political issues in the philippines essay 200 words

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Clan politics reign but a family is divided in the race to rule the Philippines

Julie McCarthy

political issues in the philippines essay 200 words

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018.

A foiled succession plan, sensational allegations, and a family feud at the pinnacle of power — these are the ingredients in what promises to be a riveting race to succeed outgoing Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

The no-holds-barred contest scheduled for May 2022 has already produced what some observers see as an unsettling alliance: the offspring of two presidents pairing off in an unprecedented bid to run the country.

Taking full advantage of their prominence, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., has teamed up with Sara Duterte, daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte in the national election.

He is running for president in this dynastic duo, while she vies for vice president.

Are dynasties and celebrities narrowing democracy?

Political dynasties in the Philippines are nothing new.

Richard Heydarian, an expert on Philippine politics, says they are such a dominant feature in the country that between 70% and 90% of elected offices have been controlled by influential families.

But even by those standards, this Marcos-Duterte coupling takes powerful clan politics to a new level, says University of the Philippines Diliman political science professor Aries Arugay.

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Speaking at a recent online forum of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Arugay says second generation dynasts are behaving like a "cartel".

He says their calculus is as damaging as it is simple: "Why can't we just share power, limit competition, and make sure that the next winners of the presidential and national elections come from us?"

Then there is the celebrity factor.

Heydarian notes a narrowing of democracy in the pairing of dynasties with the celebrity class, which includes former film stars, television personalities and sports figures. He says the two elite groups monopolize national office, putting elected office beyond the reach of a lot of ordinary Filipinos who he says may have the merit and passion to serve, but are effectively blocked from fully participating.

It makes a "mockery" of democracy, Heydarian says, but it's also a trend that could be difficult to reverse.

"After all, in politics you need a certain degree of messaging, communications machinery and charisma," he said. And, he added, especially in the age of social media, "It's not for dull people."

Running on a name, not a track record

Consider Manny Pacquiao.

His stardom as one of the legends of the boxing world has catapulted him into the race for president next year. He is currently a sitting senator and is in the running for the highest office not on the power of his record in the upper chamber marked by absenteeism, but on the strength of his career as the country's most acclaimed athlete.

So prized have name recognition and celebrity status become in winning Philippine elections that observers worry it's turning democracy into the preserve of the rich and well-connected.

Marcos is part and parcel of the phenomenon, according to Manila-based analyst Bob Herrera-Lim, who notes that his undistinguished career as a senator and congressman has been no barrier to his ambition for the presidency.

"[Marcos] is running on entitlement. He is running on the weaknesses of the system," Herrera-Lim said.

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao. Manman Dejeto/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao.

Marcos' vice presidential partner Sara Duterte is an accomplished politician, occupying the post her father held for decades as the mayor of Davao City, the third largest in the country. But the fact the 43-year-old First Daughter, whose work is little known outside Davao, led in a presidential opinion poll this past summer can only be put down to the power of a famous family name.

Revisionism, a PR campaign of distortion — and fond memories of the Marcos era

Bongbong Marcos is now making waves, rewriting the past and embellishing his family's legacy.

It's been 35 years since his father was ousted by a popular uprising, exiled, and exposed for rights abuses and kleptocracy.

Marcos Sr. is believed to have amassed up to $10 billion while in office, and now his son has been resuscitating the family's image with a sophisticated social media campaign.

Marcos Jr. narrates seamlessly scored videos that cast his parents, Ferdinand and Imelda, as generous philanthropists, and his father as a great innovator who made possible new strains of rice and united the archipelago with infrastructure heralded as the "Golden Age" of the Philippines.

Critics decry what they call the revisionist history and systematic airbrushing of the sins of the father's 20-year rule that turned the country into his personal fiefdom.

Marcos Sr. engaged in land-grabbing, bank-grabbing, and using dummies to hide acquisitions from public view, according to Professor Paul Hutchcroft of the Australian National University, who has written extensively on the political economy of the Philippines.

The late dictator dispensed special privileges to relatives, friends and cronies, writes Ronald Mendoza, dean of the School of Government at Ateneo de Manila University, providing them access to the booty of the state, "even as the country failed to industrialize and was eventually plunged into debt and economic crises in the mid-1980s."

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes." Ted Aljibe/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Yet, despite all of it, the Marcos family is not without its loyalists among both the elites and ordinary Filipinos.

At a small community market in central Manila, where fishmongers congregate amid aquariums and chopping blocks, vendors and shoppers talk about the Marcos era with a sense of nostalgia.

Chereelyn Dayondon, 49, says she likes how Marcos Sr. ran the country before and she wants that to come back. The single mother earns $80 a month directing traffic and worries that the cost of living is getting too high.

"It's not going to be enough," she says. "You never know, maybe Bongbong can change the Philippines. Let's try him out."

Meanwhile, fish seller Teodora Sibug-Nelval, 57, reminisces about the old Marcos era and memories of cheap food and law and order.

"I had a good life. I was able to send my sibling to school ... I was able to buy a house," she says.

In the pandemic, however, Sibug-Nelval lost her home and her vending stall. And now she wants her life back. She says she believes that if Marcos wins the election, "our lives will be better."

Herrera-Lim also says that many Filipinos see a confusing, chaotic political situation: "There is no clear delineations, political parties don't work for our benefit, we are looking for order."

And that, he says, is what Marcos is offering.

"Bongbong Marcos is saying that during his father's time, there was this order. There was peace in the country, which again, is a myth," he says.

The challenger to the dynasty

Leni Robredo is the current vice president of the Philippines and a liberal progressive.

A lawyer by training, Robredo co-authored an anti-dynasty bill when she served as a member of the Philippine House of Representatives.

In the Philippines, the vice president and president are elected separately and Robredo is on the opposite end of the political spectrum from President Duterte, with whom she has repeatedly sparred over human rights, the handling of the pandemic and Duterte's close ties with China.

Among the many candidates for president, including a former police chief, the mayor of Manila and Duterte's closest aide, Robredo appears to represent the greatest challenge to Bongbong Marcos.

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race. Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race.

Robredo defeated Marcos Jr. for vice president in 2016, and now she has pledged that if she wins the top office, she will recover the Marcos family's plundered riches.

Alluding to Marcos' perceived popularity, Robredo told a news conference last weekend that it was "sad that the people allow themselves to be fooled" into believing Marcos would save the country when the family's ill-gotten wealth "was the reason they are poor."

Yet Robredo may need more than tough rhetoric and moral rectitude.

Marites Vitug, the editor-at-large for the online news site Rappler, whose CEO won this year's Nobel Peace Prize , said the country was witnessing the "rehabilitation of the Marcos dynasty." Young people were especially susceptible to the Marcos rebranding, she said, because there were no standard history textbooks in the Philippines that explained the Marcos martial law years.

"I was shocked to hear from some millennials that this was never discussed in class," she said.

Vitug said the odd teacher or professor may present it, but it was not systematic.

"It should have been required reading," she said.

Political economist Calixto Chikiamco adds that the revived Marcos family fortunes represent a counter-revolution to the one that ousted Marcos Sr. in 1986. That so-called Yellow Revolution was a model that Chikiamco says has failed to deliver genuine change.

"Because our politics remain dysfunctional, our economy is still not doing so well, a quarter of the workforce is unemployed ... still a large number of people go abroad to seek better opportunities. So it is a revolt against their present situation," he said.

"That's the reason the Marcoses are making a comeback."

The Duterte dynasty is a house divided

The campaign promises to be one of the Philippines' most bitterly fought contests in years, not least because the Marcos-Duterte tie-up has not won the blessing of Sara Duterte's father.

Rodrigo Duterte did make the controversial decision to allow the late dictator's remains to be moved to the "Cemetery of Heroes," a decision confirmed by the Supreme Court. But the once-friendly relations between Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos have frayed, possibly beyond repair.

Duterte had wanted his daughter to seek the presidency, not play second fiddle, to provide him protection from the International Criminal Court investigating his violent anti-drug war. The probe has been suspended for a procedural review, but court watchers expect the case of alleged crimes against humanity to resume. Meanwhile, Chikiamco says while Sara may talk of continuing her father's policies, by declining to run for the top job, she has gone her own way.

"The daughter is fiercely independent and didn't want to be under the thumb of President Duterte. And also she could not perhaps tolerate the president's men," Chikiamco said.

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Herrera-Lim adds that daughter and father apparently "did not see eye to eye on many things related to the family or on the governance of Davao."

Fundamentally, though, Herrera-Lim says President Duterte doesn't trust Bongbong Marcos to shield him from ICC prosecutors.

"On these matters, family is very important," he said.

And even if there were such a bargain between the two men, Herrera says Duterte would worry it might not hold.

In what analysts regard as a means to protect himself, Duterte is making a bid for a seat in the Senate in the 2022 election.

One authoritative poll shows Marcos the early frontrunner to succeed him. But not, it seems, if President Duterte has anything to say about it.

He ignited a stir earlier this month by declaring in a televised address that an unnamed candidate for president uses cocaine.

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte. AFP/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

Without identifying who, he said the offender was a "very weak leader" and that "he might win hands down."

Marcos took a drug test this past week, saying he was clean. Other candidates hurriedly lined up to clear their name.

Marcos is also under attack by groups eager to have him disqualified from running at all. The Commission on Elections is reviewing four separate petitions challenging his candidacy. At least one charges that Marcos misrepresented his eligibility to seek the presidency by stating he had no criminal conviction that would bar him from office. Petitioners argue that his 1995 conviction for failing to pay taxes for several years in the 1980s ends his bid for the presidency.

The Commission on Elections announced no ballots will be printed until the petitions are decided.

The campaign that officially begins in February is already generating drama enough for some to lament that the race for president is fast becoming a "political circus."

But Richard Heydarian says circuses are not always the worst thing. "Sometimes," he says, "they can produce a magical outcome. Let's see."

Correction Dec. 16, 2021

An earlier version of this story incorrectly said Aries Arugay was a professor at Philippine University. He is with the University of the Philippines Diliman. Also, Ateneo de Manila University was misspelled as Ateno de Manila University.

Essay on Philippines Issues

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippines Issues in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

Introduction.

The Philippines is a beautiful country with friendly people. But like all nations, it has its share of problems. This essay will discuss some of the major issues the Philippines is facing.

Poverty is a big problem in the Philippines. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for basic needs. This is because jobs are hard to find and often do not pay much. The government is trying to help, but progress is slow.

Corruption is another serious issue in the Philippines. Some people in power use their position to take money that should be used for the public. This makes it harder for the government to improve things like schools and hospitals.

Natural Disasters

The Philippines is often hit by natural disasters like typhoons and earthquakes. These can destroy homes and make people’s lives very hard. The government is working on ways to better prepare for these events.

250 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

The problem of poverty.

The Philippines has a big problem with poverty. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for their homes. This is because jobs do not pay enough, and there are not enough jobs for everyone. Also, many people do not have the skills or education they need to get good jobs. This makes it very hard for them to improve their lives.

Environmental Concerns

The Philippines is also facing many environmental issues. One of these is deforestation, where trees are cut down and not replaced. This causes problems for animals and plants, and it also affects the climate. Another problem is pollution, especially in the cities. This is bad for people’s health and it makes the cities dirty and unpleasant places to live.

Political Issues

There are also political issues in the Philippines. Some people are not happy with the government. They say it is not fair or honest. There are often protests and sometimes violence. This makes it hard for the country to move forward and solve its problems.

Healthcare Challenges

Healthcare is another big issue in the Philippines. Many people do not have access to good healthcare. This means they can get very sick and not get the help they need. The government is trying to improve healthcare, but it is a big challenge.

In conclusion, the Philippines is facing many serious issues. These include poverty, environmental problems, political unrest, and healthcare challenges. It is important for everyone to work together to solve these problems and make the Philippines a better place to live.

500 Words Essay on Philippines Issues

One of the biggest problems in the Philippines is poverty. Many people do not have enough money to buy food or pay for their basic needs. This is due to a lack of jobs and low wages. People in rural areas often suffer the most. They rely on farming, but sometimes, the crops fail because of bad weather. This makes it hard for them to earn a living.

Education is another major issue. Many children do not go to school because their families cannot afford it. Also, some schools are very far from where the children live, making it difficult for them to attend. Even when they can go to school, the quality of education is often poor. There are not enough teachers, and the ones that are there are often not well-trained.

Environment

The environment is another big issue. The Philippines is home to many unique plants and animals, but they are at risk because of pollution and deforestation. People cut down trees to make room for farms and buildings. This destroys the habitats of many animals. Also, waste from factories and homes pollutes the air and water, making it hard for plants and animals to survive.

Corruption is another serious problem. Some people in power use their positions to take money or resources that should go to the public. This makes it hard for the country to solve its other problems. For example, money that could be used to build schools or hospitals is taken by corrupt officials.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Democracy in the Philippines Essay

To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
As a template for you assignment

Democracy in the Philippines Setting

Travel and tourism scenario, organizational policy, public policies, problems in policy implementation, the policy of our organization.

The two questions to be answered and to form the main topic of discussion for this paper deal with democracy and the forms of government in a democratic society.

Chosen for an interesting topic of discussion is the country in the Philippines, as compared to the United States and its form of government.

The Philippines is chosen because of its unique background, the country having experienced two colonizers, one of which is the United States. The presidential form of government is a legacy of the American colonizers, while the Spaniards introduced Christianity.

Up to the present dispensation, the Philippines is a democratic society with a presidential form of government.

Over the years, there were attempts to change this form of government to parliamentary, but since the Filipinos have become accustomed to it, they have made their intention to oppose any move to change the status quo.

The second question is about a scenario which touches on Philippine tourism. The unique Philippines setting, with backdrops of heritage sites, unique architecture, beautiful scenic spots and islands the likes of the Caribbean, makes our scenario another interesting point of discussion.

A country whose people cherish democracy like the United States and Great Britain is the Republic of the Philippines. Filipinos are champions of democracy.

They introduced the term people power in the dictionary as a peaceful revolution when in 1986 they marched in the streets and opposed the guns and tanks of Marcos with their rosaries and flowers as peace offerings. Hours after that, Marcos fled to Hawaii.

The Philippines has a presidential form of government copied from the U.S. model. The branches of government, the bureaucracies and institutions are all U.S. made.

Democratic elections are being held for the president down to the barangay captain who is the head of a barangay, the smallest political unit.

But the democracy the Filipinos now cherish is the result of the sacrifices of heroes who fought in the battlefields of Bataan and Corregidor and the so-called ‘death march’ during World War II. (Canlas, 1999, p. 63)

In a presidential form of government, the people elect the president and vice president, and members of Congress. There are differences however in the manner of elections and the election of the higher and lower positions in government.

The Philippines is a multi-party system while the United States is a two-party system. The two parties are the Republican (GOP) and Democratic parties.

The executive branch in Washington is controlled by the party in power while in the Philippines the president can appoint cabinet secretaries who do not belong to their political party (Fernandez, 2007, p. 169).

More changes came in the style of governance in Washington, like instituting checks and balances within the executive branch itself. (Waldman, 1976, p. 260)

There are attempts to change the form of government from presidential to a parliamentary form of government, and this is through charter change.

But the people and the political leadership, along with the strong political opposition, are still not decided and there is a growing debate over this matter. I believe the Filipino is not ready yet for a parliamentary form of government.

Travel is an important human activity which affects our understanding of the world and our existence.

It is for this reason that we want to see and witness only the beautiful and pleasant things in the places we go, although there are people who want to see the bizarre and the unexpected.

In other countries, there are communities, human activities, wonderful things, or phenomena that we would like to personally see with our own eyes.

We want to record, write them down and video-tape them for posterity sake. Others consider them as part of their legacy to their children and grandchildren.

An outcome of travel is tourism, or shall we say, travel is a product of tourism. These two have become quite reciprocal, but I can consider it as synonymous.

Our organization considers travel and tourism as one. And our organizational policy must coincide with the policy of the country we conduct business with or guide travelers and tourists for the places they want to see and come in contact with.

We look at the Philippines in Asia with special attention because of its potential as a tourism destination which remains untapped for various reasons we would like to discuss here.

How the people and the government reacted to changes in the course of the country’s existence is an interesting point for discussion, considering that the political upheavals of this particular country influenced tourism policies.

The scenario created in those upheavals and history formed into what the country is today.

The Philippines is a developing country although in some respect it has been observed as more developed than some countries in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Politics and the quest of a few greedy politicians for power have put it in a stagnant position, perhaps deteriorating during the time of Marcos, who ruled with impunity and countless human rights violation. (Beirman, 2003, p. 254)

Our organizational policy we introduced in the Philippines is the same as the policies we introduced on other countries, i.e., we wanted to be a part in promoting tourism in the country by promoting the various tourist and scenic spots, heritage sites, the culture of the people, and other places of human-interest.

We have been in this business for some time now, and we know how to promote our business by promoting others.

Networking is part of our activities. We have always consulted government agencies in our promotional campaigns. Thus, we took some time contacting the tourism offices of the Philippines of which they were also happy to help and partner with us regarding our organizational policy.

We explained that promoting tourism in the Philippines is part of our agenda as a travel agency. Regular consultations have been conducted ever since. We have offices and people in the field, and quite a number of these are in the islands and beautiful places in the country.

We looked forward to promoting the entire archipelago of thousands of islands, the scenic spots, the baroque churches and unique architecture imported from Spain, Greece, and other European countries.

We also noted the uniqueness of the people, the different tribes and ethnic groups, and a ‘new’ race, which can be said as a blending of the east and the west.

Some of its women are holders of international beauty titles, and the workforce is composed of professionals and extraordinary artisans who have gone to different parts of the world to introduce their skills, talents, and professionalism.

To indulge in the Philippines and its people is a unique experience for us as a business organization and as career travel agents whose clients are the peoples of the world.

We consider ourselves and our organization as global, but we know we always want to ‘localize’ our operations to be successful in our business.

