(n = 204)
Note. χ 2 = Chi-square value; p = p value; V = Cramer’s V value; * = Cells with overrepresentation of subjects.
As shown in Table 1 , single men and married/cohabiting woman are the two categories that report significantly fewer SHW experiences. Women working in the public sector and in organizations with 51 to 100 and 101 to 200 employees, respectively, are more likely to witness SHW, while men in the public sector and in organizations with more than 200 employees report more dysfunctional behaviors.
In Table 2 , there is the distribution of response in women and men witnesses and non-witnesses of SHW. Findings indicated that men witnesses were more prone than others to express disengagement, negative feelings such as anger, and dejection–stress. Women witnesses were more prone than others to express positive feelings.
Perceived mental health, life satisfaction, burnout, and self-efficacy; comparison between witnesses and non-witnesses of SHW (one-way ANOVA) (N = 724).
Witnesses | Non-Witnesses | 2 | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Women (n = 204) | Men (n = 117) | Women (n = 219) | Men (n = 184) | ||||
OLBI-Exhaustion | 21.99 (12.50) | 21.55 (3.05) | 21.43 (2.88) | 21.38 (2.41) | 0.45 | 0.717 | 0.043 |
OLBI-Disengagement | 20.50 (12.30) | 23.56 (23.68) | 19.65 (7.32) | 19.22 (2.26) | 3.41 | 0.017 | 0.062 |
GHQ-12 | 22.30 (4.16) | 21.60 (9.40) | 21.36 (3.99) | 20.88 (3.06) | 2.59 | 0.052 | 0.044 |
SWLS | 22.37 (6.31) | 22.88 (5.63) | 23.31 (5.91) | 23.71 (5.87) | 1.79 | 0.148 | 0.031 |
RESE-POS | 16.00 (7.55) | 15.03 (3.11) | 15.76 (3.53) | 14.70 (3.47) | 2.89 | 0.035 | 0.031 |
RESE-ANG | 11.23 (3.15) | 12.69 (9.27) | 11.26 (3.15) | 12.00 (2.97) | 3.36 | 0.019 | 0.035 |
RESE-DES | 11.66 (3.04) | 13.28 (3.57) | 12.03 (3.46) | 12.93 (2.96) | 9.05 | 0.001 | 0.042 |
Note. F = Fischer’s value; p = p value; η2 = Eta squared.
Correlation analysis showed that when participants (women and men) witnessed SHW, life satisfaction decreased (r = −0.12, p = 0.029). Finally, multiple regression was performed to predict perceived mental health based on gender, age, SHW, and self-efficacy. Linearity was assessed using partial regression plots and a plot of student residuals against predicted values. Independence of the residuals was assessed with a Durbin–Watson value of 1.922. Homoscedasticity was assessed by visual inspection of a plot of student-specific residuals against the non-standardized predicted values, and there was no evidence of multilinearity assessed by tolerance values greater than 0.1. The normality assumption was met, as determined from a Q–Q plot. The multiple regression model statistically significantly predicted perceived mental health, F(6, 690) = 5.266, p < 0.001, adj. R 2 = 0.13, albeit with a modest effect size. All six variables contributed statistically significantly to prediction, p < 0.05. Regression coefficients and standard errors are found in Table 3 .
Multiple regression results for perceived mental health.
GHQ | B | 95% CI for B | SE B | β | R | ΔR | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LL | UL | ||||||
Model | 0.14 | 0.13 ** | |||||
Constant | 26.486 | 24.10 | 28.87 | 1.21 | |||
Age | −0.47 | −1.25 | −0.32 | 0.40 | −0.04 | ||
Gender | −0.10 | −0.04 | −0.02 | 0.02 | −0.02 | ||
SEQ | 0.10 | 0.03 | 0.05 | 0.02 | 0.01 | ||
RESE-POS | −0.12 | −0.16 | −0.01 | 0.04 | −0.08 | ||
RESE-ANG | −0.23 | −0.36 | −0.10 | 0.07 | −0.15 | ||
RESE-DES | −0.36 | −0.12 | −0.05 | 0.04 | −0.33 |
Note. Model = “Enter” method in SPSS statistics; B = unstandardized regression coefficient; CI = confidence interval; LL = lower limit; UL = upper limit; SE B = standard error of the coefficient; β = standardized coefficients; R 2 = coefficient of determination; Δ R 2 = adjusted R 2 . ** p < 0.01. The gender variable is calculated as female vs. male.
Overall, the results of this study show that perceptions of mental health were significantly predicted by the variables of age, sex, exposure to SHW, and self-efficacy strategies. The effect size was modest because some of the complexity of the phenomenon-which includes psychological, group, organizational, and social aspects was likely not fully accounted for in the modeling. Nonetheless, this is a very important finding because it shows how the phenomenon of SHW affects not only the direct victim but also those who experience it indirectly. This finding is consistent with previous recent studies that, albeit using different methodologies, show that SHW is one of the risk factors at all levels of investigation, from the psychological impact on the individual to the consequences for organizational climate and the welfare parameters of society as a whole [ 57 , 58 , 59 ].
Witnesses to SHW were younger than participants who identified as non-witnesses. While Powell [ 60 ] found that age did not affect how women perceived sexual harassment, Reilly, Lott, and Gallogly [ 61 ] found that younger individuals were more likely to tolerate sexual harassment than older individuals. Ford and Donis [ 62 ] found that younger women were least likely to tolerate sexual harassment, while younger men were most likely to tolerate sexual harassment. The authors found that tolerance of sexual harassment increases with age in women up to age 50, but decreases thereafter. For men, however, they found the opposite age effect, i.e., tolerance of sexual harassment decreased up to age 50, but acceptance increased thereafter. Foulis and McCabe [ 63 ] also found that age did not correlate with Australian workers’ perceptions of sexual harassment. In our study, the results confirmed Padavic and Orcutt’s [ 64 ] study that younger workers take the phenomenon of sexual harassment more seriously than older workers (see also [ 65 ]).
Our results also confirm the Hypothesis 1: women and men who witnessed sexual harassment were more likely to suffer the emotional and psychological consequences of the experience than non-witnesses, confirming the Hypothesis 1 of this study. However, male witnesses suffered more than women by distancing themselves and expressing negative emotions such as anger and dejection–stress. These results did not confirm Hypothesis 2 (which stated that women who witnessed SHW had more difficulty managing their stress than men and female non-witnesses) and are consistent with Richman–Hirsch and Glomb [ 66 ]. Nevertheless, this result is very interesting. Traditionally, studies have focused on female victims of SHW, sociodemographic characteristics, organizational and male-dominance culture, consequences, etc. [ 5 ] Fewer studies have been conducted with men, focusing on analysis of their experiences and consequences as witnesses of SHW. The results of the Fourth European Working Conditions Survey, based on 30,000 face-to-face interviews with workers in 31 European countries, show that 2% of all workers are exposed to sexual harassment at work [ 67 ]. This means that colleagues, supervisors, and others have contributed to the misconduct. According to Hansen, Garde, and Persson [ 21 ], while SH can be understood as a unique discretionary stimulus when experienced directly by a target, it can also manifest as an environmental stimulus that permeates the work context and becomes something that everyone is exposed to in their environment. As mentioned earlier, SHW can lead to a generally stressful work environment that affects employees other than those directly affected by the misconduct [ 23 ]. Raver and Gelfand [ 68 ] also showed that the effects of SHW extend to group-level outcomes by demonstrating the detrimental effects on team conflict and cohesion. In addition, Berdahl, Magley, and Waldo [ 69 ] found that while both genders believe that sexual coercion, unwanted sexual attention, and lewd comments are a form of SHW, men also clearly indicate that punishment for deviating from the masculine gender role (i.e., being harassed as “not masculine enough” [ 70 ]) is sexually harassing [ 38 ]. Studies show that the men most at risk are those who do not appear sufficiently masculine [ 14 ]. Thus, even when men feel anger when they perceive that a member of their own group (and thus potentially themselves) is being harassed, they do not intervene (e.g., [ 6 ]). This non-intervention seems to be related to the need to maintain a sense of identification with the gender group; the cost to self might be perceived as a risk [ 71 ]. Otherwise, the result could be a sense of powerlessness, driven by the need to intervene to protect the members of the group and their identification with the group. Over time, these feelings can cause suffering, with consequences such as psychological discomfort, exhaustion, and burnout [ 72 ].
