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Essay on Non Violence – Samples, 10 Lines to 1500 Words

Essay on Non Violence: Non-violence is a powerful tool that has been used throughout history to bring about social change and promote peace. In this essay, we will explore the concept of non-violence and its impact on society. We will discuss the principles of non-violence, its effectiveness in resolving conflicts, and the role it plays in promoting justice and equality. By examining the power of non-violence, we can better understand its importance in creating a more peaceful and harmonious world.

Table of Contents

Non Violence Essay Writing Tips

1. Start by defining what non-violence means to you. This could include the refusal to use physical force to achieve a goal, the promotion of peace and harmony, or the belief in resolving conflicts through peaceful means.

2. Research the history of non-violence and its impact on society. Include examples of famous non-violent movements and leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Nelson Mandela.

3. Discuss the principles of non-violence, such as compassion, empathy, and understanding. Explain how these principles can be applied in everyday life to promote peace and harmony.

4. Explore the benefits of non-violence, both on an individual and societal level. This could include reduced conflict, improved relationships, and a more peaceful world.

5. Address the challenges of practicing non-violence in a world that is often filled with violence and aggression. Discuss strategies for overcoming these challenges, such as communication, conflict resolution, and empathy.

6. Provide examples of how non-violence has been used to bring about social change and justice. This could include the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, and the fight for gender equality.

7. Discuss the role of education in promoting non-violence. Explain how teaching empathy, conflict resolution, and peaceful communication skills can help create a more peaceful society.

8. Offer practical tips for incorporating non-violence into your daily life. This could include practicing active listening, resolving conflicts peacefully, and promoting understanding and empathy in your interactions with others.

9. Conclude your essay by emphasizing the importance of non-violence in creating a more peaceful and harmonious world. Encourage readers to embrace non-violence as a guiding principle in their lives and to work towards building a more peaceful society.

10. Proofread and edit your essay to ensure clarity, coherence, and accuracy. Make sure your arguments are well-supported with evidence and examples, and that your writing is engaging and persuasive.

Essay on Non Violence in 10 Lines – Examples

1. Nonviolence is a philosophy and practice of avoiding physical, verbal, or emotional harm to others. 2. It is based on the belief that violence only begets more violence and does not lead to long-lasting solutions. 3. Nonviolence promotes peaceful conflict resolution through dialogue, negotiation, and compromise. 4. It is often associated with figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. who used nonviolent methods to bring about social change. 5. Nonviolence can be practiced on an individual level in daily interactions with others. 6. It can also be used as a strategy in social movements and protests to resist oppression and injustice. 7. Nonviolence requires courage, patience, and a commitment to empathy and understanding. 8. It is rooted in the belief that all individuals have inherent dignity and worth. 9. Nonviolence is a powerful tool for creating positive change in society and promoting peace and justice. 10. By embracing nonviolence, we can work towards a more compassionate and harmonious world for all.

Sample Essay on Non Violence in 100-180 Words

Non-violence is a powerful tool for bringing about social change and resolving conflicts without resorting to physical force. It is a philosophy that promotes peaceful resistance and the use of non-violent tactics to achieve justice and equality. Non-violence is based on the belief that all human beings have the capacity for empathy and compassion, and that violence only begets more violence.

Non-violence has been used throughout history by individuals such as Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. to bring about significant social and political change. By refusing to engage in violent acts and instead using peaceful protests, civil disobedience, and other non-violent methods, these leaders were able to inspire others to join their cause and create lasting change.

In today’s world, non-violence is more important than ever as we face increasing levels of conflict and division. By embracing non-violence and promoting peaceful solutions to our problems, we can create a more just and harmonious society for all.

Short Essay on Non Violence in 200-500 Words

Non-violence is a principle that has been practiced by many great leaders throughout history, including Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Nelson Mandela. It is a philosophy that advocates for resolving conflicts and achieving goals through peaceful means, rather than resorting to violence or aggression.

One of the most famous proponents of non-violence was Mahatma Gandhi, who led India to independence from British rule through non-violent civil disobedience. Gandhi believed that violence only begets more violence, and that true change could only come through peaceful resistance. His philosophy of non-violence, or ahimsa, inspired millions of people around the world to fight for justice and equality without resorting to violence.

Similarly, Martin Luther King Jr. used non-violent tactics to lead the civil rights movement in the United States. King believed in the power of love and forgiveness to overcome hatred and discrimination. He organized peaceful protests, marches, and boycotts to bring attention to the injustices faced by African Americans, and his efforts eventually led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Nelson Mandela also embraced non-violence as a means of achieving social change in South Africa. Despite spending 27 years in prison for his anti-apartheid activities, Mandela never wavered in his commitment to non-violence. After his release from prison, he worked tirelessly to dismantle the apartheid system through peaceful negotiations and reconciliation, eventually becoming the first black president of South Africa.

Non-violence is not just a tactic for achieving political change; it is also a way of life that promotes compassion, empathy, and understanding. By choosing non-violence, individuals can break the cycle of violence and create a more peaceful and harmonious society. Non-violence teaches us to respect the dignity and humanity of all people, even those with whom we disagree.

In today’s world, where conflicts and violence seem to be ever-present, the philosophy of non-violence is more important than ever. By practicing non-violence in our daily lives, we can create a more just and peaceful world for future generations. Whether it is through peaceful protests, acts of kindness, or simply choosing to resolve conflicts through dialogue rather than aggression, each of us has the power to make a difference through non-violence.

In conclusion, non-violence is a powerful tool for social change that has been used by many great leaders throughout history. By embracing non-violence in our own lives, we can work towards a more peaceful and just society for all. As Mahatma Gandhi once said, “An eye for an eye only ends up making the whole world blind.” Let us choose non-violence as a way to heal the wounds of the past and build a brighter future for all.

Essay on Non Violence in 1000-1500 Words

Non-violence is a philosophy and practice that has been embraced by many individuals and movements throughout history as a means of promoting peace, justice, and social change. The concept of non-violence, also known as ahimsa in Sanskrit, was popularized by Mahatma Gandhi during India’s struggle for independence from British colonial rule. Gandhi believed that non-violence was not only a moral imperative, but also an effective strategy for achieving political and social goals.

Non-violence is based on the principle of refraining from using physical force or aggression to achieve one’s objectives. Instead, it advocates for the use of peaceful means such as dialogue, negotiation, civil disobedience, and non-cooperation. Non-violence is rooted in the belief that all human beings are interconnected and that violence only begets more violence, leading to a never-ending cycle of conflict and suffering.

One of the key tenets of non-violence is the idea of active resistance to injustice and oppression. This can take many forms, from peaceful protests and demonstrations to acts of civil disobedience and non-violent resistance. By refusing to participate in systems of violence and oppression, individuals and communities can challenge the status quo and bring about positive social change.

Non-violence has been used as a powerful tool for social and political transformation throughout history. Gandhi’s non-violent resistance movement in India inspired similar movements around the world, including the civil rights movement in the United States led by Martin Luther King Jr. King’s philosophy of non-violence was deeply influenced by Gandhi’s teachings, and he used non-violent tactics such as sit-ins, boycotts, and marches to challenge racial segregation and discrimination.

Non-violence has also been used as a means of resolving conflicts and promoting peace at the international level. Organizations such as the United Nations and the International Red Cross promote non-violent conflict resolution and peacebuilding efforts in regions affected by war and violence. Non-violent peacekeeping missions have been successful in de-escalating tensions and preventing violence in conflict zones around the world.

Non-violence is not only a political strategy, but also a moral and ethical principle that guides individuals in their personal lives. Many religious and spiritual traditions teach the importance of non-violence as a way of living in harmony with others and with the natural world. The concept of ahimsa is central to the teachings of Jainism, Buddhism, and Hinduism, among other faith traditions.

In today’s world, non-violence is more important than ever as we face global challenges such as climate change, poverty, inequality, and political instability. The use of violence as a means of resolving conflicts only exacerbates these problems and leads to further suffering and destruction. By embracing non-violence as a guiding principle, individuals and communities can work together to create a more just, peaceful, and sustainable world for future generations.

Non-violence requires courage, discipline, and a deep commitment to justice and equality. It is not always easy to practice non-violence in the face of injustice and oppression, but the rewards are great. By choosing non-violence as a way of life, individuals can inspire others to do the same and create a ripple effect of positive change in their communities and beyond.

In conclusion, non-violence is a powerful philosophy and practice that has the potential to transform individuals, communities, and societies. By refraining from using violence and instead choosing peaceful means to achieve our goals, we can create a more just, peaceful, and sustainable world for all. As Mahatma Gandhi famously said, “Be the change you wish to see in the world.” Let us all strive to embody the principles of non-violence in our thoughts, words, and actions, and work together to build a more peaceful and just world for future generations.

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Essay on Non-Violence

Non-Violence:

Fools mock at non-violence, wise men admire it, while great men practise it. “Non-violence”, said, Mahatma Gandhi, “is the weapon of the strong”. Under Gandhiji’s leadership, India won her freedom through the unique weapon of non-violence. Non-violence is the force of love. Believe it or not, love is a weapon stronger than the atom bomb.

Non-violence is an old doctrine. In the East as well as West non-violence as an article of faith, or philosophy of life, has been practised from time immemorial. The middle ages, for whatever reason, have been unusually violent. The last, two centuries, namely, 18th and 19th, have been periods of aggressive wars and unashamed imperialism. In the din and bustle of selfish wranglings, a man had nearly forgotten himself; he had come very dangerously near believing in the superiority of material and dark forces. Suddenly, as if it were the will of God, a man arose out of the mist and darkness of confusion, braved his frail, puny figure against the demon of tyranny and physical pride. He fought over fifty years, battled and struggled, and finally proved the triumph of spirit over matter. That man was Mahatma Gandhi, who harked back mankind to the call of reason and courageous faith.

What is non-violence? Volumes may be written on it. Volumes have been written. The principle enshrined in the preachings of Zoroaster, Mahavir, Buddha, Jesus, Nanak, etc. has been re-stated by Mahatma Gandhi. It was in South Africa that the great seer experimented with the truth. It was he who had first revolted against the British racial pride and maltreatment of the Indians. He exposed himself to great risk of life, took upon himself, calmly and spiritedly, all indignities to awaken the conscience and good faith. Non-violence, therefore, according to him who is the greatest philosopher of non-violence is Ahimsa, that is, showing of good-will and love to an antagonist while protesting in spirit against his unjust, violent or immoral act. It was tested once again at Noakhali and finally in the prayer ground of Delhi where a mad man’s three bullets, at last, brought his mortal body low, but not the immortal spirit.

Many people do not seem to know the exact meaning of the word ‘non-violence’. They are confused.