With these unique tourism attractions, we also outlined our policies for the country. Promotion and advertising are a part of our policy, but first, we also made it clear with the government agencies we have dealt with, that our organization also have to promote our travel agency.

The activity is reciprocal – we would promote the country, and they can help us by endorsing our agency. That said, we also enumerated objects which were really of interest to our country of destination, the Philippines.

Tourism is one of the major dollar earners of most countries in the world. It is also one of the largest industries in the world when it comes to output, investment, and employment.

Tourism cannot be talked about without mentioning other subjects involving contemporary culture which is influenced by globalization, multiculturalism, transnationalism, and so forth. (Ness, 2003, p. 3)

Tourism is a mix of cultural, economic and political factors (Burns and Novelli, 2007, p. 1), but there is now a renewed focus on it with the emergence of what is called international tourism (Huybers, 2007, p. 5).

The Philippines is an archipelago of thousands of islands, inhabited by many ethnic tribes and people who have experienced colonization from the Spaniards down to the Americans. Filipinos, young and old, know their heritage.

There are ethnic tribes in the mountains, but for those who have settled in the cities and suburban areas, they look like quite similar with their foreign ancestors – different colors of skin like white and brown but fair skin, blue and black eyes, and women with unique beauty, said to be of world class.

Because of the country’s historical background, it has formed its own unique culture but a government based on its experience with two colonizers.

The Spaniards were responsible for the Christianization of the Philippines while the Americans introduced democracy and the presidential form of government. (Schirmer & Shalom, 1987, pp. 1-2)

The presidential form of government was passed on to history by the U.S. during the time of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the first president of the Philippine Republic in 1898, then during World War II, to the time of the dictator, and now the present leader, Benigno Aquino III, son of martyred political leader in the 1980s, Benigno Aquino Jr., who was killed during the Marcos era, and Corazon Aquino who succeeded Marcos after the people power uprising. (Official Gazette, n.d.)

To talk about Philippine tourism and the policies imposed upon it by the government and the people means to speak about its rich history, the culture, and the people.

The people experienced two colonizers and have ingrained in their national psyche the so-called colonial mentality. But they are happy and hospitable people. It is a common public policy to smile and be hospitable to any foreigner who comes in and visits one of their islands.

The Filipinos are a proud race. They smile when they see a tourist. That is tourism public policy number one, and the beginning of a scenario we would like to talk about.

The sad note, however, is this. The Philippines has a big portion of its population in poverty, and so promoting tourism is sometimes distracted with the slums and squatter colonies right in the heart of Manila.

Some laws of the country protect squatter colonies; they cannot just be sent away and their shanties demolished. Laws and regulations are most of the times ignored by ordinary citizens and motorists, and law enforcement is weak. Laws are not strictly enforced.

There are smoke belchers, illegal loggers and other environmental violators, and the government is infested by corruption. But the public sector sees the significant role of the tourism industry in the growth of the economy by providing local employment. (Bloom, 2009, p. 16)

Our organization sees tourism as a flourishing industry in the Philippines and an attractive business venture because of its beautiful scenic spots, baroque churches, white beaches, and various heritage sites, a legacy of the hundreds of years of Spanish colonization, and subsequent American colonization which led to Philippine independence on June 12, 1898.

However, the Philippine tourism industry has passed through various stages of decay and then development.

If public policies had been enforced to the letter, the Philippines could have been the number one tourist destination in Asia because of its rich heritage, historic spots, rich natural resources, and a hospitable people willing to receive any guests who have entered into their shorelines.

We have witnessed it, and we can testify to the beauty of a country. Something has to be done, and we have promoted this country for all of its natural beauty.

Politics and perhaps greed by politicians marred the history of a great nation. From the literature, we can read that tourism was used for political purposes during the regime of the despot Marcos.

Tourism policies were concentrated on government efforts to gain support from foreign governments, especially during martial law which lasted for more than a decade.

There was no popular support or cooperation from the local community who had mixed feelings of fear, hatred, and remorse over the dictatorship. Human rights violations were rampant. Resorts, hotels and other business establishments were owned by cronies.

Rebel groups started to surface, and anarchy reigned. People power, led by Corazon Aquino, which was staged after the killing of her husband and opposition leader, Benigno Aquino Jr., led to the toppling of the dictatorship. Tourism was down at that time. (Gray, 2008, p. 369)

Similarly, the Philippines has a growing population and a bulging bureaucracy. There have been suggestions for it to adapt to the federal form of government.

The regional areas can become states with their constitutions, copy the U.S. model with states having their constitutions, and a supreme constitution.

Checks and balances in the Philippines seem to be not so effective, what with the rampant graft and corruption in the different branches of government as reported in the media.

The media, however, is also as effective in ousting erring officials. People power uprising seems to be the most effective way of punishing politicians who have erred in office and could not be ousted through legal means. (Mayton, 2009, p. 27)

The erring public officials could not be ousted because of the support that they still have in their political base or bailiwicks. Legal means seem to be not effective. But as in the U.S. model, the law is the people. In the EDSA uprising, the Filipinos spoke by denouncing the rampant graft and corruption. The U.S. model uses legal means because of its strong institutions, as mandated by the constitution and the people.

Corazon ‘Cory’ Aquino took over, and once again, her government used tourism as a tool to reassure the international community, particularly Japan and the United States, that she was in control and that her government had gained popular support.

There was a slight improvement in tourism programs though. The people showed support to the government and its programs, and the international community was convinced that there were peace and tranquillity in the islands.

Public policies for tourism centered on making the Philippines the ultimate destination of people seeking refuge from city life. Slowly, tourism was alive again. (Gray, 2008, p. 371)

However, the ‘honeymoon’ period between the new government and the new opposition did not last long.

Opposition to the new government continued to mount protests, a faction in the military staged coup d’états after coup d’états, making tourism once again a dream of people who always love peace. (Gray, 2008, p. 372)

At present, the new administration of President Benigno Aquino III, son of Corazon Aquino and martyred Benigno Aquino Jr., has some bright plans to jumpstart the tourism programs as envisioned by the newly created Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority formerly named the Philippine Tourism Authority. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

However, tourism is at present going in an up-and-down trend because of terrorism and destabilization campaigns being staged by communist and secessionist groups from the south. Tourism in any country is always affected by threats of terrorism.

In the farther south, in Mindanao, there are various groups seeking to separate from the republic.

The Abu Sayaff group, which has links to Al Qaeda, the international terrorist group headed by Osama bin Laden, has been responsible for various kidnapping incidents involving tourists and businessmen, making tourism in the south down.

That portion of the country is supposed to be a tourist haven because of its natural habitats, but these habitats have become hiding places of terrorist groups. (Travelblog, 2006)

Unlike the other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Philippines cannot rely much on tourism as a dollar earner. The government has to institute measures to promote tourism.

The country is blessed with beautiful scenic spots, the likes of those in the Caribbean; but there are spots which are still not developed. (Richter, 2005, p. 255)

The constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides for the conservation of lands and tourist parks and the promotion of tourist destinations which may include national parks and other natural resources. (Constitutional Commission, 1986)

The national agency that is taking the overall supervision of tourism is the Philippine Tourism Authority, which has recently been revitalized with a new name, the Tourism Infrastructure, and Enterprise Zone Authority.

It was created by law to develop and promote tourism destinations in the country, but it is under the Department of Tourism headed by a Cabinet Secretary who reports directly to the President of the Philippines. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The agency is mandated by law

to enhance private sector participation in the development of tourism infrastructure in the country;
to implement privatisation efforts of some government facilities in order to contribute to the government income;
to maximise collection efforts of the government by promoting tourism destinations;
to maintain a pool of talented professional and skilled employees and managers to handle tourism. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The public policy remains focused on acquiring foreign reserve for the economy to flourish.

The economy now depends on overseas-Filipino-workers’ (OFW) remittances and the volatile markets of a few products such as sugar, pineapple, cotton, coconut, and electronic products, being exported to major countries like the United States. OFW remittances remain the lifeblood of the economy.

The present administration of President Benigno Aquino III has yet to prove how the government can push through with new economic reforms.

Political will is difficult to impose, but the government has shown strength in instituting reforms in the midst of mounting terrorist threats and travel advisories from at least six countries including the United States for their respective citizens not to travel to the Philippines, particularly the provinces in the southern portion of the country which are being threatened by secessionist groups.

The local government units are composed of provinces, which are governed by governors; towns and cities, which are under the leadership of mayors; and barangays which are governed by barangay captains. The centralized form of government had barriers in local governance.

This was amended through the passage of the law known as the Local Government Code of 1991. It pushed for local autonomy where local government units were given a chance to govern.

Local autonomy enabled local officials to govern with authority and responsibilities for the resources of their local areas.

The Code transformed the provinces, towns, cities, and barangays into self-reliant and active local government units (LGU) by providing power, authority, responsibilities, and resources. (General Primer, 1991)

The local government units have the responsibility to promote tourism in their jurisdiction. Our organization has penetrated in these local areas. We have coordinated with the local tourism government agencies so that we could conduct business and promote our product.

Tourists are also guided accordingly. In other parts of the world, we have promoted the different localities of the Philippines as tourist destinations.

Tourism policies have not been clear. Past administrations have had difficulties in implementing the policies, not for lack of professional and expert policymakers, but due to politics. The present public policy is to promote these scenic spots and make them major dollar earners.

This is with the support and collaboration of the public and private sectors. The government acts as a catalyst and to help in what the private sectors are doing for tourism. The strategy is to develop a closer partnership and cooperation of all stakeholders involved in tourism.

The World Tourism Organization has recommended that the government should not duplicate what the private sectors are doing in tourism so that there will be no overlapping of functions. (Cruz, 2005, p. 49)

There are instances that conflicts arise between the government and private sectors due to the following:

The private sectors refuse to finance some projects because they don’t believe that it will generate profit, but the government has given it a go and has prioritized it due to its potential as a tourist spot.
A tourism project has no more market potential, and cannot be sold; the government may be forced to buy it, but conflict arises when the government has not enough money to buy the facility.
The government is forced to build low-cost “social tourism” which is devoted to the poor, the sick, and the aged.
The government encourages private sectors to develop tourism activities through pilot projects. (Cruz, 2005, p. 50)

In areas where there are no tourism plans, the government identifies tourism opportunities so that the private sector can invest and provide capital.

The presence of beautiful ‘white’ beaches, mountains and thousands of islands, not to mention the declared UNESCO World Heritage sites, makes the Philippines an attraction to tourists from neighboring countries in Asia, Europe, and the United States. (World Heritage Convention, 2010)

Likewise, it has a rich cultural heritage that has never waned even during economic hardships, political upheavals, and natural calamities.

The eruption of the active volcano in Central Luzon, a major island where Manila is located, has produced new land formation, making the neighboring towns and cities a tourist attraction.

Our organization has promoted these places as a sight to behold. Once they were flood-prone areas but after the flow of ‘lahar’ (lava mixed with sand) coming from the volcano, the places seemed to have ‘grown,’ and the local folks have regarded it as a blessing in disguise.

Filipinos celebrate fiestas, holidays and anniversaries like they are a part of religious obligations. During Lenten season, the Catholic celebration of the Holy Week which observes and honors the Lord Jesus’ passion and death on the cross, Filipinos celebrate it with the actual crucifixion of some of their devotees.

Although this is not permitted by the Catholic Church, the penitents flag their bodies, and the climax is the crucifixion on a hilltop.

At least three penitents are crucified, their hands extended and the nails are pounded hard injuring the penitents who are tied to the three wooden crosses, commemorating the crucifixion of Jesus Christ and the two criminals beside him, more than two thousand years ago. (The Oxford Business Group, 2008, p. 128)

The Filipinos observe fiestas and Christmases which attract tourists from around the world. Tourism spots are everywhere.

If you go northward, you would be happy to pass by the ‘Hundred Islands’ in Lingayen Gulf, a constant feature in movies depicting World War II, but now a national park. But if you divert to the Visayas islands, there are several places attractive to tourists, one of which is Boracay.

The island is at the tip of the group of Islands, and it is equipped with fine ‘white’ beaches. It is also a constant scene of reality shows featuring local movie stars. Beaches of the world-class are sprawling everywhere in the Visayas and Mindanao.

In each of these tourist destinations, the local community has a big role to play in the promotion and catering to the needs of the tourists. Travel companies and guides also have a big role to play in the promotion of these tourist spots. (Philippines Board, n.d.)

Lingayen Gulf in Pangasinan is a historical site because it is the site of one of the fierce sea battles fought between the Japanese and American forces reinforced by Filipino guerrilla forces. The Hundred Islands is not a hundred islands, although the number is approximate.

These places are the source of livelihood of most of its inhabitants, aside of course from fishing. (Hundred Islands National park, n.d.)

Being an archipelagic country, the Philippines has porous borders. The islands in the south, which are known as the ‘backdoor’ because they are not closely guarded and you can easily travel to other countries like Indonesia by way of a small commercial boat, are a tourists’ haven.

The Philippines has purged partnerships with neighboring Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, and Malaysia, to make Davao, the ‘backdoor’ city, and surrounding places, as development areas. (Ness, 2003, p. 113)

Puerto Princesa in the island Palawan, itself a province and which is just near Davao, has also been developed, with the help of the UNESCO Development Programme.

The strategy involves community-based tourism in which the local folks, the young and the old, the public and private sectors, join hands to promote tourism destinations. (Gray, 2008, p. 375)

Still in the south of the country, in Zamboanga City, there are beautiful tourist spots being taken care of by residents. The city is inhabited by an ethnic group who speaks ‘Chabacano,’ a dialect which has some semblance to the Spanish language.

The city, however, is a melting pot because of the presence of other ethnic groups. Economic activity is very much alive in this city.

It is also home to the regional headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, which keeps guarding the presence of kidnap-for-ransom groups and other criminal elements. Foreign tourists are advised by their respective governments not to venture into this city. (Travelblog, 2006)

The situation affects tourism. Over the past years, tourists from different countries had been kidnapped. Some were killed while others were released on ransom. It is the duty of the government to safeguard the lives of the people, local and foreign.

The local inhabitants, no matter how they want that tourism should improve in their community, could do nothing except rely on the government and to God for peace and unity.

Our organization has a big role to play in the promotion of this beautiful country as a tourist destination. We have recruited tourist guides who are well knowledgeable of the areas tourist are more attracted to go and see the places and human activities which can fulfill human interest.

The present government has a present policy of establishing tourism infrastructure through a close partnership between the public and private sectors. We have taken hold of this opportunity.

It has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of income for the local folks and the government in the form of taxes. This is demonstrated in the various examples of public policies in the Philippines setting.

During a recent dialogue with a government agency in charge of promoting tourism, we have made some suggestions.

It is of great importance to any place or country to develop first the community, emphasizing on the capability of the natives or inhabitants to promote tourism and to have an active part in dealing or living with tourists and tourism. It has to be a part of their lives. Tourism can alleviate poverty.

The folks have to perform a hands-on role in formulating those policies because they are the ones directly involved. Tourism affects their livelihood, family, and the whole society in general.

Where there are tourists, there is economic activity. This close coordination between the different sectors of the community has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of livelihood for the local population, and income in the form of taxes for the government.

The most recent public tourism policy the Filipino people are crying and pushing for is to allow the eight-division world boxing champion Manny Pacquiao to be a part of the tourist attraction; in fact, it has already happened.

The world champ, who has been hailed by the Filipinos as a hero, is a boxing phenomenon when he earned the eighth belt upon defeating former world champion, Antonio Margarito. (Sports Newscaster, 2010)

Our organization hailed this recent development in the country and has helped in promoting Pacquiao as another tourist attraction.

Our guides have been instructed to mention Manny Pacquiao and his hometown in Sarangani province. Pacquiao can boost economic activity and tourism, at the same time promote the Philippines and erase all the negative news about the country. This is what the Filipino people want.

Beirman, D. (2003). A comparative assessment of three Southeast Asian tourism recovery campaigns: Singapore Roars: Post SARS 2003, Bali Post- the October 12, 2002 Bombing, and WOW Philippines 2003. In Y. Mansfeld and A. Pizam (Eds.) 2006, Tourism security and safety: from theory to practic e (p. 254). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Inc.

Bloom, G., (2009). Philippines . Oakland, CA: Lonely Planet Publications Ltd.

Burns, P. & Novelli, M. (2007). Tourism and politics: introduction. In P. Burns and M. Novelli, Eds. Tourism and politics: global frameworks and local rea lities (p. 1). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Canlas, L. P. (1999). Philippines’ 2 millennium history . United States of America: Infinity Publishing.com.

Constitutional Commission (1986). The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines . Quezon City, Philippines: National Government Center.

Cruz, Z. (2005). Principles of tourism part II (Updated edition) . Manila, Philippines: Rex Book Store, Inc.

Fernandez, L. H. (2007). A brief history of the Philippines . United States of America: University of Michigan.

General Primer (1991). The local government code of 1991. Philippines: Republic of the Philippines Press.

Gray, J. (2008). Responsible destination development: Puerto Princesa, Palawan, Philippines. In J. Cochrane, Ed. Asian tourism: growth and change (p. 369). UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Hundred Islands National Park (n.d). Web.

Huybers, T. (2007). Tourism in developing countries: economics and management of tourism 2 . UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

Mayton, D. M. (2009). Non violence and peace psychology . United States of America: Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.

Ness, S. (2003). Where Asia smiles: an ethnography of Philippine tourism. United States of America: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Official Gazette (n.d.). Philippine official papers & documents. Web.

Oxford Business Group (2008). The Report: the Philippines 2010 . Manila, Philippines: Oxford Business Group.

Philippines Board (n.d.) Tourist spots in Bacolod – Philippines. Web.

Richter, L. (2005). The Philippines: the politicization of tourism. In Y. Apostolopoulos, S. Leivadi and A. Yiannakis (Eds), The Sociology of Tourism (p. 255). New York, USA: Routledge.

Schirmer, D. B. & Shalom, R. S. (Eds.). (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. United States of America: South End Press.

Sports Newscaster (2010). Pacquiao vs Margarito results and post game boxing fight analysis. Web.

Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority (Philippine Tourism Authority) (2010). Pushing tourism ahead: a message from the general manager. Web.

Travelblog (2006). Mindanao: Abu Sayyaf the MILF and a bloke called Joe. Web.

Waldmann, R. J. (1976). The domestic council: innovation in presidential government. Public Administration Review. Web.

World Heritage Convention (2010). Philippines. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2020, March 13). Democracy in the Philippines. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/

"Democracy in the Philippines." IvyPanda , 13 Mar. 2020, ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

IvyPanda . (2020) 'Democracy in the Philippines'. 13 March.

IvyPanda . 2020. "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

1. IvyPanda . "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

Philippine Government - Free Essay Examples And Topic Ideas

An essay on the Philippine Government can explore the country’s political structure, history, and current challenges. It can delve into the Philippines’ transition from a Spanish colony to a democratic republic, the key branches of government, issues like corruption and human rights, and the role of the president in shaping policies and international relations. We’ve gathered an extensive assortment of free essay samples on the topic of Philippine Government you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Building Philippine Government and Nation

Building Philippine Nation “Ang mamatay nang dahil sa’yo” -Philippine National Anthem The Philippine 19th-century political thinkers and patriotic men such as Jose Rizal, Marcelo Del Pilar, and Graciano Lopez Jaena contributed to express and narrate the significance of Philippine historical events and to respond from the colonial system of Spanish regime. To further enlighten the minds of Filipino generations, and to trigger the souls of the masses from the depressing Spanish occupation during that time. The conqueror succeeded in claiming […]

The Philippine Government and Middle Classes

Rise of the Middle Class in the 20th Century The rise of the Middle Class in the 20th Century is when the Filipino started to become independent from the colonizers. Being independent from these colonizers help stabilize the emerging class in this era. There are three points in which I seem to get from the article and these three are: The Philippine Independence After we gained independence in 1946, the Philippines became driven to industrialize the country, industrialization will make […]

Economic and Cultural Transformation as a Result of Globalization in the Philippines

Globalization is associated with not only advancements in communication and ever-expanding trade routes but also transformation in political systems and the enhancement or destruction of cultural heritage (Block, 2004; Lieber & Weisberg, 2002). Indeed, it is apparent that globalization in developing countries has a significant impact on political, economic, and cultural aspects. Globalization arises from several factors which may include colonialism (Korobeynikova, 2016). The expansion in power and territory that is characteristic of colonialism may promote communication and technological advancements, […]

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The Dynastical Philippine Government

Democracy of this manner has two preconditions: the society must be small enough for citizens to be capable of attending debates and voting on issues, and its economy must provide these citizens with enough leisure time to engage in politics. When the United States colonized the Philippines in 1898, it planned to gradually grant self-determination to the country as the principles of democracy were imbibed by the population. However, as education was not extensive, the elite and the educated benefited […]

The Political Thoughts of Philippine Government

Aspiration to uphold and protect liberty, well-being, rights, welfare of every constituent, sovereignty, and the eradication of uncertainties like cruelties, abuses, hostilities, corruption and alienation against the people are the Philippine political thoughts that had been implied, manifested, projected and uphold throughout our history that can still be seen up to this time in different form. The former are the things that country had been deprived of while the latter are the uncertainties that the Filipinos had experienced while being […]

The Ilustrados and their Contribution to Philippine Nationalism

The Filipinos at the time of 19th century has been the victim of too much social construction and terrific grind division by the Spanish authorities. In the 19th century, the Spaniards had dominated moreover controlled Filipino people. The Filipinos turned out to be a servant or a mercenary to the Spaniard. They took their taxes and they were working in accordance with their command. Those Spanish authorities and officials transferred to different location so the necessities and demands of the […]

The Philippine Government Adopts New Pre-university Program

Philippines is the last country in Asia to adopt to the international practice of 12 years or more in basic education and pre-university program. The much needed overhaul in the Philippine educational system came in May 2013 through Republic Act 10533, known as Enhanced Basic Education Act with the inclusion of additional two years for senior high school education (newsinfo.inquirer.net, 2018). Department of Education (DepEd) under sectary Tonisito Umali, explains that the senior high school (SHS) program, being the last […]

The Philippine Government Protects Journalists

Journalists are responsible for shining light on all events that happen in the society. Their work is of great importance to the society who depend on them for news. However, the job becomes dangerous when a journalist comes across a piece of a controversial story. The stories usually are characterized by powerful individuals who want to protect themselves from the government and wrath of the society. These individuals and organizations will go to great lengths to protect themselves from being […]

Human Trafficking in the Philippines

What if you were given the most appealing chance to escape poverty and took it, just to find out your efforts landed you into the hands of human traffickers? Human trafficking is a large issue dealt with by countries all over the world, including the Philippines, a tier 1 country that is actively changing their methods of the battle against it. For example, one instance of this took place in 2003 where the country passed the "Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act, […]

Foundation of the Philippine Government

Every country in the whole world had experienced to be the subject of colonizers, one example of it is the Philippines. When a country is at the hands of colonizers which causes sufferings, death, oppressions, and such to the inhabitants in the country in which the colonizers conquered, it is undeniable that there was no person or group of people who tried to win liberty and independence from their own motherland. In the Philippines, the ilustrados, namely Dr. Jose Rizal, […]

American Rule in the Philippines and Racism

During our almost 50 years of control in the Philippines, many of our law makers and leaders were fueled by debates at home, and also our presence overseas. These two perspectives gave a lot of controversy as to how Americans were taking control, and confusion of what they were actually doing in the Philippines. Many leaders drew from Anglo- Saxon beliefs, which lead to racist ideas and laws. These combined proved unfair treatment of the Filipinos and large amounts of […]

The against Illegal Immigration

Illegal Immigration Illegal Immigration into the United States is a growing problem. Immigration is costing taxpayers millions of dollars. And affecting the lives of immigrant children. On the other hand, illegal immigrants are helping America in some ways. They are helping America by working labor jobs and illegal immigrants will accept less pay. One of the negative things illegal immigrants bring on America is the amount of money we must spend on healthcare and other benefits that they receive. Another […]

History of Philippines and Country Analysis

Pre Colonization Before colonization the Philippines was inhabited by migrants groups that settled sporadically across the nation. Eventually these small groups developed into larger settlements known as barangays, independently of each other with no centralized government, acting within defined social hierarchy (History of the Philippines). As the islands developed maritime ports, trade relations were established between the islands and with neighboring East Asian countries, their biggest exporters being Japan and China. Ancient inhabitants of the islands became a minority and […]

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Politics In The Philippines Essay

Politics is defined as the theory and practice of government, the interrelation between people who exercise and resist power, and the use of tactics and strategy to gain power in a certain number of people. However, a lot of deeper definitions have been correlated with the term “politics”, both in a positive and negative way. It is now said that politics is a gamble, dirty and decisive, that it already lost its noble meaning. It is once said that politics may be considered as the noblest profession, if only it is created for the service of the people.

Essay Example on About Politics In The Philippines

Ladies and gentlemen, politics covers a very comprehensive area, covering the physical, economical, social and moral aspect of a nation. And I would like to make the simplest yet profound presentation of this topic based on our very own. This is the anatomy of the Philippine Politics. The political system and the economical status are two inseparable factors on the growth of every country, and from there, we can say that we have no stable economic status because we have no stable government.

The economical status is displayed because there is the government that is supposed to manage and regulate the functions of the economy. Therefore, it is the government that plays a big part. The goal of the government MUST be to sustain its people the standard of living that every individual really deserves. But here in the Philippines, many Filipinos live in the upper class, more on the middle class, and MOST on the lowest class, just on or under the poverty line.

Proficient in: Asia

“ Very organized ,I enjoyed and Loved every bit of our professional interaction ”

Why is this so? Is everything the government’s fault? Of is it the masses? Let’s dissect each of these two.

The government is supposed to be composed of the government officials only, since it is called the government. But the fact that a lot of Filipinos do not see is that aside from the gluttonous government officials who fights for power, there is also some of the elite class, the greedy businessmen who have hidden agendas as they make deeper coordination with the government transactions and processes. They both hypocritically reach their left hands to the “ordinary citizens” while their right hands are mischievously getting money from the funds of the people.

A very good example of “multi-tasking” isn’t it? But while they are too busy tricking the people, there is the police, the armed forces, and the courts that had grown inefficient to restore peace and order in the country. There are the once blue seas now black. There are the little children who go to school barefoot with rotten books in their broken bags. There is the usual Filipino family with a dozen children eating once a day under a leaking roof. You see? As the fortunate ruling class is pacifying themselves with power and luxury, the poor ones are suffering.

Now, are the masses blameless? NO. The ordinary citizens were rightfully given the bill of rights and granted with full democracy. But that doesn’t mean that they have to react violently and dogmatically. They were living with genuine sovereignty, free to speak themselves and do whatever pleases them. But that was often the misconception about freedom. They keep on exercising their own independence without even thinking and considering the rights of the other person. Just days ago, the president of the SGC of the University of the Philippines kept on barking about the inept governance of

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Transforming PH’s political landscape

Navigating turbulent times necessitates a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted forces shaping our nation. The Philippines faces a deluge of data, yet extracting meaningful insights and formulating a cohesive vision remains elusive. The hyperfocus on details obscures the bigger picture, a failure exacerbated by political leaders who prioritize personal advancement over institutional strengthening.

Politicians bear a wide array of responsibilities, even at the highest levels of government. These include representing constituents’ interests, educating the public on national issues, formulating policy decisions, addressing immediate concerns, managing staff, providing sector-specific leadership, embodying the nation, enriching the national experience, and crucially, building and maintaining their political parties.

Regrettably, the latter responsibility is frequently neglected in the Philippines. Political parties have become transient platforms for election campaigns, lacking the institutional memory and robust infrastructure needed to craft a comprehensive national vision.

Strong political parties, supported by well-functioning think tanks or policy institutes, can rectify this deficiency. These institutes serve as repositories of institutional memory and ideological principles, generating innovative ideas and ensuring parties remain responsive to their constituents.

Political ideologies provide the framework for parties to develop distinct platforms that resonate with voters. These platforms articulate how a party would allocate the national budget to best serve the people’s needs through a combination of public policies, goods, and services. The electorate then evaluates these platforms to determine which party is best suited to govern.

However, the importance of policy institutes is often underestimated, and their contribution to electoral success remains unclear. A prevalent bias within political parties often undervalues support staff, such as consultants, logisticians, strategists, researchers, and campaign material creators, favoring candidates instead.

Comprehending the complex and interconnected challenges facing the Philippines necessitates a multidisciplinary approach that considers political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, and environmental factors. These challenges encompass geopolitical tensions in the West Philippine Sea, energy insecurity, agricultural failures, widespread contractualization, rampant crime and corruption, financial mismanagement, educational decline, and the proliferation of misinformation.

The significance of the “big picture” lies in its ability to reveal the interconnectedness of these seemingly disparate issues. For instance, the West Philippine Sea dispute affects not only national security but also economic and environmental stability. The loss of Malampaya as a major energy source reverberates across sectors, impacting food security and social well-being.

While numerous think tanks in the Philippines are actively analyzing these issues, political parties must develop their own institutional memory and interpretations of these broader trends. This will enable their members to make informed decisions and solve problems aligned with their party’s ideological framework, whether they are in government or opposition.

With upcoming elections approaching, the current political discourse remains fixated on individual candidates’ popularity rather than their potential for programmatic decision-making. This narrow focus neglects the crucial role of well-informed policy formulation in revitalizing the country’s democratic processes.

Political parties must embrace their responsibility to create a transformative political landscape. By investing in research, fostering intellectual discourse, and developing comprehensive policy platforms, they can empower themselves and the nation to navigate turbulent times and build a more prosperous, equitable, and sustainable future.

After mobilizing the youth during each election, whether a political party wins or loses, it should immediately begin the task of party consolidation, recruiting, orienting, capacitating, and deploying its youth members. Following the theme of the previous column, the opposition during the last election has frittered away the unprecedented opportunity to harness and give tangible organizational shape to the political passion demonstrated by the youth.

Political parties must recruit more nonpoliticians into their fold and incentivize their tangible contributions to party building and strengthening. Political party building is a strategic civic contribution even for those professionals who have no appetite for running for public office. Our key learning should be—political parties are too important to leave to politicians alone.

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Editors' Picks

The problem of corruption and corruption of power

Thinking beyond politics.

By Prof. Victor Andres Manhit

Transparency International (TI) has been fighting corruption for 27 years in over 100 countries. Here in the Philippines, I remember their prominent voices such as Randy David, Solita Monsod, Attorney Lilia de Lima, and Judge Dolores Español — all passionate advocates for transparency and accountability, issues that are still very relevant in our society.

Accordingly, TI defines corruption as “the abuse of power for private gain.” By this, corruption has deprived countless citizens around the globe of much-needed public services and benefits of development.

Under the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), corruption indicators pertain to “bribery; the diversion of public funds; the effective prosecution of corruption cases; adequate legal frameworks, access to information; and legal protections to whistleblowers, journalists and investigators.”

But what has corruption caused us?

In September 2018, the United Nations (UN), citing World Economic Forum (WEF) data, expressed that global corruption eats up 5% of the world’s gross domestic product; in November, the World Financial Review stated that Philippines had lost $10 BILLION annually due to illicit financial flows; in December, the UN and the WEF disclosed that $3.6 TRILLION had been lost due to bribes and stolen money; and in December 2019, the WEF published that “corruption, bribery, theft and tax evasion, and other illicit financial flows cost developing countries $1.26 TRILLION a year.”

In the Philippines, an estimated P1.4 TRILLION has been lost to corruption in the years 2017 (P670 BILLION) and 2018 (P752 BILLION), Deputy Ombudsman Cyril Ramos said, where around 20% of the annual government appropriation goes to corruption. Also, according to a study by Carandang and Balboa-Cahig (2020), “some of the more notable typologies and their accompanying corruption cases in the Philippine context are as follows: non-Compliance with the Government Procurement Reform, technical malversation, political dynasty, ghost project, income and asset misdeclaration, red tape, influencing a subordinate to defy order and protocol, bribery, connivance of government officials with drug lords.”

Further, the wide-ranging impact of corruption could result in a myriad of outcomes. In April 2020, the Global Infrastructure Anti-Corruption Center (GIACC) said that corruption may cause

“inadequate infrastructure, dangerous infrastructure, displacement of people, damage to the environment, reduced spending in infrastructure, reduced public expenditure, and reduced foreign investment.”

The said CPI indicators and data culled to substantiate them, and the gargantuan multi-level impact of corruption represent a formidable platform in instigating institutional reforms to achieve bureaucratic coherence and improve the development capacity of the state. With a multi-stakeholder roadmap against corruption, the plans and investments for economic recovery and development in the new normal will not be for naught. In turn, succeeding economic growths could be dispersed effectively.

Specifically, combating corruption in our country instantly augments the chance of helping the following: the 1.3 million people who have perceived themselves as poor in 2019 (self-rated poverty) and the families suffering from hunger (20.9%) during the pandemic, according to an SWS survey; the 16.7% of the population in poverty (Philippine Statistics Authority); and the additional 1.5 million Filipinos pushed into poverty by the pandemic (Philippine Institute for Development Studies).

But the problem of corruption could dangerously be translated into corruption of power. This happens if political opportunism becomes a trend. Rather than harmonize national unity in a pandemic-ravaged country, division and confusion among the population or a particular sector is instead espoused. In turn, false promises and hopes could frustrate the holistic approach being forged by a wide-range of social actors attuned to the long-standing battle against corruption.

More so, corruption of power could be exacerbated whenever the law is weaponized and used to benefit a new or selected few. Empirically, two examples could be cited. First if more than half of Filipinos agree that “It is dangerous to print or broadcast anything critical of the administration, even if it is the truth,” (SWS, July 3-6, 2020 survey), then what we have now is a terrified citizenry.

Second, the latest political charade in “handling” the country’s elite is not really about dismantling the oligarchy as pronounced. What’s happening is a mere changing of the old guards; the overt creation and empowerment of a new oligarchy, the “Dutertegarchs,” as William Pesek has pointedly raised.

To address corruption, political-institutional and economic reforms beg to be independently and holistically crafted and implemented.

Victor Andres “Dindo” C. Manhit is the President of Stratbase ADR Institute.

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The Philippines goes to the polls on May 9 to choose a new president, in what analysts say will be the most significant election in the Southeast Asian nation’s recent history.

Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte leaves office with a reputation for brutality – his signature “drug war” has left thousands dead and is being investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) – economic incompetence, and cracking down on the media and his critics.

Keep reading

‘our generation’s fight’: robredo’s campaign to stop marcos jr, leila de lima release urged after witnesses retract testimony, us, philippines kick off their largest-ever military drills, duterte ally wrests control of tv signals used by abs-cbn.

Duterte has also been criticised for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed at least 60,439 people in the archipelago.

There are 10 people battling to replace him, but only two stand a chance of winning.

The first is frontrunner Ferdinand Marcos Jr, popularly known as “Bongbong” and the namesake of his father, who ruled the Philippines as a dictator until he was forced from office and into exile in a popular uprising in 1986.

The second is Leni Robredo, the current vice president and head of the opposition, who has promised more accountable and transparent government and to reinvigorate the country’s democracy.

“This election is really a good versus evil campaign,” University of the Philippines Diliman political scientist Aries Arugay told Al Jazeera. “It’s quite clear. Duterte represents dynasty, autocracy and impunity. Robredo stands for the opposite of that: integrity, accountability and democracy.”

What happens on election day?

Some 67.5 million Filipinos aged 18 and over are eligible to cast their vote, along with about 1.7 million from the vast Filipino diaspora who have registered overseas.

Polling stations will open at 6am (22:00 GMT) and close at 7pm (11:00 GMT). The hours have been extended because of the coronavirus pandemic and the need to avoid queues and crowds.