In addition, women who witnessed SHW expressed more positive emotions than men, which enabled them to manage their anxiety and emotional states when triggered in response to SHW events. Thus, Hypothesis 3, which stated that women who witnessed SHW were more inclined to express negative emotions and less inclined to express positive emotions than men and female non-witnesses, could not be confirmed. This result may be related to the findings of the study by Veletsianos et al. [ 73 ]. The authors found that women use different coping strategies to deal with harassment. One of these is resistance, a term we have used to describe women’s refusal to accept harassment or to remain silent or passive. Resistance is a reactive coping strategy, and strategies in this domain included persistent attempts to talk, persistence in general, asserting one’s voice and authority, turning to the community, and using self-protective measures. As Hashmi et al. [ 74 ] point out, thanks to the #MeToo campaign, SHW problems and their coping strategies are increasingly seen as structural problems and not just individual-level problems. The witnesses in our study may have been exposed to the “New Deal” for SHW, which influenced how they dealt with the phenomenon [ 75 ]. In 2016, prior to the #MeToo momentum, Johnson et al. [ 76 ] surveyed 250 professional women in the US about the prevalence of SHW and the impact on their work; they also interviewed 31 women in the US about their individual experiences. After #MeToo, they conducted a second survey of 263 women in September 2018 and reconnected with some of the previously surveyed women to find out if they had noticed any changes or changed their views. The results show the benefits of #MeToo in reducing sexual harassment over two years; women said the movement helped them realize they were not alone in their experiences.
The results of this study demonstrate the importance of intervening in SHW episodes. Women and men who witness suffer from their vicarious experiences, negative mental health, exhaustion, alienation, and negative feelings. Preventive measures and interventions are needed in the organization. Changing the organizational climate and context that fosters SHW is critical to reducing the phenomenon. Establishing clear zero-tolerance policies and procedures is part of changing the normative environment that fosters SHW. Organizations that proactively develop, disseminate, and enforce policies and procedures on violence against women have the lowest incident rates [ 77 ]. In addition, programs that promote witness intervention are important for reducing SHW [ 78 ]. Witnesses can potentially confront and stop harassers, report incidents, and support victims [ 79 , 80 ]. Many victims respond passively because they perceive the risk of reporting the incident to be too high; they may rely on others to act on their behalf [ 81 ]. By communicating norms that address harassment, witnesses could play a role in changing the group, organizational, and cultural context that supports SHW [ 82 ]. Identifying PWD is not enough to motivate intervention; witnesses must take responsibility for their actions [ 79 ]. However, multiple witnesses may lead witnesses to assume that their help is not needed and make them feel less responsible (diffusion of responsibility [ 83 ]). Witnesses may also attribute responsibility for their intervention to the victim’s colleagues or other members of the group [ 84 ]. It might be useful to promote values characteristic of both genders to activate responsibility for intervening. For men, this responsibility could be consistent with masculine roles such as honor and protection [ 85 ]. For women, it might be consistent with self-protection and resistance as individual and collective strategies for coping with an environment that might tolerate SHW. Companies could help witnesses stop workplace misconduct. For example, training could be provided to address lack of confidence in one’s own abilities by focusing on specific behaviors that witnesses can use to effectively intervene. Bowes-Sperry and O’Leary-Kelley [ 79 ] offered a typology of behaviors that might be useful for such training. The typology classifies possible witness actions along two dimensions, immediacy (immediate action vs. subsequent action) and involvement (direct involvement vs. indirect involvement). For example, episodes with high immediacy and involvement require the witness to take an active and recognizable action, such as asking the harasser to stop. In contrast, behaviors with low immediacy and involvement occur when bystanders later support the victim, for example, by privately encouraging the victim to report the incident. Training could take into account the phenomenon of audience inhibition, which is the concern witnesses have about what others will think of them if they act [ 83 ]. Male witnesses, for example, might believe that their intervention (to protect the victim or prevent the perpetrator) will result in a loss of social status if norms of loyalty to members of their own group stand in the way of intervention. Increasing empathy and the importance of personal norms that support intervention may override perceived social norms that contribute to audience inhibition. When an intervention requires that an aggressive member of one’s group be stopped, witnesses may be persuaded to intervene by portraying the actions of aggressors in one’s group as violating group norms and damaging the group’s reputation [ 84 , 85 , 86 , 87 ]. Finally, as suggested by Lee et al. [ 72 ], it is also important to include in a training program the opportunity to break down stereotypes and myths about SHW to increase the likelihood that witnesses will intervene in high-risk situations. Further research could examine the effectiveness of including witness training in SHW prevention programs. Studies could compare the effectiveness of training for witnesses and non-witnesses with SHW. This could contribute to a better understanding of readiness to intervene and what types of programs increase that readiness.
As far as we know, this is the first study conducted in Italy on the phenomenon of SHW in relation to witnesses and non-witnesses. The strength of the project lies in its innovative character, but it is important to consider some limitations that hopefully can be overcome in future studies. First, this was a cross-sectional study. An adequate, but non-random, sample was used for this study. We recognize that the participants in this study may not represent the general population of Italian workers. Willingness to participate in a survey about SHW may be influenced by organizational policies regarding the phenomenon, organizational climate, and previously adopted prevention and intervention strategies. For organizations, the decision to promote or not to promote this survey could imply a particular sensitivity to the phenomenon. A further study could analyze the relationship between the organization’s prevention strategy and the perception of the phenomenon by the organization’s employees. In addition, there could be a bias in participation. Participants might tend to answer a questionnaire in a way that conveys a positive image of themselves or of the organization they belong to (socially desirable responding; [ 88 ]). This could mean that participants did not identify themselves as victims and perpetrators; they could describe the phenomenon as witnesses but with greater involvement. Further research could consider the combined use of questionnaires and interviews to better understand the phenomenon and its meaning in an organizational context. Another limitation is that we included participants from different organizations. Therefore, it was not possible to identify specific patterns or episodes of SHW. It might be useful to examine an episode in a particular context using a different method. For example, the mixed method could be useful to describe SHW from different perspectives [ 89 ]. In addition, we did not consider the possible relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, their gender, and their sexual orientation. Therefore, further research needs to consider factors such as the perceived severity of the experience, the impact of multiple minority statuses and intersectional oppression on SHW [ 20 ], and the organizational values and norms that promote workplace misconduct. Because the nature of the relationship and gender are important predictors of intervention intent [ 90 ], it may be interesting to analyze perceptions of the phenomenon in relation to gender in the victim–offender dyad. Future research could use the vignette method to analyze how gender and the nature of the victim–offender relationship influences the intention to intervene in SHW. Finally, it is important to anchor this study in the specific Italian sociocultural context, which may differ from that of other countries [ 39 ]. Therefore, this study may not be transferable to other sociocultural contexts.
In summary, this study has shown that in addressing the serious problem of sexual harassment in the workplace, attention must be focused not only on the direct victims, but also on those who witness it, because they themselves may develop forms of discomfort and because sexual harassment contributes to creating a negative climate for the individual and for the organization itself. Although this is a cross-sectional study without randomization, it clearly shows the need for timely and appropriate intervention in the sociocultural context in which the organization is anchored. In the Italian context, for example, phenomena such as sexism, gender stereotypes, and a tolerance of sexual harassment that is not accepted in other countries still seem to be present [ 39 ]. If nothing is done in this regard, either preventively or to curb the phenomenon, there is a risk that harassment will continue in a self-reinforcing cycle. In terms of change and active transformation, it seems crucial to sensitize the widest possible audience of men and women and to promote knowledge and awareness of the problems of hostile and benevolent sexism, homophobia, patriarchal views, and gender stereotypes that still exist in our society. Therefore, it is important and essential that the principles of gender equality and respect for others are taught in all workplaces through appropriate and timely training, prevention, and monitoring.
The authors wish to thank all the participants in this investigation.
This research received no external funding.
Conceptualization, D.A.M. and A.V.; formal analysis, D.A.M. and C.C.; writing—original draft preparation, D.A.M.; writing—review and editing, D.A.M., C.C. and A.V.; supervision, D.A.M. and A.V.; project administration, D.A.M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Turin (prot. N. 456048/2018).
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Conflicts of interest.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Introduction, nature and impact of sexual harassment in the workplace, legal frameworks and organizational policies, practical measures to foster a harassment-free work environment.
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Sexual assault, harassment, and abuse are widespread societal problems that impact Americans across race, gender identity, sexual orientation, income, disability status, and many other factors. Recent research has demonstrated the scope and impact of workplace sexual harassment. This online resource collection includes information about defining workplace sexual harassment, understanding the scope of the size of the problem, and the path to prevention.
Under Federal law it is unlawful to harass a person (applicant or employee) because of that person’s sex (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, n.d.). Sexual harassment is defined by its impact, not its intent. The conduct must be unwelcome to be considered sexual harassment. It can include behavior such as:
Anyone of any age, sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity can be a victim or a harasser. The victim and the harasser can also be of the same sex, sexual orientation, and/or gender identity.