It is true that the barest sense in which it is used is the showing of regard for others physical well-being or safety. Avoidance of physical force or avoidance of inflicting pain, torture or death on others is the first article of non-violence. The other aspect of it is of greater significance. That aspect implies an attitude of life in which a man is asked to be morally self-conscious and to be ready to undergo any trial or hardship for the sake of truth. Considered in this sense, non-violence is the creed of moral courage- the courage that rational man must bring to bear in his dealings with his kind, calm, stoic courage in which he must resist the evil of his adversary, without doing him physical violence. Obviously, non-violence is fundamentally based on the spirituality of man…..and deeply grounded in the belief that given a suitable opportunity, the conscience of man which is good and moral, is bound to prevail.

Is non-violence the creed of the strong? or is it a shrewd cover over the coward to avoid the risks of physical hardship? In his experiment with truth at Noakhali, when the fire and dust of communal hatred had clouded human judgement, Mahatma Gandhi braved his puny, frail figure through ranks of hostile, mad men to teach them that non-violence was not the religion of the coward but of the strong and the morally determined. Lest someone should make his faith for shrewd cowardice, he once went so far to say that it is any day better to go down fighting bravely against evil rather than tamely to submit to it under the cover of Ahimsa. When women’s honour and chastity were in danger at the hands of ruffians, the Mahatma’s formula of non-violence suddenly changed its front, and out it went from tame, passive self-surrendered to spirited and violent self-defence. Non-violence then, as understood by its greatest preacher of modern times, is not passive and cowardly self-surrender, but spirited and determined resistance to evil in utter good faith. Non-violence had its greatest apostle in Christ and Buddha. Buddha propagated a faith that gave to the world a great religion and a great emperor (Ashoka).

Christ died on the cross so that proud Pharisees might learn that in the spirit of men there is no distinction. “Could it be possible,” asks Dr Rajendra Prasad, “that nation knowing full well the destructive potentialities of the atom bomb, would still continue to spend billions on the manufacture of the bombs? The sages of our land for this reason emphatically declared that self-conquest is the supreme triumph of man. More than 2,000 years ago the great emperor Ashoka renounced all conquest except the Dharma Vijay. Mahatma Gandhi has been again giving this message to the people of India and the world. Dazzled by the glitter of modern civilization, deafened by the maddening noise of the modern machine, we miss the music of the moral law”.

Is non-violence synonymous with moral courage? Yes, It is equivalent to moral courage, plus something more. “This something more is what makes the creed of non-violence practical, creative and active. Gandhian non-violence is a Hebraic attitude of life. It seeks to leave the world a little better than what we found it. It seeks to interfere in the affairs of others, in the interests of truth and justice. It is no mere passive or stoic moral courage- but the active, driving force of a spirit to seek redress of moral grievances”.

“My non-violence,” says Mahatma Gandhi, “does not admit of running away from danger, and leaving near and dear ones unprotected. Between violence and cowardly flight, I can only prefer violence to cowardice. Non-violence is the summit of braver”. It is the brave man’s courage to defy without injuring the other, Or better still, as Dr B. C. Roy puts it, “A non-violent man gives patient hearing to his opponent, reasons with him respectfully, and if need be combats enemies by non-violent resistance. In dealing with men, particularly those of different cult or way of thinking, he does not injure them, but endures injury himself, serves them without fear of unnaturalness, and turns the non-violent non-cooperation technique to success”.

Rightly said Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhiji’s greatest disciple, “This war and the events preceding it has impressed upon me more than ever the futility of violence”. In the hour of the gravest provocation when the Eastern Pakistan affairs were wearing out the last supports of India’s patience when the hisses of an impending war between the two states were fast mounting on to a dangerous climax, Pandit Nehru, on the eve of the Nehru-Liaquat Agreement, advised calm and sober reason on both sides and rightly summed up the basic philosophy of India’s non-violent creed, which, far from being one of cowardly compromise, was founded on moral courage and faith in truth and justice. He said, “If we now adopt a policy of war, we will not only go back on all for which we have stood during the past 30 years but would also lower our prestige. No sensible man can, therefore talk of dragging his country into war. But if in spite of us, it id forced on us, we will fight. That is why we maintain an army and an air force”.

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Non-Violence, Essay Example

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Non-violence is a strategy and philosophy for social change that does reject the society use of violence. Non-violence is also seen as an alternative to the passive acceptance of the armed struggle and oppression against it. Non violence practitioners use diverse methods in their campaigns for the social change that includes; the critical forms of non-violence direct action and civil disobedience, education and persuasion and the targeted communication through the mass media (Chris 45).

Non-violence has been powerful tool in the modern times for the social protest. Martin Luther King is one of the people who used non violence to struggle for winning the civil rights for the African Americans. Pacifism is a synonym for the term non-violence. Pacifism means use of violence rejection as personal decision on spiritual or moral grounds although it does not imply inclination towards the change on any social political level. On the other hand, non violence presupposes the aim of political or social change to be the reason of rejecting the violence (Chris 45).

There are three categories of non violence. They include noncooperation, acts of protest and persuasion, and nonviolent intervention. Act of protest or persuasion as a non violent are mainly the symbolic actions that are performed by a group of people who wants to show their disapproval or even support for something. This action’s goal is to bring the awareness of the public to an issue, influence a group of people or even to facilitate nonviolent action in future. The message can be directed to opponents, public or even people who have been affected by an issue. Methods or ways of protest and persuasion include speeches, petitions, symbolic acts, communication in public, processions or marches, arts and public assemblies. Non cooperation does involve the withholding of the cooperation or the unwillingness to initiate with cooperating with the opponent. The goal of this is to hinder or stop an industry, economic process or even political process. It mainly includes economic boycotts, civil disobedience, labor strikes, tax refusal and the general disobedience. Non violence intervention is a more direct method of non violent. It is more effective and immediate than the others. It is usually more taxing and hard to maintain. It includes parallel government, fasting and occupations or sits INS (Chris 45).

Malcolm X argues that the violence was the option in the situations where the non-violence was not possible. Malcolm X maintained that although non violence was essential and of paramount, it was not applicable in the situations where the fruits of non violence were not achieved. He at some point criticized the Martin Luther King argument that the non violent ways should be applied always. Malcolm X said to the African Americans that they should continue to defend themselves and had that right of defending themselves from their oppressors. He said that the African Americans should protect themselves if government was not unable or unwilling to protect the black people. He said that they should use any means they can to protect themselves. He went ahead to reject the use of non violence as the means of securing or getting equality declaring that the members of the Afro American Unity  and also himself were very much determined to get the justice, freedom and equality by any means whether violence or non violence. This contradicts with the Martin Luther King opinion that does not entertain at any oint any act of violence (Chris 45).

Non violence is an effective method of resistance according to Martin Luther King. He argues that the non violence way may be seen as for cowards but it is not. But it was a method of resisting. Martin Luther argues that a non violent protester is as passionate as the person whose ways of protesting are violent. The only difference is that he is not physically aggressive but his emotions and mind are ever active and they are constantly trying to convince the opponent that he is greatly misguided or mistaken or he is wrong. This requires a lot of spiritual courage and great emotional to stand against the injustices. Many people believes that only the people who use physical ways are aggressive in the way they act as they violently protest but Martin Luther says that even those who do not use violence ways physically by being emotional and participates aggressively with his mind towards their opponents (Deanna).

Martin Luther continues to support that the non violence way is also effective in that it does not humiliate the opponent. It instead helps one to gain his understanding and friendship. He further says that the methods of non cooperation and boycotts were meant to awaken the sense of the moral shame in the opponent. This results to redemption and reconciliation rather than chaos and bitterness as a result of violence resistance. The non violent as a means of asking for the justice does not disgrace the opponent but rather it tries to seek his friendship and understanding. This seems to be a polite and smooth way of getting the justice done. According to Martin Luther, the awakening of the opponents mind leads to him thinking back and making a decision which eventually or rather makes a friendship to emerge between the two rivals and eventually the justice is gotten without any side being hurt as a result (Deanna).

The third point Martin Luther advanced was the battle against the evil forces but not against the individuals. He said that the tension was not between the tribes or races but between the injustice and justice or between the forces of darkness and forces of light.  The tension only existed between the evil and good and not between people and if there was victory, it would be for justice and forces of light. This makes the non violence to be effective as it uses ways that are not evil and does not hurt in anyway be it physical. It is very open and does not target the individual but the behaviors of the person who is oppressive. According to Martin Luther, the person has no problem but the problem is the behaviors that are attached with him. Therefore if it is possible to change the behavior of any person or the forces of the behavior in him it would be better and this would be possible if no violence at all was used (Deanna).

The safety of the person who is protesting is very looked after. The non violence resistance requires the willingness to suffer. It is important for one to accept violence without retaliating with the violence and must be ready to go to the jail if it is necessary. Martin Luther King believed that the acceptance of suffering led to the tremendous educational and even transforming possibilities and it is a very powerful tool towards changing the opponent’s minds.  This show how effective non violence as ways of resistance should be adopted instead of violence. Retaliatory violence causes more trauma, chaos and hatred. Acceptance of the suffering by the Protestants usually leads to a change in the mind and the heart of the opponent. It has never in any place with violence been heard of any unreported injuries. This means or clearly shows that the violence consequences are fatal and severe always. Martin Luther argues or says that one should not under any circumstance accept to retaliate with violence at all cost. He argues that one should even be ready to go to jail if the situation proves so. This brings a lot of implication to the opponent to an extent of him changing his mind. This makes the non violence be an effective way of resistance as compared to violence ways which has very severe consequences (Deanna).

Martin Luther King talking about the non violence resistance said that the universe or the world was on the justice side and that the people have a companionship that is cosmic with God who is on truth side of the life. Therefore, activists have faith that the justice will one day occur in the future.  This differs with the violent ways of demanding justice. The kind of faith is very essential in that one can do it deeper in his heart and with God’s intervention this may end up being very much effective. Martin Luther King told the African Americans activists should ensure that they keep the faith and that the justice will occur in the future. Martin Luther believed that God pays everything in this world and that everything done in this world has to pay in this world. If one is done injustice in this world, then definitely he will have to be paid as God does not forsake his people. Those who do injustices to others according to the Martin Luther shall pay for the same in this world. This contradicts to the Malcolm’s X suggestions of that if non violence ways do not work, then the violence ways should be used without hesitating (Deanna).