Once the polls close, counting gets under way immediately, and the candidate with the most votes wins. There is no second round so the name of the new president could be known within a few hours. The inauguration takes place in June.

As well as the presidential race, Filipinos are choosing a new vice president – the position is elected separately to the president – members of congress, governors and thousands of local politicians including mayors and councillors.

Politics can be a dangerous business in the Philippines and there is the risk of violence during both campaigning and the election itself.

In one of the most horrific incidents, dozens of people were killed and buried by the roadside in 2009 by a rival political clan in what became known as the Maguindanao massacre .

Workers verify the ballot papers for the May 9 elections

Who is in the running for president?

Opinion polls suggest Marcos Jr remains in the lead although Robredo appears to be closing the gap.

The 64-year-old dictator’s son attended the private Worth School in England and studied at Oxford University – Marcos Jr’s official biography says he “graduated” but the university says he emerged with a “special diploma” in social studies.

He entered politics in the family stronghold of Ilocos Norte in 1980, and was governor of the province when his father was forced out of power and democracy restored.

In 1992, he was elected to congress – again for Ilocos Norte. Three years later, he was found guilty of tax evasion, a conviction that has dogged him ever since but does not seem to have hindered his political career.

Marcos Jr was elected a senator in 2010, and ran unsuccessfully for the vice presidency six years later when he was pipped to the post by a resurgent Robredo.

On the campaign trail, Marcos Jr has talked of “unity” but has provided little detail on his policies and has avoided media interviews and debates.

His running mate is Sara Duterte-Carpio , Duterte’s daughter, who took over as mayor of Davao City from her father and is leading the field for vice president.

Philippine presidential candidate Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr in a reo shirt with a garland around his neck holds his arms aloft to acknowledge the crowd at a rally

Robredo is the current vice president and a human rights lawyer who got into politics in 2013 after her husband – a government minister – was killed in a plane crash.

She threw her hat into the ring at a relatively late stage, and has relied on a network of pink-clad volunteers to win over voters across the archipelago.

Thousands have turned out for her rallies, some of then standing for hours in their hot sun waiting to hear the presidential hopeful speak. Robredo, whose running mate is Senator Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan, is running on a platform of good governance, democracy and an end to corruption.

Other candidates include champion boxer Manny Pacquiao , Manila mayor Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso, and a former police chief Panfilo Lacson.

Why would a Marcos victory be controversial?

Ferdinand Marcos became president of the Philippines in 1965, winning over Filipinos with his charisma and rhetoric, and taking control of a country that appeared at the time to be one of Southeast Asia’s emerging powerhouses.

Backed by the United States, Marcos won a second term in office in 1969, but three years later he declared martial law claiming the move was necessary to “save” the nation from communists.

For the next 14 years, he ruled the country as a dictator.

More than 3,200 people were killed – their bodies often dumped by the road side as a warning to others – and even more tortured or arbitrarily jailed, according to the US academic and historian, Alfred McCoy.

Marcos’s biggest rival, Benigno Aquino, was assassinated as he got off a plane at Manila airport.

The killing shocked Filipinos at a time when they were increasingly angry at the corruption and extravagance of the Marcos regime. Even as many lived in poverty, the Marcos family bought properties in New York and California, paintings by artists including impressionist master Monet, luxury jewellery and designer clothes.

Transparency International estimated in 2004 that the couple embezzled as much as $10bn during their years in power, and Imelda , Marcos’s wife, has become a byword for excess.

Filipinos cheer and raise their fists as they learn Ferdinand Marcos has fled the country in 1986

But since the former dictator’s death in Hawaii in 1989, the Marcos family have sought to rehabilitate themselves, trying to portray the dictatorship as some kind of golden age.

In 2016, Duterte allowed Ferdinand Marcos to be buried in Manila’s heroes cemetery, complete with a 21-gun salute .

Now the Duterte family is allied with the Marcos one, and their bid also has the support of other politically influential dynasties in a country where blood ties are more important than any political party.

“The meteoric resurgence of the Marcoses is itself a stinging judgement on the profound failures of the country’s democratic institutions,” academic Richard Javad Heydarian wrote in a column for Al Jazeera in December. “Decades of judicial impunity, historical whitewashing, corruption-infested politics and exclusionary economic growth has driven a growing number of Filipinos into the Marcoses’ embrace.”

Many worry the election of Marcos Jr, particularly if Duterte becomes vice president as widely expected, could herald a new era of repression.

“The two are the offspring of two strongman rulers,” Arugay said. “Can we expect restraint and inclusive government? You don’t need to be a political scientist to answer that question.”

Earlier this week, some 1,200 members of the clergy of the Catholic Church endorsed Robredo and Pangilinan describing them as “good shepherds”. At least 86 percent of Filipinos are Catholic.

“We cannot simply shrug, and let the fate of our country be dictated by false and misleading claims that aim to change our history,” they said.

Will the result be accepted?

When Marcos Jr lost the vice presidential race by 263,000 votes in 2016, he challenged the result in court.

With the stakes much higher this time around, some analysts worry he could do so again if Robredo manages to pull off a victory.

The role of social media

Filipinos are avid users of social media and the platforms have played a key – and divisive – role in the election, intensifying the more toxic elements of political campaigning.

Marcos Jr and his team have been accused of using – and abusing – online platforms.

In January, Twitter suspended more than 300 accounts promoting his campaign, which it said breached rules on spam and manipulation.

Joshua Kurtantzick of the Council on Foreign Relations says Marcos Jr has also benefited from “the legacy of Duterte, who fostered the spread of disinformation and made it easier for another strongman to win”.

Senatorial race

While all eyes are on the presidential race, it is worth keeping an eye on the senate, too.

Leila de Lima, who has spent the past five years imprisoned in the national police headquarters in Manila after questioning Duterte’s drug war, is campaigning for office again.

The opposition senator is hopeful she may soon be released after two key witnesses withdrew their testimony .

De Lima was the target of vicious, misogynistic attacks by Duterte and his supporters before she was charged in 2017 with taking money from drug lords while she was justice secretary in the government of the late Benigno Aquino III .

De Lima has denied the charges and Human Rights Watch has said the case is politically motivated.

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A brief essay on my key issues book: the philippines: from earliest times to the present.

My AAS Key Issues in Asian Studies book— The Philippines: From Earliest Times to the Present —is intended to introduce readers to a nation originally named after a European prince. The people of the archipelago that now constitutes the Philippines had a long history before any European contact occurred. Since the latter part of the nineteenth century, Filipinos have experienced a wide range of encounters with the US. The Philippines was Asia’s first republic and then became a US colony after an American war of conquest and pacification, which some argue resulted in the deaths of 10 percent of the population. Almost a million Filipino soldiers and civilians, and approximately 23,000 American military, died in the war against Imperial Japanese forces.

There are at least two ideas that drive this book. The first is that the Philippines was not some isolated archipelago that was accidentally “discovered” by Ferdinand Magellan in 1521. Some residents of the Philippines had contact with “the outside world” long before European contact through trade with other Southeast Asian polities and Imperial China.

Photograph of a middle aged Damon Wood. He has a bald head and a grey short beard, and he is wearing a black business suit.

The second and more important theme is that vibrant cultures existed before outsiders arrived, and they have continued throughout the history of the Philippines, though perhaps not seen or simply ignored by historians and other scholars. The intrusion by the Spaniards might be seen to have changed almost everything, as did the American incursion, and to a lesser extent the Japanese occupation. This is not the case. But if one does not know what was there before, the focus may be upon the intruders—their religion, culture, economies, and the impact they had on the local population—rather than on Filipinos, the local inhabitants. While acknowledging the impact and influence of foreign occupations, I sought in the book to focus on Filipinos and to see them as not merely, or even primarily, reactive.

Beginning with the pre-Hispanic period, The Philippines: From Earliest Times to the Present seeks to present, briefly, the reality of an advanced indigenous culture certainly influenced but not erased by more than three centuries of Spanish occupation. The second half of the nineteenth century saw the emergence on two levels—peasants and elite—of organized resistance to that presence, culminating in what some call a revolution and finally a republic. But this development was cut short by the Americans. When a commonwealth was put in place during the fourth decade of American rule, this was interrupted by World War II and the Japanese occupation. After World War II, the Philippines once again became an independent republic with the growing pains of a newly evolving democracy and its share of ups and down, including the Marcos dictatorship.

The Philippines has emerged in the twenty-first century with a robust and expanding economy, and as an important member of ASEAN. And it has its issues. On November 7, 2013, the most powerful Philippine typhoon on record hit the central part of the archipelago, resulting in more than 6,000 deaths. President Rodrigo Duterte, elected in 2016, has caught the eye of human rights advocates as he has dealt harshly with a drug problem that is far more significant than most realized. Then there is the ongoing conflict with China over islands in the South China Sea. The Philippines has been and will continue to be in the news.

The Philippines: From Earliest Times to the Present depicts Filipinos as not passive or merely the recipients of foreign influences. Contrary to the title of Stanley Karnow’s 1989 book, In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines, the Philippines is not made in anyone’s, including America’s, image. Teachers and students should find this book helpful, not only in dealing with the history of the Philippines but also in recognizing that often the histories of developing countries fail to seriously take into account the local population—their culture, their actions, their vision of the world. The Philippines is perhaps best known today in the West as a place with beautiful beaches and as a wonderful place to vacation. This book will show it to be much more than that.

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Politics of the Philippines: From Rizal to Duterte by Richard Javad Heydarian LAST REVIEWED: 21 April 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 21 April 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0333

The heartland of former Spanish East Indies and once America’s sole colony in Asia, the Philippines is a land of mind-bending paradoxes, where swift changes have gone hand in hand with obstinate continuities. The Southeast Asian nation witnessed the birth of Asia’s first modern nationalist movement, initially led by the progressive sections of the Creole class and the so-called ilustrado mestizos, but reaching its apogee in the final years of the 19th century under the command of (Tagalog-dominated) provincial gentry and a broad coalition of petty bourgeois nationalists. In contrast, advanced state-formation came relatively late to the island nation, which has a limited history of large-scale polities in the precolonial era compared to neighboring Indonesia (Majapahit Empire) or Cambodia (Khmer Empire). A century since the advent of ‘first Filipinos,’ the country’s nation-building project remains glaringly unfinished, hobbled by persistent ethnolinguistic divides and Islamist and Communist movements that are among the world’s longest-running such insurgencies. For almost five centuries, Catholicism stood as the dominant religion in the country, but recent decades have seen homegrown evangelical groups become major forces in the country’s political landscape with the advent of denominational ‘bloc voting.’ A major entrepot during the trans-pacific Galleon Trade, the country became a regional economic powerhouse from the late 18th century up until the mid-20th century. Building on bouts of liberal reforms during Spanish colonialism and Commonwealth institutions under American tutelage, the Philippines also boasts among the oldest democratic institutions in the postcolonial world. The past half century, however, witnessed the country’s decline to the “Sick man of Asia” following decades of political instability and absence of sustained economic development. Amidst massive inequality and rampant corruption, the country has repeatedly relapsed into various permutations of authoritarian rule, from the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship to the resurgent populism of Rodrigo Duterte in recent years. In international politics, the Philippines has undergone a similarly turbulent trajectory, repeatedly caught in between rival empires, from Spanish–American Wars in the late-19th century to its strategic flirtation with a rising China despite its formal military alliance with America. What has remained largely constant is the composition of the country’s ruling elite, thanks to its remarkable geopolitical adaptability. The upshot is a weak state enfeebled by powerful interest groups and checked by a vibrant civil society. Accordingly, the study of Philippine politics should cover its troubled nation-state-formation, cacique-dominated political economy and attendant authoritarian temptations, as well as the unique brand of populist and liberal topes in its political discourse.

Unique among its neighbors but similar to its Latin American cousins, as Anderson 2007 explains, the Philippines’ founding fathers were largely a mixture of creole, Chinese-Filipino mestizo and upwardly-mobile “Indigenous” intelligentsia, who were steeped in Enlightenment values and came of age under the shadow of post-1848 revolutionary movements in Europe. Schumacher 1973 , Joaquin 2005 , and Mojares 2006 cover the flowering of the fin de siècle “Propaganda Movement” and its main publication, La Solidaridad , in the late 19th century, while Anderson 2007 explores the nexus between Spanish anarchism, Latin American revolutions for independence, especially in Cuba, and the Philippine Revolution of 1896. The period also saw the publication of the Philippines’ most influential political novels, namely Jose Rizals’ Noli me tángere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), which irrevocably reshaped the country’s political imagination and its place in an emerging postcolonial world; the reprinted and English translations, Rizal 2006 and Rizal 2011 respectively, are accordingly annotated here. Guerrero y Francisco 2010 discusses the social milieu and broader political and intellectual relevance of Rizal’s works. In contrast Ileto 1997 discusses the broader role of masses and mass culture in resisting Spanish colonialism. The section also includes arguably the first work on political economy and administrative reforms by a Filipino scholar, Gregorio Sancianco Y. Goson’s El progreso de Filipinas , which was originally published in 1881 in Madrid; accordingly, Sancianco 2010 is a reprinted version of the 1923 edition of the book. On his part, another Filipino illustrado , Isabelo de los Reyes, published what is arguably the country’s first ethnographic study, the award-winning El folklore Filipino (1889), which would inform the author’s as well as his country’s radical politics and first modern labor movements in the early 20th century, from Union Obrera Democratica to the Union del Trabajo de Filipinas and its many Marxist derivatives throughout the century. De los Reyes 2012 is the English translation of the pioneering work annotated here.

Anderson, Benedict. Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination . London: Verso, 2007.

A pioneering work on the influence of international anarchism on Filipino revolutionaries, including Jose Rizal, as evidenced in his second and more radical novel, El filibusterismo , and the direct impact of late-19th-century Cuban War of Independence on the Katipunan movement and especially its leader, Andres Bonifacio, who opted for a timely armed revolt against a collapsing Spanish empire.

De los Reyes, Isabelo. El folk-lore filipino . Translated by Maria Elinora Peralta-Imson and Salud C. Dizon. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2012.

In this republished and translated edition, the author provides a pioneering critique of what, a century later, Edward Said would famously describe as “Orientalism”—namely the essentialization of Indigenous cultures through the prism of European colonialism. The work also provides deep insights into the adoption and adaptation of superstitious beliefs from the Iberian Peninsula and Europe into the Philippines; distinct, hybrid and entwined aspects of Indigenous folklore across various ethnolinguistic groups; and the Husserlian “lifeworld” of the Filipino people.

Guerrero y Francisco, Leon Ma. The First Filipino . Manila, the Philippines: Guerrero Publishing, 2010.

First published in the early 1960s, the award-winning biography of Jose Rizal by this statesman-writer remains a classic account of the late-19th-century Filipino revolutionaries and their contribution to the creation of a Philippine nationhood.

Ileto, Reynaldo. Pasyon and revolution: In Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840–1910 . Quezon City, The Philippines: Ateneo De Manila University Press, 1997.

Widely considered as a masterpiece in historical study of the emerging Philippine nation, the book analyzes the multifarious resistance to Spanish political and ideological colonialism throughout the 19th century, and, most crucially, the role and agency of masses in adapting European religious traditions to distinctly precolonial belief systems and local practices.

Joaquin, Nick. A Question of Heroes . Quezon City, The Philippines: Anvil Publishing Co, 2005.

Widely seen as the most influential Filipino novelist of the 20th century, Nick Joaquin provides a unique and unorthodox account of ten figures, from Father Jose Burgos to Artemio Ricarte, who contributed to development of the Filipino nation. The author leverages his mastery of the Spanish language and deep familiarity with original materials from the Spanish colonial era for a highly nuanced and granular analysis of the life and times of Filipino revolutionaries.

Mojares, Resil. Brains of the Nation: Pedro Paterno, T. H. Pardo De Tavera, Isabelo De Los Reyes and the Production of Modern Knowledge . Quezon City, The Philippines: Ateneo De Manila University Press, 2006.

Arguably the most comprehensive analysis of the circumstances as well as the unique character of key intellectual and political figures who contributed to the creation of a common Filipino consciousness. It’s arguably the best survey of the emerging “intelligentsia” or ilustrado class in the second half of the 19th century in the Philippines.

Rizal, Jose. Noli me tángere . New York: Penguin, 2006.

In Harold Augenbraum’s authoritative translation of this late-19th-century classic, the Philippines’ preeminent founding father and most prominent novelist, Jose Rizal, provides the most devastating and consequential critique of “friarocracy,” namely the hegemonic influence of clerical establishment in Spanish-controlled Philippines. The publication of the book spurred protests and a widespread desire for greater national autonomy, if not outright independence from Madrid.

Rizal, Jose. El filibusterismo . New York: Penguin, 2011.

Building on his first novel, which remains his best known work, Rizal explores the temptations of a more radical and anarchist response to colonial oppression in the Philippines. Eerily prescient, the book seemingly foresaw the tragic outcome of a violent revolutionary movement and reflects the author’s ambivalence toward a full-fledged revolt against Spanish colonial rule—a clairvoyance for the violent, authoritarian tendencies that will emerge under a long series of Filipino strongmen and self-styled nationalists over the next century and beyond.

Sancianco, Gregorio. El Progreso De Filipinas . North Carolina: Charleston: Nabu Press, 2010.

In this republished edition, in the original Spanish, the author provides a pioneering critique of the Philippines’ political economy in the final decades of Spanish imperium. The author’s analysis of the Philippines’ colonial economy and its oppressive, extractive patterns of production would inspire future works, including Jose Rizal’s famous Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos (Manila: Nueva Era, 1890), which, in turn, served as a foundation for influential postcolonial works such as Al-Atlas’s The Myth of the Lazy Native (London: F Cass, 1977).

Schumacher, John N. The Propaganda Movement, 1880–1895: The Creation of a Filipino Consciousness, The Makers of a Revolution . Manila, The Philippines: Solidaridad, 1973.

A classic account of the ‘Propaganda Movement’ and illustrado nationalists in the final decades of the 19th century.