The resources below provide general information and research about sexual harassment in the workplace.
Sexual Harassment and Assault at Work: Understanding the Costs (PDF, 12 pages) This briefing paper by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) reviews current literature on sexual harassment and assault and the impact on women’s economic advancement and economic security. Recommendations for preventing sexual harassment are also included.
Out of the Shadows: An Analysis of Sexual Harassment Charges filed by Working Women (PDF, 38 pages) The National Women’s Law Center analyzed sexual harassment charges filed with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) by women in the private sector between 2012 and 2016. In 2016, almost 7,000 sexual harassment charges were filed, 82% by women. This report shares the findings from their analysis and recommendations for future research, prevention by employers, and legislative change.
#MeTooWhatNext: Strengthening Workplace Sexual Harassment Protections and Accountability (PDF, 10 pages) This resource from the National Women’s Law Center focuses on policy changes to extend protections to more workers, strengthening employees ability to hold employers and individuals accountable for harassment, redressing the harm to victims, restricting employer imposed secrecy, and requiring sexual harassment prevention strategies.
Know Your Rights At Work: Sexual Harassment : (Webpage) This online guide by Equal Rights Advocates can help those experiencing sexual harassment at work understand their rights and options.
The following are resources and tools for advocates and employers working to prevent and respond to sexual harassment.
Workplaces Respond to Domestic & Sexual Violence: A National Resource Center: (Webpage) Workplaces Respond provides resources, training, and technical assistance to employers , survivors, co-workers , and advocates to prevent and respond to sexual harassment, abuse, assault, and other forms of violence impacting the workplace. Highlighted resources by Workplaces Respond includes:
Sexual Harassment in the Workplace Toolkit (PDF, 41 pages) This toolkit by Equal Rights Advocates contains information about employees' legal rights, tips on what to do if an employee experiences sexual harassment or is facing retaliation, and provides additional resources for legal information.
#NowWhat: The Sexual Harassment Solutions Toolkit (webpage) This toolkit by New America is the companion piece to their Sexual Harassment: A Severe and Pervasive Problem report that documents the pervasiveness of sexual harassment. The toolkit focuses on promising solutions for preventing sexual harassment.
Sexual Violence & the Workplace Information Packet (webpage) This information packet by NSVRC provides resources on the impact of sexual harassment, abuse, and assault on a survivor’s employment, and how to prevent it from happening. Resources are available for advocates and employers. Highlighted resources include:
Key Findings from National Prevalence of Sexual Violence by a Workplace-Related Perpetrator (PDF, 8 pages) This analysis by NSVRC provides an overview of a new analysis on workplace sexual violence. This overview provides information on specifics types of sexual violence people have experienced and offers a closer look at the people who perpetrate these behaviors.
Ending Sexual Assault and Harassment in the Workplace (PDF, 3 pages) This tip sheet by NSVRC discusses the prevalence of workplace sexual harassment and provides tips for preventing it.
Helping Industries to Classify Reports of Sexual Harassment, Sexual Misconduct, and Sexual Assault (PDF, 53 pages) This report by the Urban Institute and NSVRC developed a system of categorization for reports of sexual harassment, sexual misconduct, and sexual assault received by Uber from users of the ride-sharing and other app-driven services. The report also discusses ways this method can improve similar efforts in other businesses and industries.
The following are resources that highlight specific industries where survivors may have unique experiences of sexual assault, harassment, and abuse.
Take off you mask so I know how much to tip you. Service Workers’ Experience of Health & Harassment During COVID-19 (PDF, 30 pages) This report from One Fair Wage presents findings from their survey of workers in the service industry in five states (New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Illinois, and Pennsylvania) and Washington D.C. The report finds more than 80% of workers have seen a decline in tips and over 40% say they have experienced an increase in sexual harassment from customers. Detailed state reports are also available for New York , Massachusetts , and Illinois .
Sexual Harassment in STEM Research: Agencies Have Taken Actions, but Need Complaint Procedures, Overall Plans, and Better Collaboration (PDF, 82 pages). This report by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) examines how selected federal agencies receive, investigate and resolve Title IX complaints, agency plans to prevent sexual harassment and evaluation of those efforts and finally collaboration efforts. Seventeen recommendations are also outlined.
Sexual Harassment: Inconsistent and Incomplete Policies and Information hinder VA’s Efforts to Protect Employees (PDF, 78 pages) This report by the GAO summarizes findings from a review of VA’s efforts to prevent and address sexual harassment. It examines VA policies to prevent and address sexual harassment and training provided to employers to prevent and address sexual harassment. The report concludes with seven recommendations.
Technical Report: National Park Service (NPS) Work Environment Survey January –March 2017 (PDF, 222 pages) This report presents the findings from the National Park Service Work Environment Survey that analyzed the workplace harassment experiences of employees and the impact of that harassment.
Still Broken: Sexual Harassment and Misconduct in the Legal Profession: A National Study (PDF, 68 pages) This report provides the findings from a national study conducted by Women Lawyers on Guard on sexual misconduct and harassment experienced by people in the legal profession.
#MeToo in Traditionally Male-Dominated Occupations: Preventing and Addressing Sexual Harassment (PDF, 7 pages) This briefing paper by Chicago Women in Trades and the National Center for Women’s Equality in Apprenticeship and Employment provides an overview of how sexual harassment differs for women in male-dominated workplaces and provides recommendations for public policy and changes employers can make.
Sexual Harassment of Women: Climate, Culture, and Consequences in Academic Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (website) The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine’s report on sexual harassment in academia examines the impacts of sexual harassment and identifies and analyzes policies, strategies, and practices that have been successful in preventing and responding to sexual harassment. Additional resources are available including an infographic on Preventing Sexual Harassment in Academia , infographicon The Iceberg of Sexual Harassment , and Interventions for Preventing Sexual Harassment .
Workplace Violence and Harassment of Low-Wage Workers (PDF, 47 pages) This article discusses the challenges and barriers low-wage workers encounter when they face sexual harassment and abuse in the workplace and proposes strategies for legal advocates on how to help survivors.
Tipped Over the Edge: Gender Inequity in the Restaurant Industry (PDF, 40 pages) This report by the Restaurant Opportunities Centers United et al. documents the gender inequality in the restaurant work. It highlights discrimination and violence many workers experience while working. More than one in ten surveyed workers reported they or a co-worker had experienced sexual harassment while working in a restaurant.
The Glass Floor: Sexual Harassment in the Restaurant Industry (PDF, 40 pages) This report by the Restaurant Opportunities Centers United and Forward Together documents the sexual harassment experiences of restaurant workers and reports how sexual harassment is fueled by sub-minimum wage and tipped employment. Finally, the report provides policy recommendations to create safer and more equitable workplaces.
Reality Check: Seventeen Million Reasons Low-Wage Workers Need Strong Protections from Harassment (PDF, 28 pages) This document by the National Women’s Law Center reports on the realities of sexual harassment experiences of low wage workers and provides suggestions for protections against harassment.
The following resources can help prevent and respond to the unique needs of immigrant workers who experience sexual assault, harassment and abuse in the workplace.
Cultivating Fear: The Vulnerability of Immigrant Farmworkers in the US to Sexual Violence and Sexual Harassment (PDF, 95 pages) This report by Human Rights Watch discusses the sexual abuse, harassment, and assault experiences of immigrant farmworkers in the United States. The report suggests that these experiences are common among farmworking women, reporting is limited, and that an advocate’s presence may increase reporting of these crimes.
Rape on the Night Shift (webpage) by Frontline (PBS), Univision, The Center for Investigative Reporting (CIR), the Investigative Reporting Program (IRP) at UC Berkeley, and EQED. This investigative report follows up the story on Rape in the Fields and covers the sexual abuse of immigrant women who work on the night shift cleaning offices, malls and businesses. Watch the full length documentary . Materials are also available in Spanish .
Rape in the Fields (webpage) by Frontline, the Center for Investigative Reporting, Investigative Reporting Program, & Documentales Univision. This special report includes investigative reporting articles and a 53-minute film on the sexual assault, harassment, and abuse against farmworking women. Resources for agricultural workers are available. Some materials are available in Spanish .
Injustice On Our Plates: Immigrant Women in the U.S. Food Industry (PDF, 68 p.) This report by the Southern Poverty Law Center documents interviews of undocumented farmworkers. Female farmworkers are vulnerable to sexual assault, harassment, and abuse. This report discusses the economic challenges, workplace exploitation, sexual harassment, and abuse women experience while working in the fields.