Martin Luther the King believed that the non violence importance was that it prevented or avoided the physical violence and the spirit’s internal violence. The hate and the bitterness that develops in the resisters mind are replaced with the love. This is different from the violence method where by the resister develops a lot hatred and also bitterness due to the violence. The person who is protested against with the violence methods cannot be able to develop love if he approached with violence hence he may also retaliate and be unable to accept or even change his behaviors. Martin Luther king says that there is respect that develops from the opponent as he realizes that those who are seeking justice from him are mature persons who know themselves and their rights and this eventually results to love contrary to the violent ways which results to hatred and bitterness between the two groups involved. This concludes that the non violence is the best way or effective way of resistance (Deanna).

According to the Malcolm X, he criticizes non violence portraying it as passive doctrine that usually causes non violent leaders to radicalize their non violent rhetorical.

Does Nonviolence Have Limitations That Render Violence Necessary In Some Cases?

The violence is not necessary and does not render the non violence at any point. When the violence is used, its aftermath is the bitterness between the two rivals which is very dangerous. This cannot at any point be used to replace the non violent at any point or any circumstances. Comparing to the non violent, its aftermath is reconciliation and beloved community creation rather than the violence or bitterness. Martin Luther does not at any point suggest that the violence can replace or substitute non violence ways under any circumstance (Deanna).

Malcolm X fervently criticized non violence saying that were attempts of imposing the bourgeoisie morals upon the proletariat and that the violent was essential towards accompaniment to the revolutionary change or that the right to self defense is very important.  Malcolm X believed that the violence should at all cost be used where there is no other option remaining. Malcolm X argues that it was an offense to any individual who is being mistreated, abused or assaulted to continue accepting being assaulted without doing at least something so as to defend himself.  Malcolm X says that one should not just keep quite but he should wake up and take an action even if it means violence (Deanna).

According to the Martin Luther King, the non violence as a way of resistance should be applied at all times no matter how ineffective it is not working. Martin Luther King believed that this will come to a point where the opponent will soften his heart and change completely. Martin Luther believed that everybody can change.

At no point should the violent ways be applied as this would mean attacking the individual person and not the forces of the evil. This is according to Martin Luther who says that non violence is there to defeat or fight the injustice and not to the persons like the violence methods which target the individuals or persons. This contradicts to the Malcolm X views which argue that if non violence fails then violence should prevail and even if it means fighting with the person as an individual. He supported this by arguing the blacks and his fellow Afro American Unity organization members that they should be determined to win or get justice , freedom and even equality by any means that would be necessary including using the violence (Deanna).

Martin Luther King continues to support that the non violent should not at any point be overcome by the violent. This is because the violent ways usually or always results to bloodshed and even casualties as the opponent retaliates back still with violent. Hence there should no point where the violent should be used or overcome the violence. If the non violence way is substituted by the violence, then this would mean that hatred and bitterness automatically develops between the opponents, therefore it should not be necessary under any case. Using violence does not also guarantee that the justice will be provided hence should not be viewed as an alternative way to justice other than non violence in any case whatever the circumstances (Deanna).

Deanna Proach K. Martin Luther King . 5 Jan. 2009. 15 Dec. 2009. <http://modern-us-history.suite101.com/article.cfm/martin_luther_king>

Chris, Graham J. Peace building alum talks practical app of nonviolence , London: Augusta Free   Press, 2009.

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Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Students are often asked to write an essay on Importance of Non Violence in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Understanding non-violence.

Non-violence is a principle that promotes peace and love, rejecting harm and aggression. It encourages resolving conflicts through dialogue and understanding.

Importance of Non-Violence

Non-violence is crucial for maintaining peace in society. It fosters respect, tolerance, and empathy among individuals.

Non-Violence in Daily Life

Practicing non-violence in daily life means avoiding harm to others, both physically and emotionally. It promotes harmony and understanding.

Non-violence is a powerful tool for peace. It promotes mutual respect and understanding, creating a harmonious society.

250 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Introduction, non-violence: a catalyst for change.

Non-violence acts as a catalyst for change, promoting dialogue and understanding over conflict. It encourages the resolution of disagreements through peaceful means, fostering a culture of respect and tolerance. This approach has proven effective in many historical movements, such as the Indian independence struggle and the American Civil Rights Movement.

The Moral Power of Non-Violence

Non-violence carries a moral power that violence lacks. It appeals to the conscience of the oppressor, making it harder for them to justify their actions. By refusing to resort to violence, the oppressed assert their moral superiority, often winning public sympathy and support.

Non-Violence in the Contemporary World

In today’s interconnected world, the importance of non-violence is more pronounced. With global issues like climate change and social inequality, there is a need for collective action that transcends borders. Non-violence fosters this spirit of global citizenship, encouraging cooperation over conflict.

In conclusion, non-violence is not just a strategy, but a way of life. It promotes understanding, respect, and mutual cooperation, making it a crucial component of a peaceful society. As we navigate an increasingly complex world, the philosophy of non-violence offers a path towards a more harmonious and just future.

500 Words Essay on Importance of Non Violence

Non-violence, a philosophy deeply rooted in many cultures and religions worldwide, has been a significant guiding principle for social and political change. From Mahatma Gandhi’s peaceful resistance against British rule to Martin Luther King Jr.’s civil rights movement, non-violence has shown its power and relevance repeatedly. This essay will explore the importance of non-violence as a tool for conflict resolution, social transformation, and personal development.

Non-violence as a Tool for Conflict Resolution

Non-violence and social transformation.

Non-violence is not just the absence of physical violence; it is also a proactive force for social transformation. It empowers marginalized communities to assert their rights and challenge oppressive systems without resorting to violence. Non-violent protests and civil disobedience movements have been instrumental in bringing about significant social changes, such as ending racial segregation in the United States and dismantling apartheid in South Africa. These movements demonstrate the power of non-violence to effect change on a large scale.

Non-violence and Personal Development

On a personal level, non-violence encourages self-awareness, self-control, and a deep respect for all life. It helps individuals develop a sense of responsibility for their actions and their impact on others. Practicing non-violence can lead to personal growth and spiritual development, as it requires individuals to cultivate empathy, patience, and tolerance. It can also reduce stress and improve mental health by promoting peaceful interactions and relationships.

Challenges and Critiques

In conclusion, non-violence is a powerful tool for conflict resolution, social transformation, and personal development. It promotes dialogue, understanding, and respect, empowering individuals and communities to effect change without resorting to violence. While it may not be the solution to all conflicts, its importance in fostering peaceful and sustainable solutions cannot be overstated. As we navigate an increasingly interconnected and complex world, the principles of non-violence can guide us towards a more peaceful and just society.

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WORK  EXPERIENCE

• Jason Manrique
• May 27, 2021
• 13 min read

Introduction to Nonviolence

Updated: Jan 12, 2022

By Jason Manrique (April, 2020)

Table of Contents

Introduction

Nonviolent Movements

International Nonviolent Struggle

Nonviolence in Academia and in the 21st Century

Nonviolence: an introduction.

Nonviolent activism over the course of the 20th century helped influence the world and century in a positive direction. There now is an effective option to fight back against injustice and oppression around the world without having to cause more pain and conflict. These days, nonviolence has an academic catalog full of examples, theory and scholars who help guide those in search of learning more on the subject of nonviolent philosophy. But first, What is Nonviolence?

A simple definition for nonviolence can be that it is the use of peaceful means, not by force, to bring about social change. However, this is a very simple and broad definition of what nonviolence is or can be. There are different aspects of the nonviolent philosophy that require their own meaning:

Nonviolent Communication for example is about expressing and hearing needs nonviolently resulting in mutual understanding and agreements between cooperating groups.

Nonviolent Conflict Resolution and Mediation are where special measures and techniques are employed to resolve conflicts that previously had been found to be irretractable. Mediation is where these techniques are employed by a neutral third party.

Nonviolent Noncooperation can be defined as when one group applies symbolic methods to disrupt daily processes of life in order to bring awareness to society of injustices or inequities.

Nonviolent Resistance is when oppositional measures are taken in different forms of protest to provoke and expose unacceptable actions and thus embarrass and shame the group doing the actions in the eyes of the public and the international community.

Examples of these forms of nonviolence will be provided later in this article.

Notable Nonviolent Movements: Early 20th Century

Nonviolent movements were active throughout the 20th century, helping shape society into what it is today.

Early on, it was the Women's Suffrage movement in the United States during the early 1900’s. One of the most notable events to come from that movement was the Suffrage Parade of 1913. The reason why is because this parade marked the first large march to take place in Washington D.C, where women from all over the country came together and marched for the right to vote. President Woodrow At the time, Wilson was going to have his inaugural address. This event helped ignite the suffragist movement and continue to hold Wilson’s administration accountable culminating in the passage of the 19th Amendment.

Meanwhile, around the same time in another part of the world, a young Mahatma Gandhi was preparing one of his first large-scale acts of civil disobedience against the British Empire. The 1920 Non-Cooperation movement was Gandhi’s example of what nonviolent noncooperation can look like when being implemented in real life. The movement had participants resign from positions en masse (election workers, teachers, courts, other administrative positions) and threaten to not pay taxes as well. While the non-cooperation movement ended in 1922, it marked the first time where civil disobedience came from all parts of Indian society instead of just an educated middle class, signifying that the independence movement was gaining popular support.

Nonviolence During the Civil Rights Era

The success of India's independence movement due in large part to Gandhi’s nonviolent philosophy helped inspire an upcoming generation of activists around the world that it is possible to fight back against oppressors without using violence. This would be seen best in the tactics and philosophies of activists during the American Civil Rights Era of the 1950s-1960s. The most significant example of this would have to be the civil rights work of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who directly cited Gandhi as an inspiration and applied Gandhi’s methods of nonviolence to what King was trying to accomplish working toward abolishing the discriminatory Jim Crow laws in the American South. For example, King played a pivotal role in the Montgomery Bus Boycott as President of the Montgomery Improvement Association, preached nonviolence even after threats and attempts on his life were made, met with students of Gandhi, and delivered his iconic “I have a dream” speech at the 1963 March on Washington. MLK’s nonviolent philosophy remains one of his most notable characteristics in the eyes of the American public. Another lesser-known activist of the era is James Lawson. Lawson, similar to King, also came from a Christian upbringing revolving around nonviolence. It was his work in India where he directly learned about Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence, Satyagraha, and then even had Dr. King urge him to move to the South and help teach people the nonviolent activism he had learned in India from Gandhi’s students. Lawson's teachings would prove to be very important and impactful during the Civil Rights Era, being a mentor and teacher to notable young activists such as Diane Nash and John Lewis, who themselves would go on to lead the sit-in movement throughout the South.