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Southeast Asia
Philippines - Government and Crime

POLITICS IN THE PHILIPPINES

Politics in the Philippines has traditionally been dominated by clans and political bosses and patronage and is characterized by law makers that make decisions based on fiscal incentives rather that beliefs and voters that make choices based on personality rather than reasoned policies. Under the traditional “itang na loob” system of patronage, or obligation earned through favors, voters expect money or jobs in return for their political support. In many cases politician’s performance was based on dole-outs not on programs or policies. Philippine concepts about debt repayment and kinship responsibilities plays a major role in how political networks are set up and run (See FILIPINO CHARACTER AND PERSONALITY: HIYA, AMOR PROPIO Under People).

Personalities are more important than parties in Philippine politics. Movie stars and other celebrities have enjoyed considerable success. In addition1, several prominent families play a disproportionate role in politics. The support of the military and the Catholic church are key to political survival and success in the Philippines. Promises are generally not kept. Arroyo, for example, pledged to bring cheap power to the poor as a campaign pledge and then doubled power rates after she was elected. She also promised not to run for a second time but changed her mind because she said God made her decide to run.

The Philippines is known for its rough-and-tumble political scene. Politicians are rountinely killed and sometimes they even do the do the killing themselves. Every now and then it seems the entire country is on the verge of collapse because of a coup attempt, People Power protest or impeachment effort. On the day-to-day level, politicians are unable to achieve many of their goals and carry out programs they proposed due to political opposition, mainly from the ruling elite. Arroyo and her cabinet said that political fighting and sniping exhausted and frustrated them deeply.

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the New York Times, “In the Philippines, politics is a blood sport. Here, politicians often behave like gladiators: To survive they have to entertain the spectators. The turmoil from the [Arroyo] scandal has once again brought Filipinos and their unique brand of rambunctious democracy to international attention, providing a sideshow to the more pressing problems. Filipinos are no longer surprised by election fraud. Thanks to the damage Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator, did to the democratic institutions that American-style democracy helped establish after World War II, and the prevalence of an almost feudal political structure, particularly in the provinces, Filipinos have come to accept election cheating as normal. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 2, 2005]

Pollster Social Weather Station and Pulse Asia.

Development of Philippines Politics After the Marcos

In 1991 Philippine politics resembled nothing so much as the "good old days" of the pre-martial law period — wide-open, sometimes irresponsible, but undeniably free. Pre-martial law politics, however, essentially were a distraction from the nation's serious problems. The parties were completely nonideological. Therefore, politicians and office-holders switched parties whenever it seemed advantageous to do so. Almost all politicians were wealthy, and many were landlords with large holdings. They blocked moves for social reform; indeed, they seemed not to have even imagined that society required serious reform. Congress acquired a reputation for corruption that made the few honest members stand out. When Marcos closed down Congress in 1972, hardly anyone was disappointed except the members themselves. *

The February 1986 People's Power Revolution, also called the EDSA Revolution had restored all the prerequisites of democratic politics: freedom of speech and press, civil liberties, regularly scheduled elections for genuine legislatures, plebiscites, and ways to ensure honest ballot counting. But by 1991 the return to irrelevant politics had caused a sense of hopelessness to creep back into the nation that five years before had been riding the euphoric crest of a nonviolent democratic revolution. In 1986 it seemed that democracy would have one last chance to solve the Philippines' deep-rooted social and economic problems. Within five years, it began to seem to many observers that the net result of democracy was to put the country back where it had been before Marcos: a democratic political system disguising an oligarchic society. *

Powerful Families in Philippine Politics

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “Philippine elections have long been dominated by politicians belonging to the same bloodlines. At least 250 political families have monopolized power across the country, although such dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 constitution. Congress — long controlled by members of powerful clans targeted by the constitutional ban — has failed to pass the law needed to define and enforce the provision. "Wherever you go, you see the names of these people since we were kids. It is still them," businessman Martin Tunac, 54, said after voting in Manila. "One of the bad things about political dynasties is they control everything, including business." [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“School counselor Evelyn Dioquino said that the proliferation of political dynasties was a cultural issue and other candidates stood little chance because clans "have money, so they are the only ones who can afford (to run). Of course, if you have no logistics, you can't run for office." Critics worry that a single family's stranglehold on different levels of government could stymie checks against abuses and corruption. A widely cited example is the 2009 massacre of 58 people, including 32 media workers, in an ambush blamed on rivalry between powerful clans in southern Maguindanao province. |=|

Ana Maria Tabunda from the independent pollster Pulse Asia said that dynasties restrict democracy, but added that past surveys by her organization have shown that most Filipinos are less concerned about the issue than with the benefits and patronage they can receive from particular candidates. Voters also often pick candidates with the most familiar surnames instead of those with the best records, she said. "It's name recall, like a brand. They go by that," she said. |=|

The American anthropologist Brian Fegan, writing in "An Anarchy of Families," a book published in the 1990s, told the New York Times that "the Filipino family is the most enduring political unit and the one into which, failing some wider principle of organization, all other units dissolve." Filipinos look at political continuity as merely the transfer of power among family members, Fegan said. Thus, they also look at political competition in terms of rivalry between families. "A family that has once contested an office, particularly if it has once won it, sets its eye on that office as its permanent right," Fegan said. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Political Family Dynasties in the Philippines

Politics in the Philippines has been dominated by powerful families for as long as anyone can remember. Aquino was the wife of a opposition leader. Arroyo was the daughter of a president. In 2004, Arroyo’s son and brother-in-law held Congressional seats and five relatives of Aquino were in Congress and one was a Senator. Even the Marcos family remains powerful and influential in Philippines politics, especially in northen Luzon. Many local positions and governments are dominated by clans and powerful and wealthy families.

One Philippine political analyst told the Washington Post, “Some dynasties have made positive contributions, but by and large the dynastic system in the Philippines has stunted the growth of real democracy. It is not representative of the broad majority in any place.” Efforts to reduce the hold on power of local families by establishing term limits has meant that families hand over power from one family member to another.

The system of family dynasties has its roots in U.S. colonial rule when initially voting rights were only granted to Filipinos with property and education, allowing the landed aristocracy to attain a monopoly of power in the provinces. The United States also put in place a Congressional system that allowed families to establish local fiefdoms rather than fostering competition through an electoral list system.

This trend is beginning to change in some places. Grace Padaca, a former radio commentator, was elected governor of Isabela Province in 2004. She moved into the mansion of the former governor, from the powerful Dy family, thought he had built for himself. Padaca won by nonstop campaigning and dedicated grassroots volunteer movement.

Filipino Clans, Celebrities Dominate Midterm Polls in 2013

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “From Imelda Marcos to Manny Pacquiao, familiar names of Philippine political clans and celebrities dominated the ballots for congressional and local elections, which will gauge popular support for the president's anti-corruption drive and other reforms. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“Among 33 senatorial candidates are two of Aquino's relatives, Binay's neophyte daughter, Estrada's son, a son of the sitting chamber president, a son of a late president, a spouse and children of former senators and there's a possibility that two pairs of siblings will be sitting in the me house. Currently, 15 senators have relatives serving in elective positions. The race for the House is even more of a family affair. Toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos' widow, the flamboyant 83-year-old Imelda, is expected to keep her seat as a representative for Ilocos Norte province, the husband's birthplace where the locals kept electing the Marcoses despite allegations of corruption and abuse during their long rule. Marcos' daughter, Imee is seeking re-election as governor and the son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., is already a senator. Boxing star and incumbent Rep. Manny Pacquiao is running unopposed and building a dynasty of his own: his brother Rogelio is running to represent his southern district and his wife Jinkee is vying to become vice-governor for Sarangani province. |=|

Palakasan System" in the Philippine Government

Iamthur.blogspot.jp reported: “How to get a job in the Philippine Government provided that there is a vacancy? First, you must be a Filipino citizen. Then, you should have a bachelor's degree related to the job, certification of eligibility from Civil Service Commission, experience related to the job, and other documents as the office/agency concerned may require. But in these days, there is a big problem. In a partisan system if they suspect you for not voting for a certain winning candidate, your chances to get hired even though you're qualified is lame. That's sad but true. [Source: iamthur.blogspot.jp ==]

“This scenario has been the headache for long a time. The recent official that being seated on certain position will going to terminate all people that being hired under the term of previous official. I can say this because, I already witnessed this when I visit our municipality. I've noticed that there are new faces working there, and old employees are replaced already. ==

“Nowadays in Philippines, it is very difficult to acquire a job in the government. Even though you have the qualities, abilities, and capabilities that match the criteria for a certain job you're applying for, sometimes it just not enough to get the job. That's because you don't have what they call a "backer", it's a certain people in the government with a high position or ranking that supposedly one of your relatives, friends or acquaintances. There are lots of people getting hired easily in the government even though they don't have what it takes for that certain position, but they made it possible because of their contacts(red tape) in the government. It is what you called the "Palakasan System" that run for so long. It's very unfair and disappointing to those honest and deserving Filipino job-seekers who aim to work for the government. ==

“The government now is full of corrupt people. I'm still hoping that someday this system will be changed. All corrupt must be washed out, and let the honest and dignified people work for their beloved county, who looks equally to all people under their good governance.” ==

Old-Style Politics in the Philippines Countryside

Philippine politics, along with other aspects of society, rely heavily on kinship and other personal relationships. To win a local election, one must assemble a coalition of families. To win a provincial election, the important families in each town must be drawn into a wider structure. To win a national election, the most prominent aristocratic clans from each region must temporarily come together. A family's power is not necessarily precisely correlated with wealth — numbers of followers matters more — but the middle class and the poor are sought mainly for the votes that they can deliver. Rarely will they be candidates themselves. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The suspension of elections during martial law seemed at first to herald a radical centralization of power in Manila, specifically in the Marcos and Romualdez clans, but traditional provincial oligarchs resurfaced when Aquino restored elections. To the dismay of her more idealistic followers, Aquino followed her brother's advice and concluded agreements with many former Marcos supporters who were probably going to win elections anyway. About 70 percent of the candidates elected to the House of Representatives in 1987 were scions of political dynasties. They included five relatives of Aquino: a brother, an uncle, a sister-in-law, a brother-in-law, and a cousin. Another brotherin -law was elected to the Senate. The newly elected Congress passed a bill prohibiting close relatives of government officials from becoming candidates, but it did not take effect until after the 1988 local elections. Many of the same prominent families who had dominated Philippine society from the Spanish colonial period returned to power. Commonly, the same two families vie for control of provinces. The specific reason for social and political bipolarity is not known, but it nourishes feuds between rival clans that are renewed generation after generation. *

Coercion is an alternative to buying votes. Because the population of the Philippines has multiplied by a factor of nine in the twentieth century, there is not enough land to go around. As a result, tenant-landlord relationships have become more businesslike and less personal, and some old elite families now rely on force to protect their interests. Article 18 of the constitution directs the dismantling of all "private armies," but it seemed unlikely that it could be enforced. *

Failure of People in the Philippines

Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves of Associated Press wrote: “The world watched in awe in 1986 as Filipinos, clutching rosaries and flowers, mounted a human barricade against tanks and troops and brought dictator Ferdinand Marcos down without a shot. What they did gave birth to the term "people power." Fifteen years later similar forces toppled President Joseph Estrada over alleged corruption, and even now, the nation's democracy remains fragile.” In the late 2000s, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo faced impeachment proceedings over allegations of vote-rigging and corruption and declared a state of emergency to quashed a coup plot. She said the political opposition and extremists on both left and right were determined to bring down her elected government. [Source: Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves Associated Press, February 25, 2006 +^+]

“Has "people power" gotten out of hand in the island nation where it was born? Even its most prominent beneficiary, Corazon Aquino, who succeeded the ousted Marcos in 1986, thinks so. "I would still prefer that we do it through a constitutional process," she said recently when asked if she would join an uprising against Arroyo. "Things are different now, we have other options." Besides democracy, little has changed in this nation of 86 million. It remains mired in appalling poverty, rural backwardness, chronic inequality, long-running Marxist and Muslim insurgencies and chaotic politics. Imelda Marcos, the dictator's widow once reviled for the extravagance epitomized by her vast shoe collection, retains political clout and still shows up occasionally to work the Manila social circuit. +^+

“The images of "people power" are fading into history, but remain iconic: nuns kneeling in prayer in front of tanks, and unarmed civilians trying to push back military vehicles with their bare hands. Historian Maria Serena Diokno said the administrations of Aquino and Arroyo, both from wealthy landowning clans, faced the same accusations as their predecessors - human rights violations, massive corruption and failure to enforce effective land reform. +^+

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “If there is any consensus it is that the system has to go, says Manuel Quezon 3rd, a political analyst and historian. "The problem is, no one agrees what system to replace it with," Quezon said.Experts on politics and governance do agree, however, that the families and politicians who have a lock on government here have been the bane of Filipinos, thriving on so-called patronage politics that keeps democratic processes in a state of dysfunction. The result is a faulty electoral system, a low level of political awareness among the populace and a degree of corruption that has seriously damaged Philippine society and hobbled economic development. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

“All of these factors conspire to push the country near the edge of chaos in a kind of cyclical pattern that has decayed what was once among the region's most promising democracies. Worse, the few new and young leaders who emerge are frequently co-opted by traditional politicians. These new leaders then establish political dynasties themselves or fortify existing ones, perpetuating a vicious circle.” \~/

Why the Powerful Family and Patronage System Endure in the Philippines

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “The reality here is that the same old faces, the same old families and the same old interests continue to hold sway over the political life of this country. The Philippines, which once boasted an intelligentsia that was deemed the most sophisticated in Southeast Asia, is still going through what one Filipino columnist recently called "the most drawn out political adolescence in modern history." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

“Why do a few oligarchic families continue to dominate the political life of this former Spanish colony, in a pattern once familiar in many Latin-influenced countries? To put the question another way, why has the Philippines failed to produce a leader like Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, a figure who springs from the bottom up and who, for better or worse, ushers in new politics that, on the surface at least, promise a better life for the people? \~/

Clarita Carlos, an expert on governance and politics at the University of the Philippines, said she believed that Philippine politics merely facilitated the "circulation of elites, people who have mastered how to be economically and socially mobile by taking advantage of the limitations of the system." As a result, the Filipino political class "has become so inbred that they've become detached from the concerns of the majority," said Quezon, who is himself the grandson of a former president. \~/

“In a healthy political environment, Quezon said, the oligarchy would relinquish power to a new political class. "Sadly, this is something most Filipino oligarchs never did," he said.Steven Rood, the country representative here of The Asia Foundation and an expert on local governance, thinks it is not so much a question of why Philippine politics has the same faces but why the situation has not changed over many decades. "I would say that the basic fundamental reason is that the people who run the system are the ones benefiting enough from it that they're worried about change," Rood said. That has been the case for decades and, as Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation explained, "there's an enormous amount of historical continuity at play" in the present crisis. Rood traces this back to the period of Spanish colonization and the American colonization that followed it. \~/

"The two decades of Marcos blocked off a generation of young, emerging leaders," said Nereus Acosta, a 39-year-old congressman who teaches public policy at the Ateneo School of Government. After Marcos was toppled in 1986, the political families that he cultivated were replaced by new ones allied to the next regime, that of Corazón Aquino. As if that were not enough, the lines that at first separated Marcos and anti-Marcos politics became so blurred that it is not surprising today to find a former Marcos foe hobnobbing with the scions and friends of the former dictator. Switching sides thus became widespread. Filipino political parties had intermarried to such an extent that, today, it is difficult to know which party is allied with whom. "We're paying for this damage now," Acosta said. \~/

“Given this, Acosta said, it would be difficult for idealism to evolve. "You may have new guys coming out, yes, but unfortunately, wealth and power being so confined to a few, this new generation will have limitations," he said. There has never been a shortage of idealistic Filipinos who can provide the kind of strong leadership the country needs. "Believe me, there are many Filipinos who are competent," said Carlos, the political science professor. The problem is, officials said, once they are inside the system, they are easily compromised. \~/

Is the U.S. to Blame for the Philippines’s Political Failures

Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans did not change the Filipino social structure. "They imposed a political system that allowed this social structure to gain political power," he said. "It's been the marriage of social position and political power ever since that produced essentially the same state that we have now." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Luis Teodoro, the executive director of the Center for People Empowerment in Governance, a political research institute in Manila, told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans had a hand in this predicament. They supported regimes led by powerful political families who, in turn, furthered American interests and helped suppress the nationalist politicians who tended to undermine them. "To a great extent, the United States is responsible for keeping these political dynasties in power," Teodoro said. Without U.S. support, he said by way of example, the regime of Ferdinand Marcos would not have lasted as long as it did and Marcos would not have been able to inflict the heavy damage on political institutions here that he is generally held responsible for. \~/

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “Marcos persecuted the oligarchs who went against him and befriended those who were willing to cooperate with his regime. While he used these families to prop up his regime and amass the wealth for which he would later be infamous, these families went on to exploit their ties with him, widening and strengthening their political bases and enriching themselves even more. Marcos, in turn, used these power bases, particularly in the provinces, to keep himself in the presidential palace. This resulted in a kind of political interregnum. Because the dictator, his wife, Imelda, and his closest cronies were the only kingmakers, they either corrupted young and idealistic politicians or made sure that those who could challenge them did not stand a chance. \~/

Philippine Mayor Killed at Manila Airport

Political violence is not confined to candidates running in elections that threaten the oligarchy status quo. It can strike sitting politicians—and innocent bystanders. In December 2013, Al Jazeera reported: “Gunmen have shot dead a town mayor and three other people at the airport in Manila, sending travellers fleeing for safety, authorities said. Ukol Talumpa, the mayor of the town of Labangan in Zamboanga del Sur province, was killed together with his wife, an 18-month-old baby and one other person, Al Jazeera's Jamela Alindogan reported from Manila on Friday. Four other people were wounded in the incident, airport manager Jose Honrado said. [Source: Al Jazeera, December 20, 2013]

“Honrado said that Talumpa was waiting for a ride with his family outside an airport terminal when the gunmen on a motorcycle shot him and others at close range. Airport security force chased the gunmen but they escaped on their vehicle in the heavy late-morning traffic outside the terminal, Honrado said. He added that the authorities did not know the identity of the attackers nor the motive for the attack "Government agencies are trying their best to determine the perpetrators and bring them to justice," the airport manager said. Talumpa, a member of the political opposition, won a hotly contested electoral contest for mayor of Labangan in last May's local elections. [Ibid]

Politicians in the Philippines

Personality and image count for a lot on Philippines politics. Presidential candidates have included high school drop out movie stars. In some cases they have had no public service experience before running for office. It is common in Philippine politics for movie stars, basketball players and comedians to be elected to public office. The two top vote getters in a 1992 Senate election were a former action-movie star and slapstick comedian. In the 1998 election, more than 100 candidates in national elections were former entertainers. Former police chief and Manila mayor Alfredo Lim was nicknamed "Dirty Harry" for having little respect for civil liberties.