Sexual Harassment in the Informal Economy: Farmworkers and Domestic Workers (PDF 56 pages) This paper by UN Women focuses on sexual harassment experienced by workers in the informal economy with a focus on farmworkers and domestic workers, who are often unrecognized without social or legal protections making them particularly vulnerable.
Sexual Violence Against Farmworkers: A Guidebook for Social Service Providers (PDF 68 p.) This guide by California Rural Legal Assistance, Esperanza, Lideres Campesinas, and Victim Rights Law Center provides information to advocates on how farmworkers are impacted by sexual assault, harassment, and abuse and how to best serve their unique needs. A guidebook for legal providers and criminal justice professionals are also available.
Workplace sexual harassment is one of the most widespread and pervasive problems in U.S. society. Employers have a role and a responsibility to keep their employees safe. Employers could be held liable for sexual harassment and assault that happens in the workplace. Sexual harassment, assault, and abuse do not have to occur at work or be perpetrated by a coworker to impact a survivor’s employment (National Sexual Violence Resource Center [NSVRC], 2013). Survivors may miss days of work, experience decreased productivity at work, or be forced to quit their job because of violence they have experienced.
Using research and best practices, we can create healthier workplace cultures where the work environment promotes the safety and well-being of all employees.Below are resources for employers and people working with employers to prevent sexual harassment in the workplace.
The following findings from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Select Task Force on the Study of Harassment in the Workplace demonstrate the steps necessary for employers to move toward prevention. The report Key Findings of the Select Task Force on the Study of Harassment in the Workplace (PDF, 20 pages) by the National Sexual Violence Resource Center covers the key findings of the EEOC's study:
STOP SV: A Technical Package to Prevent Sexual Violence : (PDF, 48 p.) This technical package by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) provides strategies on the best available evidence to help communities and states prevent sexual violence and reduce its consequences. See the section “Create Protective Environments” for information on establishing and consistently applying workplace policies.
Workplaces Respond to Domestic and Sexual Violence: A National Resource Center (webpage) by Futures Without Violence . This website provides many resources and interactive tools for employers . Employers can download a workplace toolkit , read a guide for supervisors , learn more about supervising during the pandemic , and download a model workplace policy .
Guidance for Agency-Specific Domestic Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking Policies (PDF, 38 pages) This document by the United States Office of Personnel Management provides federal agencies with direction on responding to violence in the workplace.
An Employer, Union & Service Provider’s Guide to Ending Street Harassment (PDF, 25 pages) This guide by Debjani Roy of Hollaback! explains how street harassment impacts the workplace and provides information for employers on what they can do to help. Listen to a podcast with the author.
Encourage, Support Act! Bystander Approaches to Sexual Harassment in the Workplace (PDF, 29 pages) This document by the Australian Human Rights Commission illustrates how the bystander approach can be utilized in a workplace setting to prevent workplace sexual assault, harassment, and abuse.
Sexual Violence & the Workplace: Employer’s Guide to Prevention (PDF, 16 pages) When sexual assault, harassment, or abuse occurs in the workplace, it can create a climate of fear and reduce productivity and wellness of the entire staff. The purpose of this guide by NSVRC is to provide employers with information that may help facilitate their engagement in creating a comprehensive violence prevention and response plan in collaboration with community-based rape crisis centers.
Davis, R., Parks, L. F., & Cohen, L. (2006). Sexual violence and the spectrum of prevention: Towards a community solution. Retrieved from the National Sexual Violence Resource Center: http://www.nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/Publications_NSVRC_Booklets_Sexual-Violence-and-the-Spectrum-of-Prevention_Towards-a-Community-Solution_0.pdf
Feldblum, C. R., & Lipnic, V. A. (2016 ). Select task force on the study of harassment in the workplace: Report of the co-chairs of the EEOC . Retrieved from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission: https://www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/task_force/harassment/upload/report.pdf
Kearl, H., Johns, N. E., & Raj, A. (2019). Measuring #metoo: A national study on sexual harassment and assault . Available from Stop Street Harassment: http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/2019-MeToo-National-Sexual-Harassment-and-Assault-Report.pdf
National Sexual Violence Resource Center. (2013). Sexual violence & the workplace: Overview . Retrieved from https://www.nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/2013-04/publications_nsvrc_overview_sexual-violence-workplace.pdf
Puente, M., & Kelly, C. (2018, February 23). The 94 percent: How common is sexual misconduct in Hollywood? USA Today . Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/story/life/people/2018/02/20/how-common-sexual-misconduct-hollywood/1083964001/
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.). Sexual harassment . Retrieved from https://www.eeoc.gov/laws/types/sexual_harassment.cfm
This article is written by Shubhada Sonwalker and Jacob Michael.
Table of Contents
Traditionally women in India were conditioned to stay at home, take care of the young while the men were considered the breadwinners. With access to education, better facilities, Increased literacy and the industrial revolution. Women all around the world left the boundaries of their homes and started working. Though women had been working always with their families on farms, as house help, even as babysitters from time immemorial.
All these were considered secondary activities and were seldom recognised. Women worked without any rights and thus were frequently exploited.
The makers of the constitution recognised this problem and provided the right to equality to all. Irrespective of gender, caste, creed or social status.
India’s Constitution aims at equality under Art.15 and provides for special laws to be made for the depressed classes and women. The status of women even today is not at par with their male counterparts. We certainly require laws which support women to take their rightful place in society. Gender specific laws in India are made to ensure equity between the genders.
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013 is a welcome addition amongst the class of such laws. It has received both widespread praise and flak in recent times.
The research paper is aimed at analysing the effect that this law has had on society.
It aims to seek answers to potent questions of whether the law has helped cement the place of women in society ? Have there been any ill Effects or not?
In an emerging Indian Economy as more and more women started entering the workplace, the malady of sexual harassment has reared its ugly face into many fields. From police and the army to multinational companies to sports– it is regrettable that no field of human endeavour has been left untouched. There was a pressing need for legislation which could protect the rights of these working women. As has been the case with many laws the first time this was brought under the public eye was by judicial activism.
In the context of sexual harassment, judicial activism reached its pinnacle in Vishakha v. State of Rajasthan (Vishakha). The judgement was unprecedented for several reasons: the Supreme Court acknowledged and relied to a great extent on international treaties that had not been transformed into municipal law; the Supreme Court provided the first authoritative definition of ‘sexual harassment’ in India; and confronted with a statutory vacuum, it went creative and proposed the route of Judicial Legislation.
The incident that lead to a public interest litigation being (PIL) filed in respect of the Vishakha case was the gang rape of a social worker in Rajasthan. Bhanwari Devi was a satin, a grass-roots worker and activist, employed in the Women’s Development Project (WPD) of the government of Rajasthan. In 1992, the Rajasthan government launched a campaign against child marriages, in connection with which the WPD members persuaded villagers to abandon the practice, which is still rampant in Rajasthan. Bhanwari Devi made all possible efforts to prevent the marriage of a one year old girl, but in vain. What ensued for her was worse than a nightmare. There was a complete breakdown of institutional machinery in Rajasthan. The villagers harassed, threatened and socially boycotted Bhanwari Devi.
Then in September 1992, five villagers raped her in the presence of her husband. She sought justice, but faced innumerable hurdles from police authorities. The trial court even went ahead and acquitted the five accused.
This made five NGOs under the name ‘Vishakha’ to file PIL in the Supreme Court seeking detailed directions on how sexual harassment of women at workplace could be prevented using judicial activism.
The Vishakha Guidelines served a great purpose as it immediately filled the void of lack of legislations in respect of Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace. Till 2013 they were the only set of guidelines applicable across India that were specific to this issue.
Due to them being passed by the Supreme Court and it acting as a court of record it was de facto applicable in the lower courts as well. But, to frame it was a task the three judge bench consisting of J.S Verma (then CJI), Sujata Manohar and B.N Kripal took cognisance of all the international treaties existing at that point. The Constitution of India does not have a precise stand on the value of international treaties that have been signed or ratified by the government, but not implemented via legislation. In ‘Vishakha, the court moved towards a more purposeful understanding of fundamental rights in tune with most of its recent interpretations by affirming that ‘any International Convention not inconsistent with the fundamental rights and in harmony with its spirit must be read into these provisions [The fundamental Rights] to promote the constitutional guarantee’.