In the West, there was another similar struggle going on in the western part of the country during this time. Racism, corruption, and poor working conditions were common amongst farm workers in the western United States (workers who were often Mexican or Filipino immigrants). The man who would directly challenge the oppressive system rose from those ranks was Cesar Chavez. Chavez, very much like Martin Luther King was inspired by his religious upbringing (MLK with the Baptist church and Chavez with the Catholic church) and the work of Gandhi. A notable difference in Chavez’s experience is that he was also inspired by the Civil Rights movement that had been going on in the South at almost the exact same time he was fighting for labor rights in the west. A very crucial moment came in 1965 when the union he created joined a grape strike that was soon elevated to national notoriety due to the nonviolent tactics Chavez helped lead. Things such as asking for strike members to commit to nonviolence, long marches, and even a hunger strike by Chavez to protest the talks of committing acts of violence within the striking worker's ranks. Cesar’s work was recognized by notable Civil Rights figures such as Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, receiving a letter of praise and solidarity from King at one point. Chavez and the grape workers won in 1970 when their union was officially recognized.

International Nonviolent Struggles

While the work of nonviolent activists such as Cesar Chavez, Martin Luther King, and James Lawson and so many others during the American Civil Rights Era brought groundbreaking change, there were (and are) still ongoing struggles in other parts of the world.

Halfway across the world from America, the indigenous Africans of South Africa were in the midst of an ongoing struggle that would last much longer than the Civil Rights Era in America. The Apartheid regime in South Africa was a brutal system set in place by the white minority-controlled government beginning in the late 1940s. The country where Gandhi had first learned and implemented his early nonviolent philosophy was now the setting for another struggle. There were different forms of opposition used against the apartheid regime, from nonviolent ones to armed resistance. 1952 was when anti-apartheid activists implemented their first wide-scale act of nonviolent resistance. Disobeying the laws of apartheid by meeting in massive groups at locations such as train stations, post offices bus stops, schools, this would be known as the National Defiance Campaign. Thousands of people were arrested and membership for the African National Congress (ANC) political party skyrocketed.

Unfortunately, the campaign was met by harsh retaliation by the apartheid government and no concessions were made. However, nonviolence was still the main tool used by the South Africans throughout that period. Others actions were taken such as bus boycotts, demonstrations, and even burning passes. International pressure from the United Nations also dealt significant blows to the apartheid regime with arms embargoes on South Africa (Security Council Resolution 181, 182) , condemnation from the Commission on Human Rights and the General Assembly to name some examples.

It was during the 1970s and 1980s where different methods of civil disobedience were taken as a result of the oppression by the South African government. By that point, many activist leaders who were imprisoned were being released and at the same time, labor strikes were rising which helped show anti-apartheid activists that they can sabotage the inner workings of the Apartheid system using labor power. Mass work strikes, school boycotts, funerals for murdered activists were the new actions being used. These tactics served as a leverage system in that government officials and employers were worried about having a shortage of skilled workers in the near future and/or not having labor leaders/activists to negotiate with during labor disputes.

Economic boycotts had also become popular where practically the entire community does not go to work or shop at local businesses, hurting the white-owned businesses and other employers. As a result of the constant boycotts and other actions by the anti-apartheid activists, mixed with the international condemnation and sanctions brought by the UK and USA, the South African government slowly began making concessions by the mid to late 1980s and in 1994 a new constitution along with a non-white majority in government marked an end to Apartheid in South Africa.

Similar to South Africa, the struggle for the Palestineans in the Middle East has been a long one full of oppression from the Israeli side no matter what form of resistance is used against the Israeli government. Nonviolence has been prevalent in Palestinian resistance even before the issue of Israeli occupation. During the late 1930s, resistance to the British empire by Palestinians consisted of protests, strikes, and diplomatic petitions. Several decades after the formation of Israel (1948) a movement began where large portions of the Palestinian population acted in civil disobedience against the Israeli government. This event would come to be known as the First Intifada (1987).

During the Intifada, the people took nonviolent actions in large groups. Examples of these actions include: staging sit-ins, blocking roads, burning tires, having large demonstrations. The IDF (Israeli Defense Force) even classified over 95% of the activities as nonviolent. It was during the First Intifada when a champion for nonviolence would emerge within the Palestinian community. Mubarak Awad, a Palestinian Christian who had studied notable figures in the field of nonviolence (MLK, Gandhi, Gene Sharp) became a major organizer during the Intifada. Awad translated into Arabic the work of those thinkers and wrote and distributed pamphlets in Arabic on the subject of nonviolent non-cooperation and nonviolent theory all over the West Bank. Mubarak’s actions got him put on notice by the Israeli authorities and eventually resulted in his deportation. He helped promote nonviolent actions that would be in direct opposition to Israeli control of Palestinians. Planting olive trees in potential sites for new Israeli settlements, flying the Palestinian flag, directly opposing curfews, not presenting IDs, were just some of the actions Mubarak Awad helped promote. Unfortunately, unlike Apartheid in South Africa, the Palestinian struggle has lasted for much longer. To this day, the Palestineans continue to be subject to the oppressive, illegal policies of the Israeli government. The Intifada was able to make some progress in terms of having all sides of this conflict come together and attempt to really negotiate a deal for the first time.

Even though Israel has forbidden his return to Palestine, Mubarak Awad continues to advocate for nonviolence in Palestine and wherever in the world there is a similar struggle for civil and human rights through his organization that he has started in the U.S.A. in Washington, D.C., called Nonviolence International. It is interesting to note that his nephew, Sami Awad has continued his efforts in Palestine through the Holy Land Trust based in Bethlehem.

Today, there exists a vast academic field in nonviolence based on theory and the experiences/ analysis of notable events that occurred during the 20th Century. Researchers and scholars during the 20th century helped create the academic field of nonviolence to compliment the direct work being performed in real life settings. One of the best known and influential scholars on nonviolence is Gene Sharp. Sharp was an American political scientist who protested the Korean War by not participating in the draft and spending time in prison.

It was afterwards, when he went to go and study in Oslo, that Sharp got very involved in studying nonviolence (specifically how teachers in Norway resisted against fascist education). Sharp went on to receive a Doctorate from Oxford University and in 1973, published a three volume work called “ The Politics of Nonviolent Action ”. It was in one of these volumes where he wrote 198 Methods of Nonviolent Actions, a groundbreaking work that is still referenced to this day and only recently has been updated for modern times. (Nonviolence International will be publishing a book on over 300 methods in 2021). Gene listed and wrote in detail 198 different ways people can perform nonviolent acts. Sharp is also credited for moving the work of Gandhi outside of religion and ethics courses and into political science and sociology departments. Institutes and other organizations are now active in promoting the theory of nonviolent philosophy. His writings are still used as training for nonviolent activists around the world even after his passing in 2018 and were cited in movements around the world over several decades.

Here is a short list of the organizations working to promote nonviolence worldwide.

Following Sharp’s inspiring example, other activists have gone on to create other institutes to promote the nonviolent philosophy for the younger generations. One example is the James Lawson Institute . This institute was created by Civil Rights activist James Lawson in collaboration with the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) as a way for American activists and organizers to learn nonviolent disobedience. James Lawson personally was a major force in the American Civil Rights movement who worked personally with Dr. King.

The Center for Nonviolent Communications was created by psychologist Marshall Rosenberg and specializes specifically in nonviolent communications as a way to improve communications resulting in improved relationships, project planning and problem-solving. According to Rosenberg, nonviolent communications emphasizes a very positive view of human nature, and that an authentic human connection can overcome almost all problems, conflicts and obstacles. Thus, in essence, human behavior is based on common needs, and thus only optimized nonviolent communications are needed to make the most of the best that humanity has to give and thus overcome conflict and obstacles, and establish true human relations and intimacy. Thus Rosenberg’s organization teaches techniques and philosophy for optimizing communications that he pioneered for realizing the full potential of human relationship and life.

Another organization created by a nonviolent activist is Nonviolence International (or NVI). This international non-profit organization was founded by Mubarak Awad in the late 1980’s as a way to promote nonviolence around the world and to continue spreading the nonviolent philosophy he taught protesters in Palestine and to others willing to learn about nonviolence. Granted special consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council (Eco-Soc), NVI works with other Nonprofits and Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) within UN Civil Society in such events as NGO-CSW and the HLPF. The NVI website contains many resources such as webinar series, training manuals, position papers, videos and backgrounders on UN-related events. One notable project from Nonviolence is an updated version of Gene Sharps 198 Methods of Nonviolent Actions by CEO Michael Beer. An academic in the field of nonviolence himself, Beer has trained many activists around the world (Tibet, USA, Thailand, etc.) on the practice of nonviolence. This book and online database exceeds the original 198 to over 300 nonviolent tactics as a result of Michael Beer’s extensive research which adds modern tactics better suited for this day and age.

The Martin Luther King jr. Research and Education Institute at Stanford University is where Martin Luther King’s nonviolent philosophy is provided open and free to the public for research and education. With the blessings of King’s wife, Coretta King, the institute holds the King Papers, being digitized into an online database years in the making (still not complete) this collection is a project with the goal of collecting all of MLKs writings (published and unpublished) in one database, and making it freely available to all to inspire and guide future social improvement and human rights work. Thus, many primary sources on MLK speeches, sermons and other writings are now freely available to the public.

Started by the Gandhi-King Foundation located in Hyderabad, India, and now based at the MLK Research and Education Institute in Stanford University, is the Gandhi-King Global Initiative . Beginning in October 2019 (the 150th anniversary of Gandhi's birthday), a large international conference was held to commemorate the event and served as the first big event of the global initiative. The purpose of the Gandhi-King Global Initiative is to create an international network of activists who aspire to continue advocating for nonviolence and international collaboration. Currently including almost 100 members in the global network, including family members of Gandhi, King, Chavez, Mandela, and staff of Awad’s organization, GKGI strives to utilize the latest in online and communications technology to encourage communications, cooperation and collaboration amongst it’s members and others to create online and in the world events (before and after the COVID-19 pandemic of course) promoting peace, justice, equality and nonviolence and celebrate diversity.

The Albert Einstein Institution was founded by nonviolent scholar Gene Sharp in 1983. The institution operated out of Gene’s home in East Boston, as a way to focus on “pragmatic nonviolent struggle”. Much of Gene Sharps publications, which includes 20 books, are available at the Einstein Institutes website. Sharp picked Einstein as the name given that he had come into contact with Einstein himself early in his life and in his career as an advocate of nonviolence. Sharp was arrested when he protested the Korean War draft and wrote a letter to Einstein - and the physicist agreed and responded back to Sharp in support of his antiwar stance. The institution holds workshops, consultations, conferences and more.