According to everyculture.com: “Men of rank in the military also move into the political arena. Joseph Estrada, whose term as president is 1998–2004, entered the public eye as a popular film star. He then became the mayor of a large city and went on to become vice president in the Ramos administration. Previous presidents have had political or military backgrounds, with the exception of Corazon Aquino, the president from 1986 to 1992, who became politically active after her husband was assassinated. [Source: everyculture.com]

It is also not unusual for Philippines politicians to have a criminal record. The top politician on the island of Palawan, Edward Hagedorn. who has been greatly praised for his can do achievements, himself grew up as a petty criminal and became a gambling lord who was jailed for allegedly killing two policeman in a shootout and abandoned his wife and child to live with a showgirl he met at a bar. Using managment skills that he may have picked as a gangster he got roads paves, cracked down on illegal logging and fishing, and delivered on promises of bringing low-cost housing, clinics and garbage collection to remote villages. Hagedorn became so famous his life was made into a film staring future presidential candidate Edward Poe.

Ferdinand Marcos was accused of killing a man. President Joseph Estrada and popular politician and president candidate Edward Poe were popular actors. See History

Speaker Jose de Venecia: the Consumate Filipino Politician

Bong Austero wrote in his blog: “Speaker Jose de Venecia says he now wants to spend the last years of his life building his legacy to the Filipino people. The speaker is 70 years old. He is the longest-serving speaker of the House of Representatives. He could have been president of this country had it not been for the fact that someone more popular and more in touch with the common man was also running for the post in that particular election. He lost to Joseph Estrada, the actor. His running mate, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, however, won the vice presidency. Estrada would eventually get booted out of office, tried, and convicted for plunder. And as fate would have it, De Venecia’s running mate became President. [Source: bongaustero.blogspot.jp, October 22, 2007 /=]

“For quite sometime, De Venecia’s political fortunes were in limbo. But he eventually bounced back from the pits and reclaimed his seat as speaker of the House of Representatives, proof of the man’s resilience and tenacity as a political animal. This is a man who has fought many battles; a man who speaks with the wisdom of not only the aged, but of someone who has been a constant fixture in the political scene in the last four or five decades. In another time and place, when someone of De Venecia’s stature and experience speaks of moral regeneration and of the urgency of reclaiming the country’s pride and honor, we should be compelled to sit up and listen. /=\

“Sadly, this does not seem to be the case today. It has become difficult to empathize with the man. Not only because in all his TV appearances last week the speaker came across as a forlorn figure, of someone betrayed and on the brink of defeat. There was no fire in his eyes and his rhetoric lacked conviction. This is sad because what De Venecia is saying is true. This country needs moral regeneration. But corruption has not only become systemic and widespread, brazen and so unspeakably scandalous. We also know theoretical solutions and intellectual discussions won’t be enough. What we need are drastic and more effective courses of action. /=\

“It is difficult to empathize with De Venecia and his cause because despite the grand pronouncements, it is clear that the man is simply fighting for political survival. This is evident in the way De Venecia continues to hem and haw about where his political loyalties now reside. Despite thinly veiled threats about possible courses of actions that he might take if the current dispensation continues to marginalize him, we know that his main motivation is self-preservation. He wants to retire as speaker and this is only possible if he plays his cards right. It’s a political zarzuela. De Venecia is saying all the right things but unfortunately fails to buttress his rhetoric with the necessary actions indicative of moral courage. Thus, we can be forgiven for not trusting him at this point.” /=\

Political Parties in the Philippines

Political parties and leaders: 1) Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (Struggle of Filipino Democrats) or LDP [Edgardo Angara]; 2) Lakas ng EDSA-Christian Muslim Democrats or Lakas-CMD [Manuel "Mar" Roxas]; 3) Liberal Party or LP [Manuel Roxas]; 4) Nacionalista Party or NP [Manuel "Manny" Villar]; 4) Nationalist People's Coalition or NPC [Frisco San Juan]; 5) PDP-Laban [Aquilino Pimentel]; 6) People's Reform Party [Miriam Defensor Santiago]; 7) Puwersa ng Masang Pilipino (Force of the Philippine Masses) or PMP [Joseph Estrada]. The United Nationalist Alliance or [UNA] - PDP-Laban and PMP coalition for the 2013 election. Political pressure groups and leaders: Black and White Movement [Vicente Romano]; Kilosbayan [Jovito Salonga] [Source: CIA World Factbook]

Philippine political parties are essentially nonideological vehicles for personal and factional political ambition. Ruling party: The Liberal Party is the party of Benigno Aquino III, the current president of the Philippines. The Liberal Party, a democratic-elitist party founded in 1946, survived fourteen years of dormancy (1972 to 1986), largely through the staunch integrity of its central figure, Senate president Jovito Salonga, a survivor of the Plaza Miranda grenade attack of September 1971. In 1991 Salonga also was interested in the presidency, despite poor health and the fact that he is a Protestant in a largely Catholic country. Former President Macapagal-Arroyo is a member of the conservative Lakas-Christian Muslim Democratic Party (Lakas-CMD).

Political parties are not that strong in the Philippines. Rewriting the constitution to eliminate term limits and establishing a strong two-party system are the reforms that are discussed most often. Politicians move from party to party as the needs of their constituencies dictate because the political parties have no ideologies. [Source: everyculture.com]

Senate - percent of vote by party for 2013 election - UNA 26.94 percent, NP 15.3 percent, LP 11.32 percent, NPC 10.15 percent, LDP 5.38 percent, PDP-Laban 4.95 percent, others 9.72 percent, independents 16.24 percent; seats by party after 2013 election - UNA 5, NP 5, LP 4, Lakas 2, NPC 2, LDP 1, PDP-Laban 1, PRP 1, independents 3; House of Representatives - percent of vote by party - LP 38.3 percent, NPC 17.4 percent, UNA 11.4 percent, NUP 8.7 percent, NP 8.5 percent, Lakas 5.3 percent, independents 6.0 percent, others 4.4 percent; seats by party - LP 110, NPC 43, NUP 24, NP 17, Lakas 14, UNA 8, independents 6, others 12; party-list 57 [Source: CIA World Factbook]

After the May 2004 election, Lakas controlled the largest faction in the House of Representatives (100 seats). Lakas-CMD has formed a governing coalition with the Liberal Party (32 seats). Others major parties in the House at that time were the Nationalist Peoples Coalition (47 seats), led by the business tycoon Eduardo Cojuangco; Struggle for Democratic Filipinos (nine seats); Nationalista Party (six seats); Akbayan (three seats); Association of Philippine Electric Co-operatives (three seats); Bayan Muna (three seats); Power of the Filipino Masses (three seats); Aksyon Demokratiko, Promdi, and Reporma, which have formed an alliance (two seats); Philippine Democratic Party (two seats); and Philippines Democratic Socialist Party (two seats).

The Communists (NPA) split among the ranks.

Political Parties After the Ouster of Marcos

Political parties grew in profusion after the Marcos martiallaw regime (1972-81) was ended. There were 105 political parties registered in 1988. As in the pre-Marcos era, most legal political parties were coalitions, built around prominent individuals, which focused entirely on winning elections, not on what to do with the power achieved. There was little to distinguish one party from another ideologically, which was why many Filipinos regarded the political system as irrelevant. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The party system in the early 1990s closely resembled that of the premartial law years when the Nacionalista and Liberal parties alternated in power. Although they lacked coherent political programs, they generally championed conservative social positions and avoided taking any position that might divide the electorate. Each party tried to appeal to all regions, all ethnic groups, and all social classes and fostered national unity by never championing one group or region. Neither party had any way to enforce party discipline, so politicians switched capriciously back and forth. The parties were essentially pyramids of patronclient relationships stretching from the remotest villages to Manila. They existed to satisfy particular demands, not to promote general programs. Because nearly all senators and representatives were provincial aristocrats, the parties never tackled the fundamental national problem — the vastly inequitable distribution of land, power, and wealth. *

Ferdinand Marcos mastered that party system, then altered it by establishing an all-embracing ruling party to be the sole vehicle for those who wished to engage in political activity. He called it the New Society Movement (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan). The New Society Movement sought to extend Marcos's reach to far corners of the country. Bureaucrats at all levels were welladvised to join. The New Society Movement offered unlimited patronage. The party won 163 of 178 seats in the National Assembly in 1978 and easily won the 1980 local elections. In 1981 Marcos actually had to create his own opposition, because no one was willing to run against him. *

Pro-Government Parties After Marcos

In 1978 the imprisoned former senators Benigno Aquino and Lorenzo Tañada organized a political party named Lakas ng Bayan (Strength of the Nation; also known by its abbreviated form, LABAN, meaning fight). LABAN won 40 percent of the Manila vote in parliamentary elections that year but was not given a single seat in Marcos's New Society Movement-dominated parliament. After Aquino went into exile in the United States, his wife's brother, former Congressman Jose Cojuangco, managed LABAN. Cojuangco forged an alliance with the Pilipino Democratic Party (PDP), a regional party with strength in the Visayas and Mindanao, that had been organized by Aquilino Pimentel, the mayor of Cagayan de Oro City. The unified party was thereafter known as PDP-LABAN, and it — along with UNIDO conducted Corazon Aquino's presidential campaign against Marcos. [Source: Library of Congress *]

In its early years, PDP-LABAN espoused a strongly nationalist position on economic matters and United States base rights, aspiring to "democratize power and socialize wealth." Later, after Aquino became president, its rhetorical socialism evaporated. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, PDP-LABAN had the distinct advantage of patronage. Aquino named Pimentel her first minister of local government, then summarily dismissed every governor and mayor in the Philippines. Pimentel replaced them with officers in charge known personally to him, thereby creating an instant pyramid of allies throughout the country. Some, but not all, of these officers in charge won election on their own in the January 1988 local elections. *

PDP-LABAN was not immune from the problems that generally plagued Philippine political parties. What mainly kept the party together was the need to keep Aquino in power for her full sixyear term. In June 1988 the party was reorganized as the Struggle of Filipino Democrats (Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino). Speaker of the House Ramon Mitra was its first president, but he resigned the presidency of the party in 1989 in favor of Neptali Gonzales. *

In 1990 Aquino announced the formation of a movement called Kabisig (Arm-in-Arm), conceived as a nongovernmental organization to revive the spirit of People's Power and get around an obstinate bureaucracy and a conservative Congress. By 1991 its resemblance to a nascent political party worried the more traditional leadership, particularly Mitra. Part of Aquino's governing style was to maintain a stance of being "above politics." Although she endorsed political candidates, she refused to form a political party of her own, relying instead on her personal probity, spirituality, and simple living to maintain popular support. *

Opposition Parties After Marcos

The New Society Movement fell apart when Marcos fled the country. A former National Assembly speaker, Nicanor Yniguez, tried to "reorganize" it, but others scrambled to start new parties with new names. Blas Ople, Marcos's minister of labor, formed the Nationalist Party of the Philippines (Partido Nationalista ng Pilipinas) in March 1986. Enrile sought political refuge in a revival of the country's oldest party, the Nacionalista Party, first formed in 1907. Enrile used the rusty Nacionalista machinery and an ethnic network of Ilocanos to campaign for a no vote on the Constitution, and when that failed, for his election to the Senate. Lengthy negotiations with mistrustful political "allies" such as Ople and Laurel delayed the formal reestablishment of the Nacionalista Party until May 1989. Enrile also experimented with a short-lived Grand Alliance for Democracy with Francisco "Kit" Tatad, the erstwhile minister of information for Marcos, and the popular movie-star senator, Joseph Estrada. In 1991 Enrile remained a very powerful political figure, with landholdings all over the Philippines and a clandestine network of dissident military officers. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Vice President Laurel had few supporters in the military but long-term experience in political organizing. From his family base in Batangas Province, Laurel had cautiously distanced himself from Marcos in the early 1980s, then moved into open opposition under the banner of a loose alliance named the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO). Eventually, the UNIDO became Laurel's personal party. Aquino used the party's organization in February 1986, although her alliance with Laurel was never more than tactical. UNIDO might have endured had Aquino's allies granted Laurel more patronage when local governments were reorganized. As it was, Laurel could reward his supporters only with positions in the foreign service, and even there the opportunities were severely limited. The party soon fell by the wayside. Laurel and Enrile formed the United Nationalist Alliance, also called the Union for National Action, in 1988. The United Nationalist Alliance proposed a contradictory assortment of ideas including switching from a presidential to a parliamentary form of government, legalizing the Communist Party of the Philippines, and extending the United States bases treaty. By 1991 Laurel had abandoned these ad hoc creations and gone back to the revived Nacionalista Party, in a tentative alliance with Enrile. *

In 1991 a new opposition party, the Filipino Party (Partido Pilipino), was organized as a vehicle for the presidential campaign of Aquino's estranged cousin Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. Despite the political baggage of a long association with Marcos, Cojuangco had the resources to assemble a powerful coalition of clans. *

In September 1986 the revolutionary left, stung by its shortsighted boycott of the February election, formed a legal political party to contest the congressional elections. The Partido ng Bayan (Party of the Nation) allied with other leftleaning groups in an Alliance for New Politics that fielded 7 candidates for the Senate and 103 for the House of Representatives, but it gained absolutely nothing from this exercise. The communists quickly dropped out of the electoral arena and reverted to guerrilla warfare. As of 1991, no Philippine party actively engaged in politics espoused a radical agenda.

Catholic Church and Politics in the Philippines

During the Spanish colonial period, the Catholic Church was extensively involved in colonial administration, especially in rural areas. With the advent of United States control, the Catholic Church relinquished its great estates. Church and state officially were separated, although the church, counting more than 80 percent of the population as members, continued to have influence when it wanted to exert it. For much of the Marcos administration, the official church, led by archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin, adopted a stance of "critical collaboration." This meant that although Sin did not flatly condemn Marcos, he reserved the right to criticize. Below the cardinal, the church was split between conservative and progressive elements, and some priests joined the communistdominated National Democratic Front through a group named Christians for National Liberation. Cardinal Sin was instrumental in the downfall of Marcos. He brokered the critical, if temporary, reconciliation between Aquino and Laurel and warned the Marcoses that vote fraud was "unforgivable." In radio broadcasts, he urged Manileños to come into the streets to help the forces led by Enrile and Ramos when they mutinied in February 1986. The church, therefore, could legitimately claim to be part of the revolutionary coalition. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Aquino is a deeply religious woman who has opened cabinet meetings with prayers and sought spiritual guidance in troubled times. Although there were reports that the Vatican in late 1986 had instructed Cardinal Sin to reduce his involvement in politics, Aquino continued to depend on him. The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines issued a pastoral letter urging people to vote yes in the 1987 constitutional plebiscite. In March 1987, Sin announced that he was bowing out of politics, but two months later he broadcast his support for ten Aquino-backed candidates for the Senate and recommended that voters shun candidates of the left. In 1990 Sin defined his attitude toward the government as one of "critical solidarity." *

The church was very pleased with provisions of the 1987 Constitution that ban abortion and restore a limited role for religion in public education. The Constitution is essentially silent on the matter of family planning. The church used its very substantial influence to hinder government family-planning programs. Despite the fact that the population grew by 100,000 people per month in the late 1980s, Cardinal Sin believed that the Marcos government had gone too far in promoting contraception. He urged Aquino to "repeal, or at least revise" government family-planning programs. In August 1988, the bishops conference denounced contraception as "dehumanizing and ethically objectionable." For churchmen, this was an issue not to be taken lightly. One bishop called for the church to "protect our people from the contraceptive onslaught" and the bishops conference labelled rapid population growth a "nonproblem." In 1989 the United States Department of Commerce projected the Philippine population at 130 million by the year 2020 — in a country the size of California. *

Catholic Leaders and Politics in the Philippines

The Catholic church is one of the strongest institutions in the Philippines and major player in Philippine politics. Support of the Catholic church, and the military, are key to political survival and success in the Philippines. The Catholic is very involved in fighting poverty and in some cases some of its members have been involved in supporting poor tenant farmers in their battles against their rich landlords.