Since there was no law relating to Sexual harassment at workplace, the court stated that it was free to rely on the Convention of Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW– signed by India in 1980) in interpreting article-14,19 and 21 of the constitution. To justify the sources the court referred to several sources including the Beijing Statement of Principles of the Independence of Judiciary. A decision of the High Court of Australia and its own earlier decisions. Vishakha was also possibly the first instance in India where International Covenants had been applied to municipal and district level courts directly. Since Vishakha, The Supreme Court has started heavily relying on international Multilateral treaties, particularly those forming part of the Universal Declaration OF Human Rights (1948) and others forming part of International Bill of Rights due to legislative lethargy in spheres of public importance. Often filling legislative voids by exercise of Art 141.
The Supreme Court issued a series of ‘guidelines’ (based on CEDAW) to protect women from sexual harassment at the workplace. These guidelines were to strictly observed in all workplaces (whether in the private or private sector) and would be binding and enforceable in law until suitable laws were made.
The Supreme Court set out the following significant guidelines:
Most of the guidelines have been adopted verbatim in the Prevention of Harassment of Women in workplace Act 2013. There have been no significant changes except for the clause of out of court settlement, but in this also there is no settlement in return of Money. This seems applicable on paper but its implementation is a big question.
Also, In the Act, the woman has been allowed to take a leave from office for a period of 3 months from the date of the complaint being filed. While the Man has been asked to respond within the given timeframe while working in the office. The lady (presumably the victim) is allowed additional leave as and when she demands on top of the leaves that she was entitled to as the employee of the company that she is employed with.
A huge amount of cases have cropped up across high courts (and occasionally supreme court) with reference to the Vishakha Guidelines, these seek the establishment of complaints committees, dispute the constitution of complaints committees have already been in place, or challenge orders of dismissal based on the decisions of these committees.
Apparel Export Promotion Council v A.K Chopra was the first case in 1999 where the supreme court found an opportunity to follow its judgement in Vishakha. The council Chairman was accused of sexually harassing the secretary; though he made repeated attempts. the chairman never actually molested her. On her complaint the employer was fired. On the basis of a writ petition filed by the employer the Delhi High Court took cognisance of the fact that he never actually molested her and did not make any actual physical contact. Thus concluding that he did not actually molest her. In an appeal filed by the council, the Supreme Court reversed the Delhi High Court Judgement, recognising that physical contact was not a prerequisite of Sexual Harassment, given the broad definition under Vishakha. It asserted that sexual harassment compromised the dignity of women and cannot be condoned. It asserted that sexual harassment compromised the dignity of women and cannot be condoned. In addition to the international sources referred in Vishakha, the court also cited the International Covenants on Economics, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Labour Organization’s seminar on combating sexual harassment at work.
The Supreme Court’s refreshingly progressive approach in Chopra marked a transition in the usual stance of Indian Courts. The apex court acknowledged that harassment transcends physical barriers and the effects of mental harassment can be equally damaging. And yet the court’s deep seated insensitivity to women’s issues does come up occasionally.
In DS Grewal v. Vimmi Joshi a colonel of the Indian Army made advances at and wrote inappropriate letters to the principal at an army school. The principal was apprehensive that if she objected to his conduct, he would create a hostile working environment and hinder her employment, including her promotion. Her fears did come true as her services were terminated. The Supreme Court ordered the school management to constitute a three- member complaints committee (as mandated by Vishakha Guidelines) to ascertain if there were any prima facie case against the army officer. If the committee found such a case, it would submit its reports to the army, which would then initiate disciplinary proceedings.
The court also affirmed that the school management was bound to bear the legal costs incurred by the principal (with counsel fee assessed at 50,000) for it had not complied with Vishakha Guidelines to begin with. In the absence of laws relating to sexual harassment Vishakha Guidelines were the only reliable source of action. It acted as a deterrent and ensured strict compliance was done with respect to its provisions. The mere idea of being prosecuted in such a grave issue invited much public ridicule.
Courts emphasised on the strict compliance on the Vishakha Guidelines and have not viewed alternative mechanisms kindly. In a case where a public company appointed an advocate as an inquiry officer to investigate a complaint of sexual harassment, The Bombay High Court refused to accept the efficacy of the procedures followed and held that the complaints mechanism employed in Vishakha was mandatory.
The Vishakha Guidelines had been applied to almost all forms of formal employment even NGOs and Cooperative societies. As Kerala HC observed the ‘the quality of womanhood does not change by the place she works in be it public or private’.
In yet another shift of stance, The Madras HC held that even in the cases where the allegations of sexual harassment seemed baseless and seemed like an after thought, proper course would be to first refer the issue to the complaints committee.
Vishakha was indeed the first legislation which defined harassment inclusively and covered all the behaviours which denied a person employment– related benefits due to rejection of sexual Demands (quid pro quo harassment) or creates a hostile work environment (without directly impacting on economic and other benefits).
Any measure which aims to protect the disadvantaged sections of the society or minorities is likely to be abused, and Vishakha is no different. In the case of Usha C.S v. Madras Refineries, The Madras High Court heard a complaint of sexual harassment made by the employee of Madras Refineries Ltd, a public sector undertaking. The employee alleged that she was denied her study leave with pay, salary and promotion because she rejected the advances of the general manager of her department. After examining the facts the court held that the employees allegations regarding her promotion and study–leave were baseless, as both decisions appeared to have been taken in accordance with the company policy. Further, the complaint committee had been properly constituted, but the employee had persistently delayed the inquiry, therefore, her allegations of sexual harassment were merely a weapon to bargain for a promotion and study leave and pay, contrary to company policy. Highlighting and condemning the misuse of the Supreme Court’s judgement in Vishakha, the court held:
“The employer, who is supposed to keep a vigilant eye on the victim and the delinquent, is not expected to allow the woman to use it as a shield so presented by the apex court as a means to seek vengeance. It is true that we are bound by the decisions of the apex court, but that does not mean that they can be allowed to interpret to suit the convenience of the woman like the petitioner, for personal gain.”
The court thereafter described Vishakha as a ‘double- edged weapon’. In keeping with other decisions on the subject, it affirmed that the court cannot assume that the court cannot assume that an allegation of harassment is correct unless it is first referred to a complaints committee.
The bench urged the other courts to bear in mind the facts of each case individually, without assuming that the woman is a victim in each case. In fact in this particular case the appellant had a history of unwarranted leaves and absences. Such cases bring light to the anomaly of use of positive laws for harm to a person. Though a lot many researchers are of the view that since the false cases are only 4% or 5% of the whole of the cases filed according to NCRB data That these cases should be ignored and a bigger picture should be looked at. These laws indeed help the woman assert her position in society.
But similar to Domestic Violence Cases and Dowry Harassment Laws there are a huge number of people who are threatened with false prosecution. Just like women find it difficult to accept and tell the people if she has experienced sexual assault. It is equally tough for a Man who has been falsely implicated to prove his innocence.
As seen in the famous Rohtak Bravehearts Case, the media was quick to pounce on the story of two women mercilessly beating up their Molesters in a Haryana Intercity Bus, these Men were branded as Demons and were called all sorts of Names. They tried to assert their innocence but to no avail. They were portrayed as villains in the story. While the girls were catapulted to the status of Heroines even before the case went on trial.
They (the Girls) were to be awarded by the Haryana Government for their bravery.
The case took two years to provide a conclusive judgement, the judgement shook everyone to the core in the judgement it was found that there was no harassment done by the three accused. All the evidence and witnesses said that the men had not given any inappropriate gestures or implications. After a thorough background check it was found that the family of the supposed victims (Aarti and Pooja) had the habit of borrowing money and then coercing the lenders to forgo the loans by threatening to file false complaints of Rape, Kidnapping and Molestation.
While the matter was under trial the Boys (Kuldeep, Narayan, Mohit) had lost their chance to sit for the armed forces written exam as they were accused of such a controversial case.
Two of them were forced to quit their education. Once the judgement came out all the boys demanded the court was to regain their respect.
The Delhi High Court took cognisance of the false case of Sexual Harassment filed by women in one of its landmark judgements Anita Suresh v. Union of India in which Justice Midha granted exemplary damages to the respondent in the lieu of false Sexual harassment being filed against them. The court ordered the appellant Ms. Anita Suresh to pay 50,000 rupees to the respondents and the bar association of Delhi.
This helped point out that being falsely implicated of such heinous crimes has a huge impact on the life of the accused as he may be innocent, but people start to consider him guilty beyond doubt.
The Act recognises the possibility of false prosecution and says that all the punishments which would have been applicable on the perpetrator had the accusation be proved would be conversely applicable on the plaintiff if she files a false case.
The act is revolutionary in every sense but it has come under scrutiny because its narrow scope, exploitation of men though not a common practice in India. Is also not unheard of.
But, One thing that the act definitely did was improve the status of the labour class or the housemaids whose rights were tough to protect even in the Vishakha guidelines, have been given proper redressal mechanisms so that their rights are also protected.