The International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (or ICNC) is a non-profit, educational foundation that provides resources on civil resistance for people around the world and from different backgrounds. Since its formation in 2002, scholars, activists, NGOs, policy analysts are among the groups welcomed to use the ICNC for learning more on nonviolence since 2002. Grants for researchers are also provided by the center as well. As mentioned earlier, the James Lawson Institute was formed in part thanks to the ICNC. From a resource library full of articles, to films and translated writings, the ICNC serves as an international library of nonviolence.

The nonviolence movements that went on during the 20th century laid the groundwork for the modern academic and organized field seen today. People who participated in different movements like Mubarak Awad in Palestine and James Lawson in the United States went on to set up institutes and organizations to continue promoting the nonviolence they learned. Thus their organizations publish works based on nonviolence and teach activists the same nonviolent tactics they learned during their time as activists in the streets of Palestine and America. Gandhi’s work in South Africa and successful campaign for Indian independence inspired Martin Luther King, Lawson and Cesar Chavez to implement that nonviolent philosophy in America. Thanks to Gene Sharp, the writings and actions of Gandhi were exposed to a much larger academic audience in America. That led to countless American students (to this day) learning about one of the best nonviolent campaigns and practitioners, ensuring Gandhi’s philosophy lives on in the minds of generations to come. Sharp's own work has been cited in countries around the world as a tool for combatting oppressive regimes. The Suffrage Parade, the first large, peaceful organized protest in D.C was planned by women challenging the incoming president to give them equal rights.Since then, countless other groups have taken action to march nonviolently across the capital as an open symbol of nonviolent civil disobedience. Today, younger generations can look back at these historic movements and continue the fundamental mission of using nonviolence to tackle injustice. In some cases being taught by the same activists from that period or the students/colleagues of those activists. All the institutes, resource websites and nonprofits aligned with nonviolence have ensured that the work of all those activists in the 20th century can also serve as a knowledge hub for those seeking a way of learning more on the nonviolent philosophy.

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Non- vs. Violent Protests’ Effectiveness Essay

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Non-violent protest is a way of passing the message across without employing forceful means. Gandhi (2001) considers non-violent protest to be the kind of protest that has no defeat. Gandhi (2001) further tells us about its principles, “The first principle of non-violence is the non-compliance with everything that is humiliating.” In this case, it is not a sign of fear but stronger than violence. Further, he gives more explanation on this. He says, “The power of disposal of a non-violent person is always greater than he would have if he was violent.”

Human beings are the only creatures who can differentiate between good and evil. They, therefore, need to use their intellect and will to guide their reactions to oppression in the best way possible. It is important to realize that violence for violence is more destructive. Shelley (2012) trusted the idea of the power of the human mind. He believed that the mind is very useful in changing circumstances using non-violent ways. His last few stanzas of the poem The Mask of Anarchy show that non-violent is the best means of countering slavery.

Shelley (2012) proclaimed “… Like a forest close and mute,/ With folded arms and looks which are/ Weapons of unvanquished war Here, he reveals how people can approach their protest. Those who use violent ways will not last. The last laugh goes to those who approach it using non-violent protest. It is the best way to solve a problem.

When one engages in non-violent means to solve a problem, they reduce the physical suffering of the people. Non-violence does oppose the physical punishment to the victims. It respects the first moral principles that apply to all beings. It always encourages doing well and avoiding evil. It links all human beings to the true meaning of creation. This type of protest is simpler to take. It utilizes the human intellect and will. This is contrary to using violence that can lead to the use of manufactured weapons.

Non-violent protest is the most influential type of protest. This is because those involved use peace to attract the masses for their support. Their communication is always attractive, making their oppressors agree to listen to them. The oppressors get ashamed of disrupting peace if they employ force. In this case, they do not use force to reject their ideas. They employ dialogue that is the best means of solving crises.

According to the poem, The Mask of Anarchy, the consequences of violence are deaths, damages, slavery, and destruction among others. However, the last stanzas call for non-violent means to counter all damages. Gandhi (2001) cautions those who still think that violence is the way to go. He states that “So long as one wants to retain one’s sword, one has not attained complete fearlessness.” This is evident that man can obtain complete courage through non-violent means.

Non-violence brings about fewer losses to property and life. It is a professional way of countering looting and killing. It values property belonging to fellow human beings. Its main target is the freedom of the human race as it is, God made us be free. It uses the simplest means available to achieve the peace we seek every day. It is the only way to get out of violence as Gandhi (2001) puts it, “Mankind has to get out of violence only through non-violence.” He added that hatred is a vice that encourages violence. It is the worst action in which human beings can be involved. Love is the answer.

It is cheaper to train people to use non-violent means than using violent means. Gandhi (2001) argues that “Human dignity is best preserved not by developing the capacity to deal with destruction but by refusing to retaliate.” In this case, he views the training of humankind to adopt non-violent ways simpler compared to the training of people to use violence. He wonders why people still think that non-violence is difficult to learn. He considers it to be easier to use than using violence.

It is through non-violent protest that the opposition agrees to use non-violent means to solve the problem. This shows how good the peaceful means to promote peace even to the opposition. Alternatively, if one chooses to use violence to obtain a good, there will be violent retaliation. It is worthy to note that when one uses violence to counter violence, they cause double the damage. It does not lead to a solution.

Non-violence is preferable since it counters the cycle of violence and counter-violence. We should advocate it in all conflicts that we should solve. It is a useful way of getting things in order especially when we need a long-term solution. This is contrary to violence where a party uses it to gain control of a situation. It is more permanent as the two parties reach a common agreement, unlike violence. In violence, the one who loses the war agrees to the rules set by his conqueror.

When a non-violent brings about the common agreement, there is an option for future evaluation of the cord and immediate changing if need be. This is a good way of getting the best deal compared to engaging in violence. In violence, one agrees to the rules of his/her conqueror. However, they later retaliate when they feel that they can overcome the enemy.

Violence makes it very difficult to focus on matters at hand. Society is always in fear and panic. The media focuses on coverage of war instead of focusing on the main problem and its possible solutions. It is even confusing because it is difficult to get evidence in a place affected by social unrest.

Solving crises using non-violent means is the main teaching from different denominations and religions. This means that one who employs non-violent ways in solving a problem gets support from these religious bodies. This leads to quick solving of that problem.

Non-violence creates a foundation for a way of life. It is the only method of promoting unity among the human race. It is the only way to use it in solving our problems. It opens the way to self-realization as God created human beings to love and serve each other in their best ways possible.

Violent protests are the main source of shading blood. In the world today, the major crises to people are because of violence. The major problem commonly seen in developing countries is a dictatorship. This is an issue of concern considering the percentage of a nation’s resources taken by these dictators. Due to this, there are more struggles for power in order to gain wealth. The rebel groups arise and fight the government in an attempt to gain control of the rich resources for their wealth

To conclude, the country experiences many problems if its people engage in violence as their means of solving crises. It is clear that they spend most resources to sustain war instead of developing the nation. On contrary, there is higher economic growth in the countries that use non-violence. Human Labor spends more time destroying than building the nation. Therefore, violence is not the answer to crises.

Gandhi, M. (2001). Non-Violent Resistance. St. Mineola, New York: Dove Publication.

Shelley P. (2012). The Masque of Anarchy ( Kindle ed.) London: BiblioBazaar.

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Essays About Violence: Top 5 Examples and 7 Prompts

Violence is a broad topic and can be sensitive for many; read our guide for help writing essays about violence.

The world has grown considerably more chaotic in recent decades, and with chaos comes violence. We have heard countless stories of police brutality, mass shootings, and injustices carried out by governments; these repeating occurrences show that the world is only becoming more violent.

Violence refers to the use of physical force so as to injure, abuse, damage, or destroy . From punching a friend due to disagreement to a massacre of innocent civilians, a broad range of actions can be considered violent. Many say that violence is intrinsic to humanity, but others promote peace and believe that we must do better to improve society.

If you are writing essays about violence, go over the essay example, and writing prompts featured below. 

Are you looking for more? Check out our guide packed full of transition words for essays .

1. Videogames, Violence, and Vulgarity by Jared Lovins

2. street culture, schools, and the risk of youth violence by lorine hughes, ekaterina botchkovar, olena antonaccio, and anastasiia timmer, 3. violence in media: no problem or promotes violence in society by albert miles, 4. my experience of domestic violence by ruth stewart, 5. a few thoughts about violence by jason schmidt, writing prompts on essays about violence, 1. what is violence, 2. different types of violence, 3. can social media cause people to be violent, 4. is violence truly intrinsic to humankind, 5. causes of violence, 6. violence among the youth, 7. race-based violence.

“Parents allow themselves to be ignorant of the video games their children are playing. Players allow themselves to act recklessly when they believe that playing video games for ten, twenty, or even thirty hours on end won’t have an adverse effect on their mental and physical health. People allow themselves to act foolishly by blaming video games for much of the violence in the world when in truth they should be blaming themselves.”

Lovins discusses the widespread belief that video games cause violence and ” corrupt our society.” There is conflicting evidence on this issue; some studies prove this statement, while others show that playing violent video games may produce a calming effect. Lovins concludes that it is not the games themselves that make people violent; instead, some people’s mental health issues allow the games to inspire them to commit violence.

“The risk of violence was not higher (or lower) in schools with more pervasive street culture values. Higher concentrations of street culture values within schools did not increase the likelihood of violence above and beyond the effects of the street culture values of individual students. Our results also showed that attending schools with more pervasive street culture values did not magnify the risk of violence among individual students who had internalized these same values.”

In this essay, the authors discuss the results of their study regarding “street culture” and violence. Street culture promotes toughness and dominance by using “physical force and aggression,” so one would think that students who embrace street culture would be more violent; however, the research reveals that there is no higher risk of violent behavior in schools with more “street culture”-following students. 

“We have had a violent society before media was even around, and violence is just in our nature as human beings. Those who happen to stand against this are deceived by society, due to the fact that we live in a dangerous world, which will stay this way due to the inability to create proper reasoning.”

Miles writes about people blaming the media for violence in society. He believes that government media regulations, including age-based ratings, are sufficient. If these restrictions and guidelines are taken seriously, there should be no problem with violence. Miles also states that violence has existed as long as humankind has, so it is unreasonable to blame the media. 

“It was when I was in the bath, and I looked down at my body and there were no bruises on it. None at all. I was shocked; it was the first time I had lived in a non-bruised body in many years. I don’t know if any other women who got out of violent situations felt their moment. The point at which they realised it was over, they could now get on with recovering. I promised myself that I would never stay with a violent partner ever, ever again. I have kept that promise to myself.”

Stewart reflects on her time with an ex-boyfriend who was violent towards her. Even though he kept hitting her, she stayed because she was used to it; her mother and stepfather were both violent during her childhood. Thankfully, she decided to leave and freed herself from the torture. She promises never to get into a similar situation and gives tips on avoiding staying with a violent partner. 

