or founding the Bank of Ceylon in 1939.

However, at one point he gave resignation from his post as a result of a strong argument with the Governor at that time. Nevertheless, the governor agreed to settle thus withdrew the resignation. The personality of Senanayake continued serving the nation for many long years after that incident.

D.S.Senanayake at the Period of  World War II

Ceylon formed a Civil Defence Department in December 1941 with Oliver Goonetillake as the commissioner. It was in line with World war II which took place in the far east. The role of D.S.Senanayake as the minister of Agriculture and Lands was to supply and control the food required. However, the import of food items, especially the rice supply was not adequate from the other countries during this period. While he actively accomplished the requirements related to food, he also gave his knowledge and talents to complete a number of other defense projects during this period.   

He worked very understandingly and actively with all parties involved in the said missions thus, developed close relationships with many important characters.

D.S. Senanayake’s Contribution in Gaining Independence

Sri Lanka achieved independence through a peaceful independence movement after being a European and British colony for 400 long years. The power was then transferred from the British empire to Ceylonese representatives very peacefully. Among the middle-class, educated personalities who led this peaceful independence movement through the 20th century onwards, D.S.Senanayake is a name that cannot be forgotten. The independence movement was one of the main turning points in his political career and the whole nation in the history of Sri Lanka . He and the said group of patriotic Ceyloneses shed their sweat, not for battling physically to snatch back the motherland but, for intelligently and peacefully winning it back.  His peers were his brother, F.R. Senanayake, Don Richard Wijewardana, Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, and Sir James Pieris.

Important Milestones of the Peaceful Independence Movement of D.S.Senanayake

• D.S.Senanayake became the leader of the House at the parliament in 1942.
• He also became the Vice Chairman at the State Council for the Board of Ministers, succeeding Sir Baron Jayatilake.
• When the British government declared the Ceylon constitutional change in 1943,  Senanayake submitted his proposal of Dominion status.
• The British government accepted his proposal in 1944.
• The Soulbury Commission-one of the main instruments of the constitutional change of the British government came into existence in the same year, reflecting the influence of Senanayake.  
• In 1945, D.S.Senanayake met the secretary of State for the Colonies in London for further discussions and negotiations.
• In 1946, he formed the political party called the United National Party (UNP) merging with two other political parties.
• Finally, the British government accepted the suggestions of D.S. Senanayake’s proposal that allowed for constitutional change.
• He then managed to achieve an adequate amount of votes for the Soulbury constitution, which was more than 75 percent at the State council.
• D.S, for the first time, could form a UNP government in Lankan history associating the All Ceylon Tamil Congress. It was at the general election in 1947.
• As the first Prime Minister, Senanayake formed the Island’s first cabinet with the invitation of Sir Henry Moore, who was then the Governor-General of Ceylon.
• They signed the agreements between Ceylon and the British government in November 1947.
• He opened the Parliament of Ceylon officially and ceremonially, marking the independence achieved on 4 th February 1948.

Who Formed UNP?

UNP or The United National Party is a center-right political party of Sri Lanka. It is also one of the oldest political parties on the Island. The founder of UNP is none other than Don Stephan Senanayake or D.S.Senanayake. The establishment of this political party took place in 1947.

UNP initially came into existence formed as a result of a merger between two Dominion parties. They are the Ceylon National Congress and Sinhala Maha Sabha.  UNP favors a free and open economy, and it has ruled Sri Lanka from time to time for 38 years out of 69 years after independence.

First Prime Minister in Ceylon

After Ceylon became an independent state in 1948 a position called ‘the prime minister’ was created. The Prime minister was the head of the cabinet who had the highest power in the administration of the country. D.S.Senanayake, who was the leader of the United National Party became the first Prime minister in Sri Lanka. As he always acted in each position he held, D.S.Senanayake acted brilliantly in the post of the Prime minister as well which led his name to be written in golden letters in the political history of this island.

Knowing his talents and the greatness at that time, the British government offered him a knighthood as well. However, he did not want to accept it. Instead, he kept on serving the country while securing his relationship with the British administration as some of the sectors such as defense, trade, and external affairs were still under the British.

Here are some of the main areas in Sri Lanka which he could develop or newly implement.

National Development

• Culture and heritage
• Foreign policies and relationships

Let’s have a quick insight on each of the said areas as follows.

Taking over the country, D.S.Senanayake acted immensely towards national development. He understood the need of spreading out the population thus made necessary influences towards the same. Also, his wise strategies made way for Ceylon to face the food requirement for the growing population and the lands for location. He could make it a reality after providing guidance to his son Dudley Senanayake who was the minister of Agriculture and Lands at that time.  One of the most commendable moves he took was to encourage food production locally. It enabled the self-sustainability of Ceylonese at that time as a nation. It was D.S.Senanayake proposed Hydroelectric power in Sri Lanka.

Culture and National Heritage

He also worked for the betterment of the culture and national heritage. He renovated many national heritage sites within the Island and added value to each of them providing guidance. The best examples are the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa cultural sites.

Foreign Policies and Relationships

Meanwhile, when talking about his foreign policies, establishing proper connections with other nations as an independent nation marked an important place. He also developed diplomatic relationships with powerful countries In the world such as the USA and Japan. It was after granting the membership of the commonwealth. Subsequently, D.S.Senanayake also hosted the commonwealth conference of foreign ministers in Colombo in 1950. He could achieve some benefits to the country through this conference. Most significant was the Colombo Plan which was a program in which some of the countries in the Asia Pacific region aid each other economically and socially.   