It had come to the attention of different courts in India that the guidelines that have been set by the supreme court of India were not practiced in many workplaces in the country. It took 16 years after the passing of the landmark case of the Vishaka and others v. State of Rajasthan and the judgement where the supreme court had set up guidelines for sexual harassment in the workplace a proper legislation was enacted, this was the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 [5] . This act has filled in the void of proper legislation that delivers each and every woman of India, regardless of age or status of employment, a workplace that is safe and secure from any kind of harassment. The above-mentioned Act’s objective is to not only protect but also to prevent any kind of sexual harassment that occur in workplace and also it ensures a speedy remedy for any complaints that are filed under the act. In 2013, there have been an amendment to the criminal law act where amendment had criminalized stalking, sexual harassment, etc.
One of the most important features of the act is the setting up of committees for any redressal of grievances, this has to be done both for the organized and unorganized sector. The said committees are as follows:
The ICC and the LCC under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 gives them the power equal to a Civil court, they have the power to call and inspect any accused under oath, to produce the necessary documents related to the complaint, and any necessary matter that is needed for the speedy conclusion of the case.
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 states that any women that have been sexually harassed in their workplace who proposes to complaint shall do so by providing 6 written complaints of the incident that have taken place. This complaint shall include the names, witnesses and most importantly the evidence of the said incident [6] . The complaint can be filed within 3 months of the said harassment happening. This time can be increased by the committees by another 3 months. Sexual harassment being a mentally tormenting criminal activity takes a huge toll on its victims, therefore they might not be in a position to go forward with the complaints. The Act has stated that any relative, psychologist, friends, co-workers have the power to file the complaint for the victim.
The complaints have the right to ask for interim measures to the ICC and LCC which have been provided powers to do so by the Act. The ICC and LCC can transfer the duties of respondent’s duty towards the victim to other employees, transfer of the victim to another branch or workplace and they can be granted a leave for up to 3 months. The act also in detail states about the compensations and punishments that will be levied on the individual engaging in sexual harassment in the workplace. The act states the following:
One of the most important case regarding sexual harassment is the Vishaka & Ors. v. State of Rajasthan, in this particular case Bhawari Devi was a social worker under the government. She had been raped by 5 individuals, and due to insufficient evidence, the court had acquitted the case. This case had gained a huge public favour, therefore many NGOs and activists who supported Bhawari Devi to attain the justice she deserves. Therefore, a public interest litigation had been filed. Since there were no laws in place the supreme court of India had introduced certain guidelines and named it Vishaka guidelines.
These were for the employers to prevent any sexual harassment in the work place. After the implementation of the Vishaka guidelines the first case that made its way to the court regarding sexual harassment in workplace is Apparel Export Promotion Council v. A.K Chopra [7] , in this case an officer superior in the establishment had sexually harassed a woman who was his subordinate, there was no contact physically. The court had implemented the Vishaka guidelines and held him guilty. The court had stated in the judgement that physical contact is not a necessity for sexual harassment. One of the most important cases in which the high court had implemented the Vishaka guidelines was Saudi Arabian Airlines, Mumbai v. Shehnaz Mudbhalkal [8] , in this case Shehnaz Mudbhalkal was an employee of Arabian Airlines. Abdul E. Bahrani was a manager who had sexually harassed Shehnaz Mudbhalkal by requesting sexual demands and had threatened her if she didn’t comply or provide these demands, he would fire her. She had filed a case and the high court had held that Shehnaz Mudbhalkal should be reinstated with full wages and also full back ages.
A few years back there had been an important social media movement regarding sexual harassment named as the “#ME TOO” movement. Women who had been harassed in their lifetime had come out with the stories they had been through in social media; this had spread across the world. Few of the most important cases under this was in the year 2018 where a woman had alleged, she had been sexually assaulted by a minister and in the same year the minister of external affairs had also been accused by more than 20 women [9] . Women are afraid of coming out with their complaints because they fear the consequences following afterwards. In the ME-TOO movement there had been a lot of defamation cases being filed against women who speak the truth, this was one of the reasons women don’t express what had happened to them.
The implementation of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 has been a good initiative but it still is not free from any loop holes and issues in the laws they are stated as follows: if a male employee ever goes through sexual harassment, he will not be able to claim relief under this particular legislation. The law talks about formation of the ICC for redressal of complaints, but the legislation is very vague in respect of the ICC regarding its constitution, the setting up of an ICC in every branch and office is a very expensive affair. The ICC includes only personnel from the company itself, there needs to be an individual who is not related to the company at all in the committee, this individual should be knowledgeable in terms of law or women’s rights, such an appointment makes the decision a favourable one.
The Act has given the responsibility to address the issues regarding sexual harassment but there is a possibility that the witnesses in the company will not agree to give their testimony fearing their reputation or safety. The act specifies that in case the complaint that had been filed by an individual is malicious in nature the employer has the power to take the necessary steps against that individual, this would discourage women to come forth and give complaints fearing that the decision will come against them. The act also exclaims that if any individual has been found guilty of the complaint that had been filed then the employer can pay the compensation to the complainant from the guilty individual’s salary, such an act can go against payment of wages act 1936. [10] The United States of America has no laws regarding the subject puts a percentage of liability on the employer too, but in India the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 does not do so.
The false cases filed in the Act have been much publicised and have ruined the image of women in many workplaces. Also, with the onslaught of the METOO movement, each and every action is under scrutiny. According to many critics the normal balance of the workplace has been disrupted. One dire effect which this act might have is the non-hiring of capable and qualified women.
As it is women’s participation across industries in negligible amounting to only 4% according to NCW data, women may find it difficult to get hired. As an employer may find it easier to hire a man with less expertise but also less complications. As in the case of a woman facing sexual harassment the employer has to bear the cost of the litigation as well as grant her leave up to three months in addition to the normal leave she was entitled to. All this adds to the cost.
We have certainly come a long way from having no mechanism for redressal available to a woman to a very potent and robust mechanism available for redressal. In depth view in the topic makes us realise that any law cannot be unidimensional. And a law as revolutionary as s exual Harassment of Women in Workplace has had huge social implications. What I feel is that this law is certainly a step in the right direction. What it requires is public awareness, sensitivity and robust implementation. I think when any incident happens people should not become judgemental against the woman or the man. The due process should be followed.
There should also be a Men’s Commission in place so that even men have the right to address their grievances in a systematic manner.
As the job of the Act is to bring equality not to suppress any gender.
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ARTICLE 13 August 2024
The #MeToo movement prompted a societal shift in the approach to issues of sexual harassment in the modern workplace. In particular, it highlighted several shortcomings in the protection afforded to workers against sexual harassment.
As a result, in 2021 the former Conservative Government committed to strengthening the protection for workers against sexual harassment by introducing additional mandatory obligations on employers.
These changes will come into force from the 26 th October 2024 under the The Worker Protection (Amendment of Equality Act 2010) Act 2023 .
This article explores the existing law, the upcoming changes to the legislation and some practical tips for employers to prepare for the new duties imposed on them.
As defined under The Equality Act 2010 , sexual harassment includes any unwanted conduct of a sexual nature where such conduct has the purpose or effect of either violating the victim’s dignity, or creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment.
Employers can currently use the defence that they had taken all reasonable steps to prevent harassment in the workplace. In practice however, few employers succeed with this defence given the threshold required to satisfy it.
The following changes will come into effect from 26 th October 2024 under the new legislation:
Claims for a breach of this duty can be made in the Employment Tribunal, however they must be attached to a claim for sexual harassment. The EHRC also has powers to take enforcement actions against employers who are in breach.
This duty does not extend to other harassment claims (i.e. linked to other protected characteristics), it only applies to sexual harassment.
The ‘reasonable steps’ employers are required to take must be proactive (i.e. creating or controlling the workplace to prevent sexual harassment, rather than just responding to complaints or being passive) and they will likely be proportionate to the size of the employer and its resources.
The former Government intended to produce a statutory code of practice on sexual harassment at work, setting out the steps employers should take to prevent and respond to such claims, alongside these legislative changes.
They were collaborating with the ECHR to update and codify the existing ECHR code, and it was expected that this would be published around a month before the new legislation comes into effect.
However, given the change in Government, it is now unclear as to whether this will now be delayed. In the meantime, we have set out some practical tips below that employers should consider prior to the changes coming into effect.
There are several ways in which employers can review and prepare for the upcoming changes as follows:
The legislation which is coming into force in October 2024 is significantly watered down from the Bill as it was originally drafted.