“I went back and replayed the burglar scenario in my head. Suppose I’d had a gun. When would I have pulled it? When he ran out of the apartment? What were the chances I would have killed him in a panic, without ever knowing he was armed? Stupidly high. And for what? Because he tried to steal someone’s TV? No.”

In his essay, Schmidt recalls an instance in which a man pulled a gun on him, threatening him with violence. He chased a burglar down the street, but the burglar pulled a gun on him, leaving him stunned and confused enough to escape. Schmidt was so bothered by the incident that he got his own concealed carry permit; however, after reading statistics regarding gun accidents, he decided to reject violence outright and pursue peace. 

As stated previously, violence is quite a broad topic, so it can be challenging to understand fully. Define the word violence and briefly overview some of its probable causes, how it manifests itself, and its effects. You can also include statistics related to violence and your own opinions on if violence is a good or bad thing. 

There are many types of violence, such as domestic violence, gun violence, and war. List down the commonly occurring forms of violence and explain each of them briefly. How are they connected, if they are? To keep your essay exciting and readable, do not go too in-depth; you can reserve a more detailed discussion for future essays that are specifically about one type of violence.  

Social media is quite explicit and can show viewers almost anything, including violent content. Some sample essays above discuss the media’s effect on violence; based on this, is social media any different? Research this connection, if it exists, and decide whether social media can cause violence. Can social media-based pressure lead to violence? Answer this question in your essay citing data and interview research.

Many argue that humans are innately violent, and each of us has an “inner beast.” In your essay, discuss what makes people violent and whether you believe we have tendencies towards violence. Be sure to support your points with ample evidence; there are many sources you can find online. 

Violence arises from many common problems, whether it be depression, poverty, or greed. Discuss one or more causes of violence and how they are interconnected. Explain how these factors arise and how they manifest violence. With an understanding of the causes of violence, your essay can also propose solutions to help prevent future violence.

Youth violence is becoming a more severe problem. News of school shootings in the U.S. has set public discourse aflame, saying that more should be done to prevent them. For your essay, give a background of youth violence in the U.S. and focus on school shootings. What motivates these school shooters?  Give examples of children whose upbringing led them to commit violent acts in the future

Another issue in the U.S. today is race-based violence, most notably police brutality against African-Americans. Is there a race issue in policing in America? Or do they target offenders regardless of race? Can both be true at the same time? You decide, and make sure to explain your argument in detail. 

If you’d like to learn more, in this guide our writer explains how to write an argumentative essay .Grammarly is one of our top grammar checkers. Find out why in this Grammarly review .

"Pilgrimage to Nonviolence"

Author:  King, Martin Luther, Jr.

Date:  April 13, 1960

Location:  Chicago, Ill.

Genre:  Published Article

Topic:  Martin Luther King, Jr. - Education Martin Luther King, Jr. - Political and Social Views Martin Luther King, Jr. - Travels Montgomery Bus Boycott Nonviolence

On 10 July 1959,  Christian Century  editor Harold Fey asked King to write an article for “How My Mind Has Changed,” a series of “statements by significant thinkers” reflecting their intellectual and spiritual development over the previous ten years. In this essay, King stresses the academic influences that have led him to embrace nonviolence as “a way of life.” 1  He also relates that his “involvement in a difficult struggle” had changed his conception of God from a “metaphysical category” to “a living reality that has been validated in the experiences of everyday life.” God had become “profoundly real” to him: “In the midst of outer dangers I have felt an inner calm and known resources of strength that only God could give.”

Ten years ago I was just entering my senior year in theological seminary. Like most theological students I was engaged in the exciting job of studying various theological theories. Having been raised in a rather strict fundamentalistic tradition, I was occasionally shocked as my intellectual journey carried me through new and sometimes complex doctrinal lands. But despite the shock the pilgrimage was always stimulating, and it gave me a new appreciation for objective appraisal and critical analysis. My early theological training did the same for me as the reading of [ David ] Hume did for [ Immanuel ] Kant: it knocked me out of my dogmatic slumber.

At this stage of my development I was a thoroughgoing liberal. Liberalism provided me with an intellectual satisfaction that I could never find in fundamentalism. I became so enamored of the insights of liberalism that I almost fell into the trap of accepting uncritically everything that came under its name. I was absolutely convinced of the natural goodness of man and the natural power of human reason.

The basic change in my thinking came when I began to question some of the theories that had been associated with so-called liberal theology. Of course there is one phase of liberalism that I hope to cherish always: its devotion to the search for truth, its insistence on an open and analytical mind, its refusal to abandon the best light of reason. 2  Liberalism's contribution to the philological-historical criticism of biblical literature has been of immeasurable value and should be defended with religious and scientific passion.

It was mainly the liberal doctrine of man that I began to question. The more I observed the tragedies of history and man's shameful inclination to choose the low road, the more I came to see the depths and strength of sin. My reading of the works of Reinhold Niebuhr made me aware of the complexity of human motives and the reality of sin on every level of man's existence. 3  Moreover, I came to recognize the complexity of man's social involvement and the glaring reality of collective evil. 4  I came to feel that liberalism had been all too sentimental concerning human nature and that it leaned toward a false idealism.

I also came to see that liberalism's superficial optimism concerning human nature caused it to overlook the fact that reason is darkened by sin. 5  The more I thought about human nature the more I saw how our tragic inclination for sin causes us to use our minds to rationalize our actions. Liberalism failed to see that reason by itself is little more than an instrument to justify man's defensive ways of thinking. Reason, devoid of the purifying power of faith, can never free itself from distortions and rationalizations.

In spite of the fact that I had to reject some aspects of liberalism, I never came to an all-out acceptance of neo-orthodoxy. While I saw neo-orthodoxy as a helpful corrective for a liberalism that had become all too sentimental, I never felt that it provided an adequate answer to the basic questions. If liberalism was too optimistic concerning human nature, neo-orthodoxy was too pessimistic. Not only on the question of man but also on other vital issues neo-orthodoxy went too far in its revolt. 6  In its attempt to preserve the transcendence of God, which had been neglected by liberalism's overstress of his immanence, neo-orthodoxy went to the extreme of stressing a God who was hidden, unknown and “wholly other.” In its revolt against liberalism's overemphasis on the power of reason, neo-orthodoxy fell into a mood of antirationalism and semifundamentalism, stressing a narrow, uncritical biblicism. This approach, I felt, was inadequate both for the church and for personal life.

So although liberalism left me unsatisfied on the question of the nature of man, I found no refuge in neo-orthodoxy. I am now convinced that the truth about man is found neither in liberalism nor in neo-orthodoxy. Each represents a partial truth. A large segment of Protestant liberalism defined man only in terms of his essential nature, his capacity for good. Neo-orthodoxy tended to define man only in terms of his existential nature, his capacity for evil. An adequate understanding of man is found neither in the thesis of liberalism nor in the antithesis of neo-orthodoxy, but in a synthesis which reconciles the truths of both. 7

During the past decade I also gained a new appreciation for the philosophy of existentialism. My first contact with this philosophy came through my reading of [ Søren ] Kierkegaard and [ Friedrich ] Nietzsche. Later I turned to a study of [ Karl ] Jaspers, [ Martin ] Heidegger and [ Jean Paul ] Sartre. All of these thinkers stimulated my thinking; while finding things to question in each, I nevertheless learned a great deal from study of them. When I finally turned to a serious study of the works of Paul Tillich I became convinced that existentialism, in spite of the fact that it had become all too fashionable, had grasped certain basic truths about man and his condition that could not be permanently overlooked. 8

Its understanding of the “finite freedom” of man is one of existentialism's most lasting contributions, and its perception of the anxiety and conflict produced in man's personal and social life as a result of the perilous and ambiguous structure of existence is especially meaningful for our time. The common point in all existentialism, whether it is atheistic or theistic, is that man’s existential situation is a state of estrangement from his essential nature. In their revolt against [ Georg Wilhelm Friedrich ] Hegel's essentialism, all existentialists contend that the world is fragmented. History is a series of unreconciled conflicts and man's existence is filled with anxiety and threatened with meaninglessness. While the ultimate Christian answer is not found in any of these existential assertions, there is much here that the theologian can use to describe the true state of man's existence.

Although most of my formal study during this decade has been in systematic theology and philosophy, I have become more and more interested in social ethics. Of course my concern for social problems was already substantial before the beginning of this decade. From my early teens in Atlanta I was deeply concerned about the problem of racial injustice. I grew up abhorring segregation, considering it both rationally inexplicable and morally unjustifiable. I could never accept the fact of having to go to the back of a bus or sit in the segregated section of a train. The first time that I was seated behind a curtain in a dining car I felt as if the curtain had been dropped on my selfhood. I had also learned that the inseparable twin of racial injustice is economic injustice. 9  I saw how the systems of segregation ended up in the exploitation of the Negro as well as the poor whites. Through these early experiences I grew up deeply conscious of the varieties of injustice in our society.

Not until I entered theological seminary, however, did I begin a serious intellectual quest for a method to eliminate social evil. I was immediately influenced by the social gospel. In the early '50s I read Rauschenbusch's  Christianity and the Social Crisis,  a book which left an indelible imprint on my thinking. 10  Of course there were points at which I differed with Rauschenbusch. I felt that he had fallen victim to the 19th-century “cult of inevitable progress,” which led him to an unwarranted optimism concerning human nature. Moreover, he came perilously close to identifying the kingdom of God with a particular social and economic system—a temptation which the church should never give in to. But in spite of these shortcomings Rauschenbusch gave to American Protestantism a sense of social responsibility that it should never lose. The gospel at its best deals with the whole man, not only his soul but his body, not only his spiritual well-being, but his material well-being. Any religion that professes to be concerned about the souls of men and is not concerned about the slums that damn them, the economic conditions that strangle them and the social conditions that cripple them is a spiritually moribund religion awaiting burial. 11

After reading Rauschenbusch I turned to a serious study of the social and ethical theories of the great philosophers. During this period I had almost despaired of the power of love in solving social problems. The “turn the other cheek” philosophy and the “love your enemies” philosophy are only valid, I felt, when individuals are in conflict with other individuals; when racial groups and nations are in conflict a more realistic approach is necessary. Then I came upon the life and teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. As I read his works I became deeply fascinated by his campaigns of nonviolent resistance. The whole Gandhian concept of  satyagraha  ( satya  is truth which equals love, and  graha  is force;  satyagraha  thus means truth-force or love-force) was profoundly significant to me. As I delved deeper into the philosophy of Gandhi my skepticism concerning the power of love gradually diminished, and I came to see for the first time that the Christian doctrine of love operating through the Gandhian method of nonviolence was one of the most potent weapons available to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom. At this time, however, I had a merely intellectual understanding and appreciation of the position, with no firm determination to organize it in a socially effective situation.