Priests and bishops and other religious leaders are powerful figures in the Philippines. Local priest and ministers are so highly respected that requests from them take on the power of mandates. A family considers having a son or daughter with a religious career as a high honor. Personal friendships with priests, ministers, and nuns are prized. Clerics take an active role in the secular world. An example is Brother Andrew Gonzales, the current secretary of DECS. [Source: everyculture.com]

The Catholic Church and, to a lesser extent, the Protestant churches engaged in a variety of community welfare efforts. These efforts went beyond giving relief and involved attempts to alter the economic position of the poor. Increasingly in the 1970s, these attempts led the armed forces of President Marcos to suspect that church agencies were aiding the communist guerrillas. In spite of reconciliation efforts, the estrangement between the churches and Marcos grew; it culminated in the call by Cardinal Jaime Sin for the people to go to the streets to block efforts of Marcos to remain in office after the questionable election of 1986. The resulting nonviolent uprising was known variously as People's Power and as the EDSA Revolution. [Source: Library of Congress, 1991 *]

The good feeling that initially existed between the church and the government of President Aquino lasted only a short time after her inauguration. Deep-seated divisions over the need for revolutionary changes again led to tension between the government and some elements in the churches. *

Catholics fall into three general groups: conservatives who are suspicious of social action and hold that Christian love could best be expressed through existing structures; moderates, probably the largest group, in favor of social action but inclined to cooperate with government programs; and progressives, who do not trust the government programs, are critical both of Philippine business and of American influence, and feel that drastic change is needed. In the past, progressives were especially disturbed at atrocities accompanying the use of vigilantes. They denied that they were communists, but some of their leaders supported communist fronts, and a few priests actually joined armed guerrilla bands. There appeared to be more progressives among religious-order priests than among diocesan priests. *

Cardinal Sin

Cardinal Jaime L. Sin was the top Catholic figure in the Philippines for decades until his death in 2005. Arguably one of the most powerful men in the Philippines and one of the most powerful Catholic clerics in the world, he was mentioned as a possible successor to Pope John Paul II. The son of Chinese immigrants, Cardinal Sin is well-known for his sense of humor, his name and his jokes about his name. When asked what his chances are of becoming the Pope, he says, "First of all, my name is bad." He often greets guest to his residence with "Welcome to the House of Sin" and is notorious for his bawdy comments.

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: Cardinal Sin “shaped the role of the church during the country's darkest hours after dictator Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law starting in 1972 by championing the cause of civil advocacy, human rights and freedoms. Sin's action mirrored that of his strong backer, Pope John Paul II, who himself challenged communist rulers in Eastern Europe. Three years after Benigno Aquino Sr., a senator opposing Marcos, was gunned down on the Manila airport tarmac in 1983, Sin persuaded Aquino's widow, Corazon, to run for president. When massive election cheating by Marcos was exposed, Sin went on Catholic-run Radio Veritas in February 1986 to summon millions of people to support military defectors and the Aquino-led opposition. Marcos fled and Aquino, a deeply religious woman, was sworn in as president. Democracy was restored, but the country remained chaotic. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, January 3, 2013 ]

Cardinal Sin influence goes back to the Marcos era. Once when he sitting between Marcos and his wife Imelda in the back seat of the presidential limousine, Marcos asked him why he was so quiet. "Because," he said, "I feel like I am being crucified between two thieves." Marcos reportedly thought comment was funny but Imelda wouldn't speak to the cardinal for three months after that.

Michelle O'Donnell wrote in the New York Times, “Cardinal Jaime L. Sin, the powerful Roman Catholic archbishop of Manila, used his influence to champion the rights of the poor and rally the widespread popular resistance that brought down the presidencies of Ferdinand E. Marcos and Joseph Estrada Cardinal Sin led the nearly 40 million Catholics in the Philippines for almost three decades, through political upheaval that brought martial law, repressive dictatorship and democratic rule. A round-faced, bespectacled man, he was known for his sense of humor that included poking fun of his own name. But it was through his withering and unwavering public criticism of the Marcos regime in the 1980's that Cardinal Sin became an international figure. [Source: Michelle O'Donnell, New York Times, June 21, 2005 +++]

“At a time when reform-minded clergy in other developing countries were targets of assassination, Cardinal Sin tirelessly used his pulpit first as bishop, then archbishop, to attack Mr. Marcos' martial law, corruption and policies that oppressed the poor. Yet unlike Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, a contemporary who also worked to empower the poor and was fatally shot as he delivered a homily in 1980, Cardinal Sin seemed insulated from personal harm. "If you compare him to Romero, he spoke out as much as Romero did," said the Rev. Paul L. Locatelli, the president of Santa Clara University. "He saw justice as making sure that the poor had a voice." But he was not witho Under the cardinal's tenure, the church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests, according to The Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual misconduct by priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++

During his long career, the cardinal was not without his critics. He staunchly opposed artificial means of birth control, which some critics said left the country overpopulated and mired in poverty. Under the cardinal's tenure, the church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests, according to The Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual misconduct by priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++

See Religion

Protests and Demonstrations in the Philippines

Describing a Manila protest against President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2006, Nicola Menzie of CBS wrote: “Riot police used water cannons and truncheons to break up a rally by more than 1,500 protesters as they demanded President Arroyo be removed from office. The protesters appeared emboldened by the success of similar protests in Thailand that led to Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's resignation from office. The demonstrators reported several injuries as a result of police using wooden sticks, fiberglass shields and water cannon spray in order to force them away from a bridge leading to the presidential palace. Rallies have been banned in the area, which has been the scene of recent clashes between police and demonstrators. Leftist groups have vowed to continue protests and are calling for Arroyo's ouster over corruption and vote-rigging allegations. [Source: Nicola Menzie, CBS, April 6, 2006]

The next day, Fight Back! News reported: “Riot police in the Philippines attacked and broke up a demonstration by human rights activists marching near an international parliamentarians' conference. The protesters were gathering at the Malate Church in Manila en route to the Philippine International Convention Center. The police injured various people, including Catholic priests from the organization Promotion for Church People’s Response (PCPR). Baton-wielding police charged into the protesters near the conference site for the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) assembly where about 1,400 lawmakers from 145 countries were meeting. Human rights activists led by several priests and nuns marched on the conference to protest widespread human rights violations in the Philippines under the Arroyo government, including a number of recent killings of political activists. [Source: Fight Back! News, April 12, 2005]

Filipinos Grow Disillusioned with People Power Protests

The Philippine middle-class, instrumental in the overthrow of presidents Marcos and Estrada, is fed up with political turbulence and wants stability, political analysts say. In 2005, Alan Sipress wrote in the Washington Post, “Jennifer Santos's eyes gleamed as she recalled her days as a young housewife staring down government tanks ordered to the streets by longtime dictator Ferdinand Marcos. For the better part of a week in 1986, she and tens of thousands of other Filipinos, carrying flowers and rosary beads, camped along the capital's gritty Edsa Boulevard until Marcos fell. She remembered with less enthusiasm returning to the boulevard four years ago when another graft-tainted leader, Joseph Estrada, left office after a single night of protests. "By the next morning," Santos recounted, "I was in Starbucks drinking coffee, and we had a new president." [Source: Alan Sipress, Washington Post, July 10, 2005 ^/^]

“Now, that president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, is facing a crescendo of calls to step down due to allegations she cheated in national elections last year. But like the vast majority of other Edsa veterans, Santos, 44, is not very interested in joining the few protesters on the streets. "I got tired. It happens over and over again," Santos said. "Our political system never changes." Across Manila, disappointment in Arroyo is surpassed only by a weary recognition that the Philippines' celebrated protest movement known as "people power" has run its course, and that no new political savior is at hand to rally the masses. ^/^

“Only several thousand flag-waving demonstrators joined the main anti-Arroyo rally in Manila's business district. Local office workers appeared almost oblivious to the event. The six-lane Edsa Boulevard was clogged with traffic. Not a protester was in sight and the adjacent plaza at the heroic People Power monument was empty. ^/^

“Luzviminda A. Santos, 52, a compact woman with intense brown eyes and shoulder-length black hair streaked with gray, was invited by several friends to join a small anti-Arroyo demonstration Saturday morning outside the local Santo Domingo church. She told them she would try to make it, but instead stayed home drinking coffee and watching the dizzying political developments on television. "I said to myself, 'What for?' " Four years ago, Santos said, she was among the first to reach Edsa Boulevard and demand Estrada's ouster. But this time there was little idealism, and the ascension of Arroyo, a product of the wealthy landed classes, was an immediate letdown. "Everyone is fatigued now with people power. It can't snowball to people power again," she said. But now, she said her family is less interested in the current political showdown than the basketball game Sunday between the country's two premier universities. She predicted the Manila sports coliseum would attract more people this weekend than any demonstration. "Are there people in Edsa now?" she asked. "Is anything happening now? I don't even care." ^/^

Image Sources:

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Philippines Department of Tourism, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

Last updated June 2015

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The Philippine Government

Updated 30 September 2022

Subject Politics

Downloads 33

Category Government

Topic Philippine Government

The Philippines' political elite is highly adaptable and resilient. Though a president is only allowed to serve for a maximum of six years, his influence is still substantial. He wields influence in policymaking, elections, and regulatory bodies. He also has influence in jurisprudence and the distribution of government resources.Power is divided among three branches of government The Philippine government is divided into three main branches: the executive, the judicial, and the legislative. The executive branch is composed of the President and Vice President and is responsible for enacting laws. It also has the power to declare war. The executive branch has a chief justice and a cabinet. The President is the head of state and leader of the national government. He serves for six years and is not eligible for reelection. The legislative branch includes the House of Representatives and Senate.The first branch is the Parliament. The Congress of Deputies has 350 members. All bills must pass the Congress's committees before they are submitted to the Senate. If the president vetoes a bill, the Senate has the power to amend the text. Only after a new examination can the Senate make a final decision. The Congress is responsible for the investiture of the President of the Government. A motion of censure by the Congress of Deputies or the Senate can lead to the President's resignation.The Senate is the highest legislative branch. Its members are elected to six-year terms. They can be re-elected, but cannot serve for a third consecutive term. If there is a vacancy in a legislative seat, a special election may be called. If the seat in the Senate becomes vacant, the House of Representatives will vote to fill it with a new member. If the position is vacant before the regular legislative election, a special election will be held. In this case, the new member of the Senate will serve out the unfinished term of the district representative who left. This election is only held for senatorial seats that are vacant ahead of the regular legislative election. The current president of the Senate is Bongbong Marcos, while Sara Duterte is the vice president.Influence of oligarchic clans on politics Philippine politics are dominated by oligarchic clans, who hold considerable economic and political power. These clans have prevented the country from making the necessary reforms toward democracy and a market economy. Even the president, Duterte, has failed to challenge these power structures and has even used these to his advantage. However, this situation must change if Philippine politics are to undergo significant transformation.The rise of oligarchic clans in Philippine politics is not a recent phenomenon. The country was dominated by a few clans in the past, and these clans were able to consolidate their power base by creating new power networks. After the Japanese occupation, local strongmen reorganized themselves and created powerful client networks. In addition, they seized control of the military, which was once apolitical. Local warlords swept into power, and by 2000, one such warlord was able to seize control of the national state.Although Philippine society is very poor, the oligarchic clans have significant social capital. They dominate local and national politics. As a result, elections are dominated by individuals and families with political interests. In addition, the country's political system is susceptible to electoral fraud and corruption. In addition to the political influence of oligarchic clans, the Philippine military, Catholic Church, and the United States are heavily involved in Philippine politics.Growing authoritarianism under Rodrigo Duterte Duterte's era has marked a profound decline in human rights and civil liberties. His brutal campaign against drugs and illegal immigrants, often carried out by vigilante groups, has increased police power and political influence. His anti-drug measures have also reduced freedom of speech and led to the deaths of opposition activists.In spite of the Philippines' formal democracy and separation of powers, the Philippines has become increasingly authoritarian. President Rodrigo Duterte presents his rule as based on the principle of law and order, and has undermined checks and balances. His actions against the Senate and the Supreme Court have also increased his power.Although Duterte's administration has attempted to address these problems, it has not succeeded in doing so. It has also failed to implement many of the reforms required for a democracy and a market economy. This is largely due to the oligarchic nature of the government, and the inability of the Duterte administration to challenge the dominance of family clans.Need for infrastructure improvements The Philippines faces a number of challenges when it comes to infrastructure development. For example, the Philippines lacks the adequate financial resources to undertake large infrastructure projects. In addition, there are several challenges associated with public expenditure management. Moreover, the country's poor coordination among agencies limits the effectiveness of infrastructure projects. For these reasons, the Philippines must increase public participation and improve efficiency of government spending on infrastructure projects. The government can also encourage private sector participation by developing domestic capital markets.Investments in infrastructure will boost the country's economic growth and improve the lives of ordinary citizens. For instance, better roads and internet services will allow farmers to sell their products and raise the living standards of rural people. Improved infrastructure will also reduce costs of doing business and improve productivity. In addition, these investments will help the country compete in the global market.Improved infrastructure is crucial for the Philippines to achieve inclusive growth. It will help promote business, trade, and job creation, as well as alleviate poverty. There are several reforms that will be needed in order to achieve these goals. Infrastructure development in the Philippines marks an exciting phase of the country's development. This investment is a critical step towards bringing more Filipinos out of poverty.

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Civil Society, Political Alliance-Building, and Democratization in the Philippines: An Instructive Example for the MENA Region?

Jasmin Lorch

The MENA and Southeast Asia regions have undergone and continue to undergo massive political transitions. Differences in the process and outcomes of their transitions can be viewed through the lens of a “civil society infrastructure” and the qualitative differences in both these regions. This essay series engages a variety of issues regarding the roles and impact of civil society organizations (CSOs) in these two regions during the transition and pre-transition periods as well as in instances where the political transition is completed. Read more ...

Democratization in the Philippines is often considered the textbook example of a democratic transition that was brought about by civil society activism. In February 1986, popular demonstrations commonly referred to as People Power were followed by the crumbling of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos. [1] Starting from the late 1980s, civil society representatives, including NGO leaders, leftist activists, and public intellectuals, have occupied influential positions in successive democratic governments, which has allowed them to contribute to the formulation of reformist laws and policies. [2] A closer look reveals, however, that Philippine civil society actors have been able to exert this level of political influence only because they have forged alliances with powerful, and sometimes highly controversial, political elites, including traditional political families, established political dynasties with access to land and economic wealth, populists, and even the military.

Civil Society Influence and Political Alliance-Building in the Philippines

Much of the literature on civil society assumes that civil society is a sphere that is highly autonomous from the state, the family, and the market and that this autonomy constitutes an essential precondition for civil society groups to realize their political potential. [3] The case of the Philippines contradicts this assumption. On closer inspection, the fall of Marcos, after massive popular demonstrations on Metro Manila’s Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA), can be traced to a complex process of political coalition-building in which not only civil society but also the powerful Catholic Church, the business community, and the traditional political elite played a vital role. [4] Moreover, alongside peaceful demonstrations, a military mutiny staged by the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) also played a key role in Marcos’ fall. Military intervention thus constituted “the dark side of EDSA.” [5]

In the post-authoritarian period, civil society actors as different as NGOs, liberal democratic organizations, and leftist associations, with (former) ties to the Communist underground, have joined highly fluid and ideologically broad-based electoral coalitions and supported the electoral campaigns of traditional political elites, former military officers, and populists—a pattern that Abinales has called “coalition politics.” [6] Where such electoral coalitions have been successful in bringing a candidate to power, civil society activists who played an important role in mobilizing support for the latter’s electoral campaign have often been appointed to high-level decision-making posts. In particular, civil society representatives have held positions in successive Presidential Cabinets. [7] This “cross-over leadership,” as the phenomenon has become known locally as well as internationally, [8] has allowed civil society leaders to act as heads of important state agencies, such as the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) or the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA), thereby enabling them to enhance the quality of social services provided by the state. [9] In an interview, a prominent leftist civil society leader described this strategy of political alliance-building as “political judo,” or, in other words, as a way to use the strength of civil society’s adversaries from the political elite to achieve political objectives defined by civil society. [10]

Since donor support to civil society dwindled from the late 1990s onwards, various civil society actors have also used the strategies of political alliance-building and “cross-over leadership” in order to get access to state resources. For instance, civil society groups with representatives or allies in the bureaucracy or the parliament have often been more likely to benefit from development projects contracted out by the state, or from so-called “pork barrel funds,” priority development funds allocated by the president to loyal supporters in Congress. Various civil society actors have thus become involved in patron-client ties, and, in some cases, quarrels over particularistic spoils and preferential access to state resources have led to serious conflicts and frictions between and among civil society groups. [11]

In 2001, the Philippines saw a reprise of People Power when an ideologically broad-based spectrum of civil society groups, including development NGOs, leftist activists, and liberal democratic groups, mobilized large-scale demonstrations to demand the ouster of populist President Josef Estrada on corruption charges. [12] The protests swept to power Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA), a member of the traditional political elite. Despite its success, People Power II caused serious frictions within the national civil society, given that Estrada’s ruling coalition had been supported by prominent civil society leaders as well. [13] Moreover, the ouster of Estrada was highly problematic from a democratic point of view, given that he had come to power on a broad electoral mandate, leading Thompson to speak of “uncivil” society in the Philippines. [14] This appears all the more justified if one considers the role played by the army in making EDSA II succeed. Notably, it was only when the Chief of the Army Staff withdrew his support from Estrada that the latter finally fell, leading to categorizations of the ESDSA II demonstrations as a “civilian-military uprising,” [15] or as an uprising that had “equal ingredients of civilian and military participation.” [16]

Philippine People Power and the Role of the Military

As can be seen from the elaborations above, both in 1986 and in 2001, People Power in the Philippines required a substantial military component to succeed. [17] Moreover, with regard to the way how military intervention in the Philippines has sometimes been perceived in the light of the historical experiences of EDSA I and EDSA II, Spaeth has argued that one of the “unintended and unfortunate legacies of People Power (has been) that a coup, popular or otherwise, is considered a legitimate―glorious even―way to transfer power.” [18] This has had severe negative repercussions on the prospects for democratic consolidation in general and the long-term democratic potential of civil society in particular.

The concept of a “Coup Cum Revolution” has been floating within restive military circles since the first People Power revolt, with several rebellious military groups that succeeded the RAM, such as the Young Officers Union (YOU) and, more recently, the Magdalo group, trying to re-create EDSA for the purpose of toppling elected governments. [19] On 24 February 2006, the twentieth anniversary of the first EDSA uprising, the Philippine Armed Forces (AFP) foiled an attempted Coup Cum Revolution plotted by rebel military officers against the government of Arroyo. [20] Some prominent civil society actors, including public intellectuals, NGO leaders, leftist activists and even members of the Catholic Church, reportedly supported the attempt to oust the President with the help of the military. [21] The local weekly Newsbreak accused the civilian groups involved in the endeavor of “romancing the military.” [22] Popular protests planned at different places in Metro Manila failed to draw large crowds and were quickly quelled by security forces loyal to Arroyo, [23] showcasing an increasing divide between many elitist civil society leaders and the broader society. Some civil society leaders were also present during the Manila Peninsula Rebellion. [24] During this other military uprising against Arroyo, junior rebel officers belonging to the Magdalo group laid siege to the Manila Peninsula Hotel in the capital’s financial district of Makati, hoping that their intervention would snowball into a reprise of “People Power”. [25]

Civil Society in the Philippines: An Instructive Example for the MENA Region?