Two key amendments included the removal of the obligation for employers to take ‘ALL reasonable steps’ (which would have imposed a higher standard of obligations on employers) to prevent sexual harassment and the proposed re-introduction of employer liability for harassment by third parties.
Previously, the Labour party indicated that it would support and be willing to re-instate these provisions, in particular the employer liability protection against harassment by third parties, and so these obligations may well change again in the future.
If you require further assistance and advice on upcoming changes to the sexual harassment legislation or have any questions about this article, please call our Employment team on 01737 854500 or email [email protected] and a member of our expert team will get back to you.
Around half of young Australians had no understanding of what sexual harassment was when they embarked on their first jobs, federal Sex Discrimination Commissioner Anna Cody has said.
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Dr Cody is conducting consultations across Australia on workplace sexual harassment as part of the Speaking From Experience project for the Australian Human Rights Commission.
She said the 18-year-olds interviewed said when they entered the workforce at 14, 15 or 16, they had no understanding of what constituted sexual harassment, did not understand their rights in the case of workplace sexual harassment, nor did they understand they could access free legal advice from community legal centres or legal aid.
"People don't know what sexual harassment is. That's shocking to me," she said.
Dr Cody said: "[Despite] having had so much media coverage about it, people actually don't understand it ... don't understand the nuance of it."
That includes remarks being explained away as a "joke ... that's just how we do it".
One in three Australians have been sexually harassed at work in the last five years.
Preliminary feedback from the consultations said perpetrators often harass based on sexist, homophobic and racist stereotypes such as: "I thought all Asian women liked that."
It was also important, said participants, not to normalise sexist behaviour and "small" comments, which may go on to become more serious.
The responses reveal the important of continuing education, not only during workplace inductions.
Those interviewed also said in-person training was better received, rather than more impersonal online methods; and felt human resources departments were not trained to deal with sexual harassment.
That included taking a very legal approach which was not necessarily trauma-informed, such as conducting questioning that places the burden of blame on the person who has experienced the harassment.
That included being asked questions such as: "Are you sure it happened?"
Dr Cody was appointed to the position in September 2023.
A spokesperson for ANROWS, Australia's National Research Organisation for Women's Safety, said there must be continued investment in education which challenges harmful attitudes and assists every young person to recognise and reject all sexual harassment.
Jenna Price is a Canberra Times columnist and a visiting fellow at the Australian National University.
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Skaine (1996) defines sexual harassment as “unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature…when submission or rejection of this conduct explicitly affects an individual’s employment, unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment ” (p. 11). The two types of sexual harassment identified by the law are quid pro quo and hostile environment.
Quid pro quo refers to a condition where an employee is forced to provide sexual favors to an individual at a higher job rank in exchange of benefits at the workplace. On the other hand, hostile environment refers to a state where employees are harassed by offensive sexual behavior or any other act or state that intimidates a person sexually at the workplace (Geffner & Braverman, 2005).
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act protects employees against discrimination of any nature at the workplace. The Act protects employees from discrimination by their employees either in terms of gender, ethnicity, racial background, religion or any other form (Repa, 2010).
The scenario being experienced at the workplace provides that members of staff are offended by the personal photos and calendars hung in the back of the kitchen that are sexual in nature. Some of these items have been given to the staff from suppliers. The objects hung do not belong to just one individual and are making the other staff members uncomfortable. The other staff members asked for the items to be taken down and have even taken them down themselves, but that has caused more items to be hung up in their place.
From this scenario it is evident that the employees are offended by the pictures and this is a case of a hostile work environment. The rights of the employees have been violated yet they have the right to be protected from sexual harassment. In this scenario, sexual harassment is experienced by the employees and the kitchen manager should take action to protect the rights of the employees.
As the kitchen manager I would ensure that all the complaints are dealt with immediately and appropriately. All pictures identified to cause sexual harassment should be removed and no more pictures of a similar kind should be displayed in future. It is good to discuss the issue with the employees and assure them that it is regrettable that such an offensive act has been happening and that a similar occurrence would not be experienced in future.
A comfortable work environment is a right to all employees and it would be my duty to ensure that all employees are comfortable at the workplace. Moreover, injunction should be placed against suppliers providing materials which are offensive. To add on that, personal photos bearing offensive photos should be banned at the workplace.
It is therefore conclusive that employees have a right to be protected against sexual harassment. Sexual harassment consists of all environmental conditions at the workplace which are sexual in nature and are offensive.
It is the responsibility of the management of the organization to ensure that all the employees are comfortable at the workplace. To avoid a similar occurrence in future, employees of the organization should have the freedom to express their grievances and to discuss matters that may affect them at the workplace.
Geffner, R. and Braverman, M. (2005). Aggression in organizations: violence, abuse, and harassment at work and in schools. Routledge. ISBN 0789028425, 9780789028426
Repa, B. K. (2010). Your Rights in the Workpla ce. Nolo. ISBN 1413312101, 9781413312102.
Skaine, R. (1996). Power and gender: issues in sexual dominance and harassment. McFarland. ISBN 0786402083, 9780786402083.
IvyPanda. (2018, May 16). Sexual Harassment at the Workplace. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/
"Sexual Harassment at the Workplace." IvyPanda , 16 May 2018, ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/.
IvyPanda . (2018) 'Sexual Harassment at the Workplace'. 16 May.
IvyPanda . 2018. "Sexual Harassment at the Workplace." May 16, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/.
1. IvyPanda . "Sexual Harassment at the Workplace." May 16, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/.
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IvyPanda . "Sexual Harassment at the Workplace." May 16, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/.
Senator Robin Padilla on Thursday raised concern on how "power play" spurs the occurrence of sexual harassment in the workplace.
"Dapat wala diyan ang power play. Sa aking maiksing pag-aaral sa topic na ito, nakita natin ang sexual harassment ay malamang ang laging pinag-uusapan diyan ay power play. Talagang ang may kapangyarihan [ay] kung sino ang puwede mag-promote o magbigay ng anumang incentive, laging doon bumabagsak," Padilla said.
(Power play should end. In my brief study of the topic, we see many cases of sexual harassment involving power play, involving those who have the power to give promotions or incentives.)
"Kaming artistang nandidito gusto ipaalam sa inyo, nangyayari ang sexual harassment sa industry namin. Marami akong nabasa na kaso nangyayari sa ibang office at government pa at kadalasan sa paaralan," he added.
(I am from the entertainment industry, and I can say sexual harassment occurs not just in our industry but also on other offices and even in governments and schools.)
For Padilla, incidents of sexual harassment perpetrated by employers are "incomparable" to cases perpetrated by company employees.
"Para sa akin eh iba kasi 'yung employer ang bumiktima doon sa employee kasi... may power play na hindi mo maintindihan, may pagka-predator. Iba 'yun eh. Nanggigigil ako doon," he said.
(For me, it is a different case if sexual harassment was done by an employer to an employee. There is power play there. It appears that they are predators. I am angered by such cases.)
The lawmaker raised this during the continuation of the Senate public information and mass media committee's inquiry into the policies of television networks and artist management agencies in relation to complaints of abuse and harassment.
Padilla chairs the Senate panel, which is investigating the alleged abuse by two independent contractors of GMA Network on Sparkle artist Sandro Muhlach.
The two contractors, Richard Cruz and Jojo Nones, have denied the sexual harassment allegations hurled against them, but senators expressed belief that there was "strong evidence" against them. — VDV, GMA Integrated News
When members of the San Francisco Democratic Party coalition surfaced public allegations of sexual harassment and assault in the spring, leadership had two options: ignore it like many predecessors have, or force Democrats in one of America’s most progressive cities to take a long, hard look in the mirror.
Party Chair Nancy Tung decided that the days of waiting for these scandals to fade would end with her. Tung created a special committee to examine sexual assault and harassment in the San Francisco political community, and held a meeting in May for survivors to share their experiences. The hearing was emotional , featuring testimonies about workplace harassment, physical assault and rape, and how allegations were ignored for years.
Since then, more accusations have surfaced, again calling into question just how prevalent experiences of misconduct are in political spaces. Even in the progressive bastion of California, sexism and harassment in the workplace remains rampant, and there hasn’t been much substantive change in recent years.
In 2017, the Capitol was rocked with allegations of sexual assault and harassment in the workplace during the #MeToo movement, prompting an overhaul of sexual harassment policy in the Legislature and a public reckoning . Over 140 women — legislators, staffers, lobbyists and consultants — signed a letter detailing the “pervasive” and “dehumanizing behavior by men with power” in California’s political ecosystem.
But one highly publicized moment of collective outrage clearly did not solve the problem. It took months of pressure for the Legislature to release its records of sexual harassment allegations in 2018, finally naming many of the abusers it had long protected.