When I went to Montgomery, Alabama, as a pastor in 1954, I had not the slightest idea that I would later become involved in a crisis in which nonviolent resistance would be applicable. After I had lived in the community about a year, the bus boycott began. The Negro people of Montgomery, exhausted by the humiliating experiences that they had constantly faced on the buses, expressed in a massive act of noncooperation their determination to be free. They came to see that it was ultimately more honorable to walk the streets in dignity than to ride the buses in humiliation. At the beginning of the protest the people called on me to serve as their spokesman. In accepting this responsibility my mind, consciously or unconsciously, was driven back to the Sermon on the Mount and the Gandhian method of nonviolent resistance. This principle became the guiding light of our movement. Christ furnished the spirit and motivation while Gandhi furnished the method. 12

The experience in Montgomery did more to clarify my thinking on the question of nonviolence than all of the books that I had read. As the days unfolded I became more and more convinced of the power of nonviolence. Living through the actual experience of the protest, nonviolence became more than a method to which I gave intellectual assent; it became a commitment to a way of life. Many issues I had not cleared up intellectually concerning nonviolence were now solved in the sphere of practical action.

A few months ago I had the privilege of traveling to India. The trip had a great impact on me personally and left me even more convinced of the power of nonviolence. It was a marvelous thing to see the amazing results of a nonviolent struggle. India won her independence, but without violence on the part of Indians. The aftermath of hatred and bitterness that usually follows a violent campaign is found nowhere in India. Today a mutual friendship based on complete equality exists between the Indian and British people within the commonwealth.

I do not want to give the impression that nonviolence will work miracles overnight. Men are not easily moved from their mental ruts or purged of their prejudiced and irrational feelings. When the underprivileged demand freedom, the privileged first react with bitterness and resistance. Even when the demands are couched in nonviolent terms, the initial response is the same. I am sure that many of our white brothers in Montgomery and across the south are still bitter toward Negro leaders, even though these leaders have sought to follow a way of love and nonviolence. So the nonviolent approach does not immediately change the heart of the oppressor. It first does something to the hearts and souls of those committed to it. It gives them new self-respect; it calls up resources of strength and courage that they did not know they had. Finally, it reaches the opponent and so stirs his conscience that reconciliation becomes a reality.

During recent months I have come to see more and more the need for the method of nonviolence in international relations. While I was convinced during my student days of the power of nonviolence in group conflicts within nations, I was not yet convinced of its efficacy in conflicts between nations. I felt that while war could never be a positive or absolute good, it could serve as a negative good in the sense of preventing the spread and growth of an evil force. War, I felt, horrible as it is, might be preferable to surrender to a totalitarian system. But more and more I have come to the conclusion that the potential destructiveness of modern weapons of war totally rules out the possibility of war ever serving again as a negative good. If we assume that mankind has a right to survive then we must find an alternative to war and destruction. In a day when sputniks dash through outer space and guided ballistic missiles are carving highways of death through the stratosphere, nobody can win a war. The choice today is no longer between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence. 13

I am no doctrinaire pacifist. I have tried to embrace a realistic pacifism. Moreover, I see the pacifist position not as sinless but as the lesser evil in the circumstances. Therefore I do not claim to be free from the moral dilemmas that the Christian nonpacifist confronts. But I am convinced that the church cannot remain silent while mankind faces the threat of being plunged into the abyss of nuclear annihilation. If the church is true to its mission it must call for an end to the arms race. 14

In recent months I have also become more and more convinced of the reality of a personal God. True, I have always believed in the personality of God. But in past years the idea of a personal God was little more than a metaphysical category which I found theologically and philosophically satisfying. Now it is a living reality that has been validated in the experiences of everyday life. Perhaps the suffering, frustration and agonizing moments which I have had to undergo occasionally as a result of my involvement in a difficult struggle have drawn me closer to God. Whatever the cause, God has been profoundly real to me in recent months. In the midst of outer dangers I have felt an inner calm and known resources of strength that only God could give. In many instances I have felt the power of God transforming the fatigue of despair into the buoyancy of hope. I am convinced that the universe is under the control of a loving purpose and that in the struggle for righteousness man has cosmic companionship. Behind the harsh appearances of the world there is a benign power. To say God is personal is not to make him an object among other objects or attribute to him the finiteness and limitations of human personality; it is to take what is finest and noblest in our consciousness and firm its perfect existence in him. It is certainly true that human personality is limited, but personality as such involves no necessary limitations. It simply means self-consciousness and self-direction. So in the truest sense of the word, God is a living God. In him there is feeling and will, responsive to the deepest yearnings of the human heart: this God both evokes and answers prayers.

The past decade has been a most exciting one. In spite of the tensions and uncertainties of our age something profoundly meaningful has begun. Old systems of exploitation and oppression are passing away and new systems of justice and equality are being born. In a real sense ours is a great time in which to be alive. Therefore I am not yet discouraged about the future. Granted that the easygoing optimism of yesterday is impossible. Granted that we face a world crisis which often leaves us standing amid the surging murmur of life's restless sea. But every crisis has both its dangers and its opportunities. Each can spell either salvation or doom. In a dark, confused world the spirit of God may yet reign supreme.

1.  This essay bears similarities to chapter six of  Stride Toward Freedom , a shortened version of which was reprinted in  Fellowship  (see King, “My Pilgrimage to Nonviolence,” 1 September 1958, in  Papers  4:473–481). A revised version of King's essay was later reprinted in a collected volume edited by Fey ( How My Mind Has Changed  [Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1961], pp. 105–115).

2.  In notes that King may have written in preparation for this article, he stated: "Of course if by liberalism is meant merely an open and critical mind which refuses to abandon the best light of reason, I hope that I shall always remain a liberal" (King, Notes, “How My Mind Has Changed” series, 13 April 1960). In composing his notes, King may have borrowed language from a brief report written by one of his Boston University classmates on Nels Ferré (Roland Kircher, “Nels Ferré,” 27 February 1952).

3.  For more on King's reactions to Niebuhr, see "Reinhold Niebuhr's Ethical Dualism," 9 May 1952, and "The Theology of Reinhold Niebuhr," April 1953–June 1954, in Papers 2:141–152 and 269–279, respectively.

4.  Cf.  Stride Toward Freedom , p. 99.

5.  King, Notes: “Liberalism failed to acknowledge that man is mostly a sinner, actually though not essentially, and that with regard to religion his reason is darkened by sin. … Neither did liberalism sense that the key to correct reasoning lies in the relation between God's eternal purpose and the historic process, that is, in the relation between eschatology and epistemology.”

6.  King, Notes: “Neo-orthodoxy came close to being a wounded wing of faith, presenting mostly a general mood of irrationalism, despair, and existentialist revolt against an inadequate liberalism. It tended therefore to stress an unknown God, an absurd faith, and a narrow, self-sufficient Biblicism … Whether for the Church or for personal life, it lacked the serene faith in the Holy Spirit which can bring strength out of weakness and clarity out of confusion.”

7.  In  Stride Toward Freedom , King used similar terms to compare Marxism and capitalism (p. 95). In his notes for this article he wrote: “The fluctuating pendulum of my mind seems most merely content to rest in a position between liberalism and neoorthodoxy, which I have sometimes called Christian Realism and sometimes Evangelical Catholicism.”

8.  King wrote his doctoral dissertation on Tillich (see “A Comparison of the Conceptions of God in the Thinking of Paul Tillich and Henry Nelson Wieman,” 15 April 1955, in  Papers  2:339–544).

9. Stride Toward Freedom , p. 90.

10.  Walter Rauschenbusch,  Christianity and the Social Crisis  (New York: Macmillan, 1907).

11.  Harry Emerson Fosdick,  The Hope of the World , p. 25: “Any church that pretends to care for the souls of people but is not interested in the slums that damn them, the city government that corrupts them, the economic order that cripples them, and international relationships that, leading to peace or war, determine the spiritual destiny of innumerable souls—that kind of church, I think, would hear again the Master's withering words: ‘Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!’” (see also  Stride Toward Freedom , p. 91).

12.  Cf.  Stride Toward Freedom , p. 85. During the editing of the manuscript for  Stride , King incorporated his former professor George D. Kelsey's suggestion to stress Christianity as the motivating force behind the Montgomery protest (Kelsey to King, 4 April 1958, in  Papers  4:394–395).

13.  King, Notes: “During this decade I also turned pacifist. Previously I had repudiated aggressive warfare as unchristian. I still acce pted  accept the Christian responsibility for constructive force. To accept non-violence as the solely Christian method is to limit our obedience to God to the level of redemption, whereas God has first of all made us creatures in an actual world where, under him, we are responsible for the exercise of constructive compulsion. Christians are not exempt from the disagreeable choices and chores of ordering life, which is dominated more by what men fear than by what they love. But more and more I have come to the conclusion that modern warfare is on such a scale and of such a nature that, regardless of what might be said of wars in the past, future wars can no longer be classified as constructive.”

14.  King, Notes: “I am no pacifist doctrinaire. I do not believe in the all-inclusiveness of the method of nonviolence, and deplore its being made the center of the gospel, but I believe that the Church cannot dodge taking a stand on the war issue by first finding for itself its own distinctive dimension.”

In a revised version of this article sent to Fey on 7 April, King inserted additional material at this point. King's revisions arrived too late for inclusion, but  Christian Century  later published King's addendum as “Suffering and Faith,” 27 April 1960, pp. 443–444 in this volume. King's complete essay appeared in Fey's anthology,  How My Mind Has Changed.

Source:   Christian Century  77 (13 April 1960): 439–441.

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The Concept of Civil Disobedience The concept of civil disobedience refers to an individual's active refusal to adhere to the rules or regulations set up by an existing authority. There is a lot of controversies over the moral justification of civil disobedience given that it reflects an individual's defiance to conform...

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Since its independence in 1776, United States of America has had a depraved history of racism. Socially and legally approved rights and privileges were given mostly to white American but not to the African-Americans, Asian-Americans and Native Americans. There were separate schools for the whites and other communities (Winter 12)....

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  Let us remember Gandhi’s wise counsel: “Our ability to reach unity in diversity will be the beauty and the test of our civilization.” Let us heed his words today and re-commit ourselves to this essential purpose. UN Secretary-General António Guterres  

Say No to Violence

The International Day of Non-Violence is observed on 2 October, the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi, leader of the Indian independence movement and pioneer of the philosophy and strategy of non-violence.