Defense is one of the main fields of a nation when acting independently. The contribution of the first prime minister in Sri Lanka to the defense field was priceless. D.S.Senanayake was the first to introduce the acts of the three forces, Army, Navy, and Airforce. It was in 1949, 1950, and 1951 in the order. Not only he introduced but also got the armed forces trained under the British.

Death of D.S Senanayake

The death of D.S.Senanayake was, unfortunately, a  very fatal death. It was on the 21 st March 1952. He had a habit of riding his horse each morning at the Galle face grounds. Thus, as usual, he had gone off for a ride this time on the said day with his favorite mare called ‘Chitra’. While he has been on the horse’s back, he has fallen off it as a result of the mare beginning to gallop. Although a number of medical specialists and other best doctors at that time tried to cure him, D.S.Senanayake could not be cured. Thus, he died on the very next day (22 nd March 1952).

Many Lankans repented over the death of this great and brilliant personality. The public came in huge numbers to offer the final respect to the body of D.S.Senanayake.

 Who was the Prime Minister after D.S.Senanayake?

Along with the death of Prime minister Senanayake, the position became vacant.  Then, who succeeded him was Dudley Senanayake who was none other than his son. Born on 19 th June 1911, Dudley Senanayake was also the minister of agriculture and land before he took over the position of the prime minister with his father’s death.

Dudley was a bright student at the school –St. Thomas College-Mount Lavinia. He also once won the victoria gold medal as the most outstanding student of the school. Not only in studies but he also displayed his excellence in sports and martial arts just as his father, D.S.Senanayake. Subsequently, he completed his higher studies and became a barrister. Dudley also got the opportunity to enter the Middle Temple. Afterward, continuously and actively participating in the administration sector from time to time, he became the Prime minister by Governor-General Lord Soulbery.

However, he resigned from politics in 1953 following the Island-wide Hartal in August. Hartal of 1953 was the first-ever social crisis that occurred in Ceylon after the Independence . The Lanka Samasamaja Party (LSSP) led this strike which although lasted for a day. Besides, this caused much destruction to the properties and death to over ten people. Nevertheless, he came to power again in 1954 and resigned another time in 4 months.  Again in the election in 1965, he got the appointment as the Prime minister of Ceylon and remained in office for five long years serving the country.

 Legacy of D.S.Senanayake

The Legacy of D.S.Senanayake is clearly visible by understanding how famous he is among Sri Lankans even at present. If not for the peaceful independence movement led by him, Sri Lanka would still be a colony .  The economy of this little Island initially developed thanks to the D.S.Senanayake’s excellent agricultural policies. That is why he is popular as the father of the Sri Lankan nation.

D.S.Senanayake being the first Prime minister after the independence could elevate Sri Lanka as a nation independent and proud. There are many statues of this great leader that are erected at different important places in Sri Lanka in memory of him. People in Sri Lanka commemorate this admirable personality each year on his birth date, dressing the statues with flower garlands and organizing special programs. Many schools and other public buildings were named after him to show respect. Furthermore, in memory of his excellence at school as a sports star, the shield that is offered for the winners of the famous Royal-Thomian matches is named the Hon. D.S.Senanayake memorial shield.

The lake that was created through the Gal Oya Dam is “Senanayake Samudraya” today. It is to memorize the service he could offer millions of the general public. Many people still support the political party -UNP for the respect their elder generations had for the party due to the policies of first the leader and its’ founder. Thus, D.S.Senanayake is simply a legend that still lives in the hearts of Sri Lankans.

The Bottom Line

Although the significance of D.S was explained thus, it can never be expressed in a few sentences. There are even books written about his great personality and his uniqueness as a politician in this country. Honorable D.S. Senanayake was indeed a one-of-a-kind politician among several other people of his time. When looking into Sri Lankan political history since the achievement of independence, the leaders like D.S.Senanayake who is capable in all facets is indeed very rare.  According to Sri Lankans, they would never be served by such a knowledgeable, genuinely active, and eager politician again!

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My mother is Chamika Thushari. She is 38 years old. My mother is a teacher. She likes to eat mangoes. She likes to drink apple juice. She is very good and kind. She is very beautiful. She is my mother. I love my mother. My mother is the best mother in the world.

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The Father of the Nation Don Stephen Senanayake was born in Botale Walauwwa. D. S. Senanayake had two brothers and one sister. He got his educations from S. Thomas College, Colombo. He married a girl from Kandy. He had a pet name ‘Kele John’ in Sinhala.

D. S. Senanayake was the founder president of the United National Party (UNP). In that time, Sri Lanka was ruled by the British. So at every second he was thinking about how we could gain independence. For this reason he talked with the British about this matter. As a result Sri Lanka gained independence on February 4, 1948.

D. S. Senanayke built the Senanayake Tank and he also renovated many ancient tanks and provided facilities to the people for agricultural purposes. He became the first Prime Minister of Independent Sri Lanka.

Mr. D. S. Senanayake was a great warrior who fought for the independence of our country. He left this world in 1952. To respect him people call him the ‘Father of the Nation’.

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