As a survivor of sexual assault, I know how quickly people can forget. Without sustained public pressure, superficial commitments to fighting sexual harassment culture are just lip service
Right now, California’s political sector should be paying greater attention to what’s happening in San Francisco to ensure this latest wave of action leads to meaningful reforms. Hopefully it’ll inspire other communities to take charge before more survivors lose hope and resign themselves to despair.
Unfortunately, politics presents an environment ripe for abuses of power: Success is built on relationships, and those connections are often cultivated outside the workplace. Afterhours social events dominate the calendars of young legislative staffers or consultants hoping to make a good impression. Sometimes skipping a night out could mean losing out on a career opportunity or vital networking.
Pamela Lopez, a lobbyist who accused a legislator of sexual misconduct in 2017, told me that the issue is much more pronounced with political staffers early in their careers. Lopez, 42, says her seniority shields her from the harassment others experience: She feels like she has “aged-out.”
“When I was in my 20s, I remember one time this public official wouldn’t take a meeting with my clients unless I had lunch with him afterwards wearing open-toed shoes because he had a foot fetish,” Lopez recalled. “It was like, well shit, if I report this I’m the one who’s gonna be in trouble, and so we just sort of took it on the chin.”
Many political workplaces are also temporary. Campaigns and other organizing efforts are usually volunteer-based and lack anti-harassment trainings or a clear method for reporting misconduct.
While personal experiences vary depending on the workplace, these blurred lines and power imbalances create a murky environment. Public image is everything in politics, and those with the power to act often choose to sweep things under the rug.
“This is what it is to be a woman and work in an industry where there’s money and there’s power,” Lopez said, highlighting the transactional nature of politics.
It’s easier to dismiss something appalling when seeking accountability puts money, power and relationships on the line. That’s why so many survivors stay silent — it’s why I didn’t contact the police when I was assaulted in high school. We don’t expect to be supported, and are all too familiar with stories of systems failing when victims come forward.
Ruth Ferguson didn’t expect to sacrifice years of her life when she reported sexual harassment and retaliation from a supervisor at an Assembly district office. After informing the chief of staff in 2019, it took over a year for Ferguson’s complaint to reach the Legislature’s newly formed Workplace Conduct Unit .
Read More: What the plan to deter Capitol sexual harassment really addresses — and avoids
The investigation dragged on for another year while she continued working in the same office. The unit even revealed Ferguson’s identity to senior staffers, subjecting her to further retaliation and discrimination.
The WCU, charged with investigating cases of misconduct and harassment, was reportedly unable to substantiate whether Ferguson was harassed or retaliated against and closed the case — despite Ferguson’s claim that there was ample evidence and witnesses to corroborate her complaint.
The same month Ferguson filed a workplace discrimination suit with the Department of Fair Employment and Housing, she received a letter from the Workplace Conduct Unit notifying her that they were now investigating her conduct during many of the instances she reported as harassment.
With the power dynamic flipped, the Legislature apparently substantiated those allegations thanks to a “preponderance of evidence.”
By the end, Ferguson took medical leave to escape an unbearable work environment, suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and a debilitating depression.
Throughout the process Ferguson was routinely ignored, gaslighted, discredited and subjected to further mistreatment for years. She wasn’t even allowed to view the case files.
She was punished for reporting, as so many of us are .
“There needs to be a way to be survivor centric, to really make survivors not just feel, but know that they are in the driver’s seat.” Ferguson told me. “Like, if you come forward with an allegation, that not only are you gonna be taken seriously … but that you will be treated fairly.”
Ultimately, the Legislature’s effort at an independent, transparent system amounted to self-policing and then went years without releasing any records . The promise to do so was informal, and the Legislature exempts itself from the Public Records Act — which applies to all other state agencies.
After a nearly four-year gap, the elected body only released records after KCRA 3 questioned the oversight this January. Even then, the Legislature released a document which only states the number of cases handled by the Workplace Conduct Unit over the last three years. And it doesn’t say which of the 391 complaints were substantiated.
“All political institutions suffer from the same root challenges when it comes to sexual misconduct and discrimination because relationships are so important in politics,” Ferguson said. “Sometimes people, unfortunately, put those relationships over taking accountability or doing the right thing.”
In 2021, tenant rights advocate Sasha Perigo wasn’t taken seriously, either, when she accused then-rising San Francisco political star Jon Jacobo of rape. The San Francisco Standard reported in April that three other women filed police reports for sexual assault and domestic violence against Jacobo soon after Perigo’s accusation came to light — and they say their allegations were largely ignored in the three years since.
Last week, Jacobo was arrested for multiple counts of sexual assault and domestic violence. He pleaded not guilty and will face a preliminary hearing on Thursday to determine whether there’s enough evidence for a trial.
While Perigo did not pursue charges after completing a rape kit — she cited mistrust of law enforcement and how retraumatizing the reporting process can be — she made her claims publicly, and San Francisco’s political community mostly looked the other way.
In my experience, every day feels like a knife in the back when you come forward and are only met with platitudes and inaction.
Perigo publicly posted documents and screenshots when she first came forward, prompting three other women to share evidence of their own with police. It took three years and a news investigation for any semblance of justice to take shape. It shouldn’t be this difficult for credible claims to spur action.
Tung, the chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, ran on a campaign promise to better address sexual harassment in the workplace after the lack of action taken by leadership in 2021. Tung and Committee Chair Lily Ho are adamant that the committee is not only working on a new code of conduct and policies for dealing with future allegations, but are committed to a cultural change within the party.
“People who are survivors — who share their stories — deserve to be treated with dignity and respect,” Tung said. “They deserve to be believed, and they deserve to have the process center around them.”
The committee Tung created has had its share of problems. Former San Francisco Supervisor Michela Alioto-Pier stepped down from the committee after advocates took issue with her past support of a Newsom aide convicted of domestic violence and child abuse. Some party members have also complained about the lack of Black and Latino representation. And a few survivors opted out of the May hearing due to committee members’ close ties to a nonprofit director once accused of sexual assault.
Still, compared with past efforts to address sexual misconduct in the political realm, the party chapter is making strides. Ho attributes this to Tung’s political will. “I think we’re finally here with females in charge,” she told me.
That includes Alondra Esquivel, president of the nonpartisan San Francisco Women’s Political Committee, who has been hearing about sexual misconduct in San Francisco politics for years. Right now, committee members are working with Esquivel’s organization, other chartered Democratic clubs and survivor representatives to come up with a new code of conduct for the party and other stakeholder organizations.
Despite its faults, she sees the creation of this special committee as a major step forward.
“This hearing should have happened years ago, but it didn’t — but we’re still progressing,” Esquivel said.
The San Francisco Democratic Party’s efforts are by no means perfect, but no effort will be when it comes to to addressing sexual misconduct in the workplace. There is no roadmap to success, but pretending it doesn’t happen or placating victims with temporary promises is much worse.
In San Francisco, women are finally leading the charge and survivors are helping create new policies. That alone is progress.
More importantly, they are beginning the cultural change that every institution struggles to create and that every survivor deserves.
Kate McQuarrie is the California Voices Intern at CalMatters and a recent graduate of the University of Southern California with a degree in English. She previously covered politics and activism for Annenberg... More by Kate McQuarrie
On average, 49 sexual harassment cases were reported every day in 2022, according to ncrb.
Doctors and students protest at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital in Kolkata on Wednesday (Photo: PTI)
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First Published: Aug 14 2024 | 11:36 PM IST
Over the past decade, the U.S. military has implemented policies to promote gender equality, notably lifting the ban on women in combat roles in 2013 and opening all military jobs to women by 2016. Yet, even as U.S. military policy reforms during the “War on Terror” appear to reflect greater equality, violent patterns of abuse and misogyny continued within military workplaces.
This author of this report found that sexual assault prevalence in the military is likely two to four times higher than official government estimations. Based on a comparison of available data collected by the U.S. Department of Defense to independent data, the research estimates there were 75,569 cases of sexual assault in 2021 and 73,695 cases in 2023. On average, over the course of the war in Afghanistan, 24 percent of active-duty women and 1.9 percent of active-duty men experienced sexual assault. The report highlights how experiences of gender inequality are most pronounced for women of color, who experience intersecting forms of racism and sexism and are one of the fastest-growing populations within the military. Independent data also confirm queer and trans service members’ disproportionately greater risk for sexual assault.
The report notes that during the post-9/11 wars, the prioritization of force readiness above all else allowed the problem of sexual assault to fester, papering over internal violence and gender inequalities within military institutions.
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