The Philippines and the countries of the MENA region differ greatly in terms of their historical legacies as well as their cultural and religious conditions. Nevertheless, reflecting on the possible implications of the Philippine experience for the MENA region appears worthwhile, given that the Arab Spring has led to renewed academic enthusiasm about the presumed role that civil society mobilization may be able to play in processes of democratic transition. [26] Concurrently, “Western” development assistance to civil society in the MENA region and the broader Middle East has also been on the rise since the Arab Spring. [27]

If the case of the Philippines is any measure, civil society actors rely on strategic alliances with political elites in order to be able to exert profound political influence, and popular demonstrations led by civil society are dependent on at least tacit military support to succeed. A cursory look at the MENA region shows a rather similar pattern. During the Arab Spring, civilian protests toppled authoritarian regimes only in those countries where the military chose not to crack down, or even sided with the protesters. [28] In Tunisia, the most frequently cited success story of the Arab Spring, the armed forces refused orders by Ben Ali to open fire on unarmed demonstrators. The military then moved to protect the protesting crowds from security forces loyal to the President, thus actively contributing to the removal of the authoritarian regime. [29] In Egypt, the military enabled the success of the public protests against authoritarian President Hosni Mubarak in 2011 by refusing to crack down on the demonstrators and terming the latter’s demands as legitimate. [30] In mid-2012, the Egyptian armed forces allowed for popular elections won by the Muslim Brotherhood, [31] but they moved to assume direct political control soon afterwards.

No regime change occurred in Algeria, even though the country did witness popular protests during the Arab Spring and even though its civil society was arguably more vibrant than Tunisian civil society under Ben Ali. [32] In early 2011, the National Coordination for Change and Democracy (NCCD), an alliance of civil society groups and political opposition parties, was organized and called for reforms. But it failed to achieve substantial democratic change, given that the opposition was internally divided and the military had a vital political and economic interest in preserving the existing political regime. [33] As Volpi has noted, Algeria’s system of entrenched “neopraetorianism” left “little chance for a protest-induced regime-change scenario in which the military stands by and lets a revolt run its course.” [34]

Under the current political system of durable authoritarian rule, some civil society actors establish working relations and personal connections with members of the ruling elite to realize concrete policy changes. Some women’s rights groups, for instance, engage with parliamentarians, state ministries, and members of the Cabinet to improve the political representation of women and change the country’s discriminatory Family Code. [35] In the run-up to the elections of 2014, presidential contender Ali Benflis as able to mobilize some degree of civil society support. [36] While Benflis promised political change and was a major opponent of incumbent President Bouteflika, he was clearly a member of the established political elite himself, having served as the country’s prime minister from 2000 to 2003. [37]

Moreover, the case of the Philippines also shows that a “post-people power system” can be highly unstable and prone to military interventions, [38] both in their purer forms and in the form of Coups Cum Revolution. In the MENA region, this pattern is particularly evident in the case of Egypt. In June 2013, and, thus, not even two and a half years after the ouster of Mubarak, the Egyptian military toppled elected President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood and assumed direct political control, following considerable civil society mobilization. [39] In an article published in Foreign Affairs , Encarnación has compared the military intervention against Morsi to the toppling of Joseph Estrada in the Philippines through People Power II, as well as to the temporary military ouster of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, which occurred in 2002 after massive civil society mobilizations. According to Encarnación, all these three events constituted “civil society coups,” which, as he concludes, are “seldom, if ever, a good thing for democracy.” [40] Other authors have characterized the ouster of Morsi as a “Civil Society Coup,” [41] or as a “Coup Cum Revolution” [42] as well.

As shown above, the case of the Philippines also suggests that the strategy of political alliance-building can lead to severe fragmentations within civil society itself, [43] and that civil society groups who rely on state resources can easily become involved in patron-client ties. This finding may also be relevant for rentier economies in the MENA region and the broader Middle East, where the state acts as the main provider of resources and income for many. Again, the case of Algeria is telling in this regard. In a reaction to the Arab Spring, the Algerian regime in late 2012 issued a new Law on Associations, which severely curtails the ability of NGOs and other civil society organizations to receive foreign funding. [44] At the same time, the Algerian rentier state coopts and divides civil society groups with the help of selective financial allocations, usually in the form of annual subventions. [45] For instance, the regime uses particularistic financial allocations in order to create loyal “clones” of popular civil society associations, which it perceives as being too critical. [46] In addition to this, many Algerian civil society groups also experience tensions due to political affiliations, both actual and perceived. Some rights-based associations, for example, have reportedly split because some of their members have sympathized with opposing political parties. [47]

In sum, cursory evidence from the MENA region thus seems to confirm the finding from the Philippine case that forging alliances with political elites can enable civil society actors to gain access to valuable material resources and exert substantial political influence. However, whether such civil society influence is good or bad for democracy will depend on the particular types of power constellations and the specific political deals that civil society actors choose to enter into.

[1] For such a positive view on the role played by civil society in the democratization of the Philippines see, for example, Karina Constantino-David, “From the Present Looking Back: A History of Philippine NGOs,” in G. Sidney Silliman and Lela Garner Noble (eds), Organizing for Democracy. NGOs, Civil Society, and the Philippine State (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), pp. 26-48; Aurel Croissant, “Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft in Ostasien,” Nord-S üd aktuell , Vol. 17, No. 2 (2003), pp. 239-260; G. Sidney Siliman and Lela Garner Noble, “NGOs in Context. Introduction,” in G. Sidney Silliman and Lela Garner Noble (eds), Organizing for Democracy (1998), pp. 3-25; Mary Racelis, “New Visions and Strong Actions: Civil Society in the Philippines,” in Marina Ottaway and Thomas Carothers (eds), Funding Virtue. Civil Society Aid and Democracy Promotion (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2000), pp. 159-187.

[2] Patricio N. Abinales and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing. Inc., 2005),pp. 239ff.; David Lewis, “Crossing Boundaries between ‘Third Sector’ and State: life-work histories from the Philippines, Bangladesh and the UK,” Third World Quarterly , Vol. 29, No. 1 (2008), pp. 128ff.

[3] Michael Edwards, Civil Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004); for a prominent example see Jean L. Cohen Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA/London: MIT Press, 1997).

[4] For superb elaborations on these processes of political coalition building see, for example, Eva-Lotta E. Hedman, In the Name of Civil Society. From Free Election Movements to People Power in the Philippines (Manila: Manila University Press, 2006); Mark R. Thompson, The Anti-Marcos Struggle: Personalistic Rule and Democratic Transition in the Philippines (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995).

[5] Yabes, Griselda 2009, The Boys from the Barracks. The Philippine Military After EDSA , Updated Edition, Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., p. 10. On the important role played by the military in the ouster of Marcos see also Miranda, Felipe B. and Ciron, Ruben F., 1987, ‘Development and the Military in the Philippines: Military Perceptions in a Time of Continuing Crisis’, in J. Soedjati Djiwandono and Yong Mun Cheong (eds), Soldiers and stability in Southeast Asia , Singapore: ISEAS, pp. 163f.; Selochan, Viberto 1991, ‘The Armed Forces of the Philippines and Political Instability’, in Viberto Selochan (ed.), The Military, State, and Development in Asia and the Pacific , Boulder, CO/London: Westview Press, pp. 97f.

[6] Patricio N. Abinales, “Coalition Politics in the Philippines,” Current History , Vol. 100, No. 645 (2001), pp. 154-161.

[7] Patricio N. Abinales, “Coalition Politics in the Philippines”; Patricio N. Abinales and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines (2005), pp. 239f.; David Lewis, “Crossing Boundaries between ‘Third Sector’ and State” (2008), pp. 128ff.

[8] David Lewis “Crossing Boundaries between ‘Third Sector’ and State,” (2008), p. 128; interview with an international expert, Manila, September 28, 2009; interview with a scholar of the Atteneo de Manila University, Manila, October 14, 2009.

[9] Patricio N. Abinales and Dona J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines (2005), pp. 239ff.; David Lewis, “Crossing Boundaries between ‘Third Sector’ and State” (2008), pp. 128ff.; interview with a well-known leftist civil society leader, October 9, 2009; interview with an NGO expert and scholar of the University of the Philippines, Manila, December 9,/2009.

[10] Interviews with a well-known leftist civil society leader, October 9, 2009 and December 1, 2009.

[11] For instance, struggles revolving around the leadership of the DAR and development projects financed by the agency have often led to conflicts within the civil society-based agrarian reform community. See interview with a well-known leftist civil society leader, October 9, 2009. Similarly, the creation of the Alliance for Rural Concerns (ARC), a civil society group that aligned itself with a traditional political family in order to gain political influence and access “pork barrel funds” created serious rifts within many agrarian reform NGOs and peasant groups. See interviews with agrarian reform advocates, Manila and Baccolod, September to December 2009.

[12] See, for example, Jennifer C. Franco, “The Philippines. Fractious Civil Society and Competing Visions of Democracy,” in Muthiah Alagappa (ed.), Civil Society and Political Change in Asia. Expanding and Contracting Democratic Space (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press (2004), pp. 126ff.; Carl H. Landé, “The return of ‘People Power’ in the Philippines,” Journal of Democracy , Vol. 12, No. 2 (2001), pp. 88-102.

[13] See especially Jennifer C. Franco, “The Philippines. Fractious Civil Society and Competing Visions of Democracy (2004), pp. 126ff.

[14] Mark R. Thompson, “People Power Sours: Uncivil Society in Thailand and the Philippines,” Current History , Vol. 107, No. 712 (2008), pp. 381-387; for other critical assessments of the ouster of Estrada through People Power II see also Eva-Lotta E. Hedman, In the Name of Civil Society (2006), pp. 167-186; Anthony Spaeth, Anthony, “Oops, We Did it Again,” TIME , January 29,.2001, http :// www . time . com / time / world / article /0,8599,2054385,00. html .

[15] Jennifer C. Franco, “The Philippines. Fractious Civil Society and Competing Visions of Democracy” (2004), p. 126.

[16] Griselda Yabes, The Boys from the Barracks (2009), p. 248.

[17] On this point see also Claudia Derichs and Mark R. Thompson, Dynasties and Female Political Leaders in Asia: Gender, Power and Pedigree (LIT Verlag, 2013), p. 175f.

[18] Anthony Spaeth, “Oops, We Did it Again” (2001).

[19] See especially Griselda Yabes, The Boys from the Barracks (2009); see also: William I. Robinson, Promoting Polyarchy. Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 141f.

[20] Marites Vitug and Glenda Glora, “Failed Enterprise,” Newsbreak , March 27, 2006, pp.12-14; Miriam Grace A. Go, Aries Rufo , et al ., “Romancing the Military,” Newsbreak , March 27, 2006, pp.18-21.

[21] Miriam Grace A. Go, Aries Rufo , et al ., “Romancing the Military,” Newsbreak , March 27, 2006; Sonny Melencio, “The February ‘Coup d’Etat’ and the Left’s alliance with the Military,” Socialistworldnet , October 30, 2006, http :// www . socialistworld . net / print /2483 . Interviews with civil society leaders who, according to their own accounts, supported the ouster of Arroyo with the help of the military, Manila, September to December, 2009; interview with a Catholic scholar, Manila, October 2009; interview with an international expert with a long working experience in the Philippines, Manila, September 2009; interview with an General of the Philippine Marines, who played an important role in foiling the February 2006 coup attempt, Manila, November 11, 2009; interview with a military expert, Manila, December 7, 2009.

[22] Grace A. Go, Aries Rufo , et al ., “Romancing the Military” (2006).

[23] See, for example, Sheila S. Coronel, “The Philippines in 2006: Democracy and Its Discontents,” Asian Survey , Vol. 47, No. 1 (2007), pp. 175-182.

[24] Thea Alberto, “Released Manila Pen civilians form new group,” Philippine Daily Inquirer , December 13, 2007, http :// www . inquirer . net / specialreports / makatistandoff / view . php ? db =1& article =20071213-106690 ; interview with a civil society leader arrested during the Manila Pen Rebellion, Manila, December 4, 2009; interviews with a civil society activist present during the Manila Pen Rebellion, Manila, September to December 2009; interview with a leading rebel military officer involved in the Manila Pen Rebellion, Manila, December 14, 2009.

[25] Inquirer Bureaus,”Manila Pen Caper. Elsewhere, local gov’t troops choked off support for Trillanes,” Philippine Daily Inquirer , December 1, 2007; and interview with a leading rebel military officer involved in the Manila Pen Rebellion, Manila, December 14, 2009.

[26] Francesco Cavatorta, Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview (Barcelona: European Institute of the Mediterranean [IEMed], 2012), http :// www . iemed . org / observatori - en / arees - danalisi / arxius - adjunts / anuari / med .2012/ Cavatorta _ en . pdf . See also Joel D. Adriano, “Lessons in misguided people power,” Asia Times Online , February 24, 2011.

[27] Timo Behr and Aaretti Siitonen, Aaretti, Building Bridges or Digging Trenches? Civil Society Engagement after the Arab Spring , The Finish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA) Working Paper, January 2013, p.4.

[28] Daniel Silverman, The Arab Military in the Arab Spring: Agent of Continuity or Change? A Comparative Analysis of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria , APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper, ULR: http :// politicalscience . osu . edu / intranet / cprw / Silverman %20 CPRW %202012. pdf , accessed 08/07/2015.

[29] Ibid., pp. 2; 9f.

[30] Ibid., pp.10f.

[32] Frédéric Volpi, “Algeria versus the Arab Spring,,” Journal of Democracy , Vol. 24, No. 3 (2013), pp. 107ff.; with reference to Jack Brown’s observations on the strength of civil society in Algeria and Tunisia respectively.

[33] Frédéric Volpi, “Algeria versus the Arab Spring” (2013) pp. 207-212.

[34] Ibid., p.112.

[35] Interviews with women’s rights groups in Algiers, September 2014 and March 2015.

[36] Karim Aimeur, “Ça bouge du côté de Benflis,” l ’Expression , November 27, http :// www . lexpressiondz . com / actualite /185211- ca - bouge - du - cote - de - benflis . html ; “Des militants du FLN et la société civile appellent Ali Benflis, ” El Watan ,November 18, 2013, http :// www . djazairess . com / fr / elwatan /435447 ; Wael Hasnaoui, “Algérie: La société civile s’est réveillée,” Le Monde , April 17, 2014, http :// www . lemonde . fr / idees / article /2014/04/17/ algerie - la - societe - civile - s - est - reveillee _4403210_3232. html .

[37] Isabelle Mandraud, “En Algérie, Ali Benflis, l’homme du changement » issu du sérail,” Le Monde , April 3, 2014, http :// www . lemonde . fr / afrique / article /2014/04/03/ ali - benflis - l - homme - du - changement - issu - du - serail _4394814_3212. html .

[38] Joel D. Adriano, “Lessons in misguided people power” (2011).

[39] Thomas Demmelhuber, “Kann ein Putsch demokratisch sein? Normativer Etikettenschwindel in Ägypten,” Zeitschrift f ür Politikwissenschaft , 61 (January2014); W.J. Dorman, “Egypt’s ‘civil society coup’ and the resilience of the post-1952 order,” openDemocracy , October 10, 2013, http :// www . opendemocracy . net / arab - awakening / wj - dorman / egypts - civil - society - coup - and - resilience - of - post -1952- order .

[40] Omar G. Encarnación, “Even Good Coups Are Bad. Lessons for Egypt from Venezuela, the Philippines, and Beyond,” Foreign Affairs (July 2013), http :// www . foreignaffairs . com / articles /139570/ omar - encarnacion / even - good - coups - are - bad .

[41] W.J. Dorman, “Egypt’s ‘civil society coup’ and the resilience of the post-1952 order” (2013).

[42] Islam Al Tayeb, “Fallout for Turkey over events in Egypt,” IISS Voices , November 22, 2013, https :// www . iiss . org / en / iiss %20 voices / blogsections / iiss - voices -2013-1 e 35/ november -2013-1 d 99/ fallout - for - turkey - over - events - in - egypt -2 e 2 e ; Bessma Monami, “Morsi’s Last, Lonely Days in Power,” Opencanada.org , July 9, 2013, http :// opencanada . org / features / blogs / roundtable / morsis - last - lonely - days - in - power / .

[43] On this point see also Jennifer C. Franco, “The Philippines. Fractious Civil Society and Competing Visions of Democracy” (2004).

[44] Human Rights Watch, Algeria: Bureaucratic Ploy Used to Stiffle Accociations. Billed as Reformist, 2012 Law Hindering Independent Groups (2013), https :// www . hrw . org / news /2014/03/30/ algeria - bureaucratic - ploys - used - stifle - associations .

[45] Interviews with civil society associations in Algiers and Oran, September 2014 and March 2015. See also Andres Liverani, Civil Society in Algeria. The political functions of associational life (Oxon: Routledge, 2008).

[46] Interview with a local scholar, Algiers, September 14, 2014; interview with an independent journalist, Oran, September 11, 2014.

[47] Interviews with civil society associations, Algiers, March 2015.

The Middle East Institute (MEI) is an independent, non-partisan, non-for-profit, educational organization. It does not engage in advocacy and its scholars’ opinions are their own. MEI welcomes financial donations, but retains sole editorial control over its work and its publications reflect only the authors’ views. For a listing of MEI donors, please click here .

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Politics of the Philippines: From Rizal to Duterte by Richard Javad Heydarian LAST REVIEWED: 21 April 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 21 April 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0333

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