According to General Assembly resolution A/RES/61/271 of 15 June 2007, which established the commemoration, the International Day is an occasion to "disseminate the message of non-violence, including through education and public awareness". The resolution reaffirms "the universal relevance of the principle of non-violence" and the desire "to secure a culture of peace, tolerance, understanding and non-violence".

Introducing the resolution in the General Assembly on behalf of 140 co-sponsors, India’s Minister of State for External Affairs, Mr. Anand Sharma, said that the wide and diverse sponsorship of the resolution was a reflection of the universal respect for Mahatma Gandhi and of the enduring relevance of his philosophy. Quoting the late leader’s own words, he said: "Non-violence is the greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than the mightiest weapon of destruction devised by the ingenuity of man".

Gandhi and the struggle for non-violence

The name of Mahatma Gandhi transcends the bounds of race, religion and nation-states, and has emerged as the prophetic voice of the twenty-first century. The world remembers Gandhi not just for his passionate adherence to the practice of non-violence and supreme humanism, but as the benchmark against which we test men and women in public life, political ideas and government policies, and the hopes and wishes of our shared planet.

The life and leadership of Mahatma Gandhi

Gandhi, who helped lead India to independence, has been the inspiration for non-violent movements for civil rights and social change across the world. Throughout his life, Gandhi remained committed to his belief in non-violence even under oppressive conditions and in the face of seemingly insurmountable challenges.

The theory behind his actions, which included encouraging massive civil disobedience to British law as with the historic Salt March of 1930, was that "just means lead to just ends"; that is, it is irrational to try to use violence to achieve a peaceful society. He believed that Indians must not use violence or hatred in their fight for freedom from colonialism.

Definition of Non-Violence

The principle of non-violence — also known as non-violent resistance — rejects the use of physical violence in order to achieve social or political change. Often described as "the politics of ordinary people", this form of social struggle has been adopted by mass populations all over the world in campaigns for social justice.

Professor Gene Sharp , a leading scholar on non-violent resistance, uses the following definition in his publication, The Politics of Nonviolent Action :

"Nonviolent action is a technique by which people who reject passivity and submission, and who see struggle as essential, can wage their conflict without violence. Nonviolent action is not an attempt to avoid or ignore conflict. It is one response to the problem of how to act effectively in politics, especially how to wield powers effectively."

While non-violence is frequently used as a synonym for pacifism, since the mid-twentieth century the term non-violence has been adopted by many movements for social change which do not focus on opposition to war.

One key tenet of the theory of non-violence is that the power of rulers depends on the consent of the population, and non-violence therefore seeks to undermine such power through withdrawal of the consent and cooperation of the populace.

There are three main categories of non-violence action:

• protest and persuasion, including marches and vigils;
• non-cooperation; and
• non-violent intervention, such as blockades and occupations.

Mahatma Gandhi Quotes

• Poverty is the worst form of violence.
• Non-violence is a weapon of the strong.
• Non-violence and truth are inseparable and presuppose one another.
• We may never be strong enough to be entirely nonviolent in thought, word and deed. But we must keep nonviolence as our goal and make strong progress towards it.

Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the Contemporary World

Key Documents

• General Assembly Resolution on International Day of Non-Violence  (A/RES/61/271)
• International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World (2001–2010)
• Declaration on the Right of People to Peace
• Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace
• General Assembly resolutions on non-violence

Related Websites

• United Nations Peacekeeping
• United Nations and the Nobel Peace Prize
• UN Messengers of Peace

Culture of Peace and Non-violence

• Sustainable Development Goals
• GANDHI SMRITI AND DARSHAN SAMITI

Related Observances

• International Day of Sport for Development and Peace （6 April）
• International Day of Living Together in Peace （16 May）
• World Day for Cultural Diversity for Dialogue and Development （21 May）
• International Day of Peace （21 September）
• International Day for Tolerance （16 November）
• International Human Solidarity Day （20 December）
• World Interfaith Harmony Week （1-7 February）
• International Decade for the Rapprochement of Cultures (2013-2022)

Establishing a culture of peace and sustainable development are at the heart of UNESCO’s mandate. Training and research in sustainable development are among the priorities, as well as human rights education, skills for peaceful relations, good governance, Holocaust remembrance, the prevention of conflict and peace building.

#KindnessMatters

The # KindnessMatters campaign was launched on the International Day of Non-Violence in 2018 and so far more than 5 million acts of kindness have been performed across the world! #KindnessMatters Campaign aims to mobilize young people to carry out transformative acts of kindness to tackle the SDGs and create a positive culture of kindness.

Why do we mark International Days?

International days and weeks are occasions to educate the public on issues of concern, to mobilize political will and resources to address global problems, and to celebrate and reinforce achievements of humanity. The existence of international days predates the establishment of the United Nations, but the UN has embraced them as a powerful advocacy tool. We also mark other UN observances .

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The Ethics of Nonviolence: Essays by Robert L. Holmes

Robert L. Holmes,  The Ethics of Nonviolence: Essays by Robert L. Holmes , Predrag Cicovacki (ed.), Bloomsbury, 2013, 263pp., $34.95 (pbk), ISBN 9781623568054.

Reviewed by Andrew Fiala, California State University, Fresno

This is a collection of essays by Robert L. Holmes, a philosopher known primarily for his extensive body of work on nonviolence and war, including his influential book, On War and Morality (Princeton University Press, 1989). The essays include some of Holmes' early articles on American pragmatism and ethical theory. But its primary focus is later work, including some important material on the philosophy of nonviolence (some of it published previously in journals and books along with some previously unpublished material). The book concludes with a short essay on Holmes' teaching philosophy and an interview with the editor that provides some biographical material about Holmes' education and life.

While the earlier essays on pragmatism and ethical theory may be of interest to academic philosophers, and the later items would be of interest to those who know Holmes as a teacher or colleague, the primary focus of the volume is on the ethics of nonviolence. The essays on this topic are both readable and important. They would be of interest to a broad audience and not merely to academic philosophers. Indeed, these essays should be read and carefully considered by students of peace studies and peace activists.

One significant contribution is Holmes' is analysis of the difference between nonviolentism and pacifism. Indeed, it appears that he coined the term "nonviolentism" in a 1971 essay that is reprinted in this collection (157). According to Holmes, pacifism is a narrow perspective that is merely opposed to war, while nonviolentism is a broader perspective that is opposed in general to violence.

Holmes' account is a fine piece of analytic philosophy that reminds us that conceptual analysis matters. One concrete outcome of his analysis is the idea that one need not be an absolutist to be a pacifist or a nonviolentist. According Holmes, pacifists and nonviolentists get painted into a conceptual corner when they are thought to be absolutists. Absolute nonviolentism is easily overcome by imagined thought experiments in which a minor amount of violence is necessary in order to save a large number of people. Holmes concedes this point, admitting that absolute pacifism is "clearly untenable" (158).

Holmes' admission that pacifism is not appropriate for all conceivable worlds and in any conceivable circumstance may appear to doom his effort to defend nonviolence. And some may object that once Holmes makes this concession, continued discussion of nonviolentism becomes moot. Why bother to discuss nonviolentism when it won't work for the really hard cases?

But in fact, his admission of the limits of absolute moralizing is interesting as a meta-philosophical thesis, as a comment about absolutism in philosophy. And it links to his understanding of nonviolence as a way of life. Holmes connects the idea of nonviolence as a way of life with the tradition of virtue ethics -- and with non-Western sources such as Taoism. Holmes' goal is to describe a way of life in which nonviolence governs all of life, including both thought and deed.

Nonviolence in this maximalist sense does govern all of our life. Once we satisfy its requirements, we may in other respects act as we choose toward others. Even though I have stated it negatively, it has, for all practical purposes, a positive content. It tells us to be nonviolent . (174)

This is somewhat vague. A critic may worry -- as critics of virtue ethics often do -- that this is not very helpful when considering concrete cases. Such a retreat to virtue may not be readily accepted by absolutists who want clarity about moral principles. But Holmes fends of this sort of critique in his theoretical essays. In an essay with the polemical title "The Limited Relevance of Analytical Ethics to the Problems of Bioethics," Holmes aims to show that analytic ethics fails in important ways. In general Holmes holds that moral philosophy is situated in a broader context in which philosophers come to their work with a set of predispositions that are apparent even in the choice of methodology. And he points to a gap between the way philosophers proceed and the way the vast majority of people proceed, when reflecting on moral issues. What most of us want is a way of life and system of virtue -- not merely a decision procedure based on abstract principles.

This leads Holmes to conclude that academic philosophy is not very good at creating moral wisdom. Moral philosophizing attempts to hover free from value claims -- in attempting to be neutral -- and thus can end up being used to support immoral outcomes. A related point is made in Holmes' broader claim about the way that universities are too cozy with the military-industrial complex -- for example in supporting ROTC programs. While his criticism of ROTC was made in the early 1970's, we might note that ROTC still exists on campuses across the country, often free from criticism. It is worth considering whether the values embodied in academic philosophy and the larger academy are nonviolentist in Holmes' sense.

In the metaphilosophical and metaethical concerns of the earlier essays, Holmes clarifies the source of his thinking in American pragmatism (with special emphasis on Dewey). He also discusses the problem of finding a middle path between consequentialist and nonconsequentialist moral theory. And he criticizes philosophers' tendency to rely on imagined thought experiments.

He explains, for example, that most people are simply not absolutists, who hold to principles in the face of all possible counter-examples. He writes that although some philosophers believe that "far-fetched counterexamples" may crushingly refute absolute principles, "the philosopher's refutation of the philosopher's interpretation of the principle becomes conspicuously irrelevant to the issues in which ordinary people find themselves caught up" (57). Holmes' immediate target here is moral reasoning that occurs in applied ethics -- specifically Judith Thomson's widely read 1971 article "In Defense of Abortion." Holmes aims beyond the postulation of absolutist principles and attempted refutations of these by imagined counter-examples.

The imagined examples that are offered to refute pacifism are, for the most part irrelevant to Holmes' endeavor of describing and defending an ethic of nonviolence. He rejects an exclusive focus on "contrived cases, such as that of a solitary Gandhi assuming the lotus position before an attacking Nazi panzer division" (146). Holmes admits that killing could be justified in some rare situations. But such an admission does not help us make moral judgments in the real world of war and militarism. I think he is right about this. But one might worry that Holmes does not offer enough analysis of the concrete and ugly reality of war. For example, there is no discussion of post-traumatic stress disorder or suicide by soldiers or fragging -- let alone an account of war on children, widows, and the social fabric. Indeed, there is little here in terms of descriptions of the ugly reality of war that is often left out by defenders of militarism. Holmes may imagine that we already know that ugly reality. But his argument could be bolstered by more concrete detail.

One significant point Holmes makes is that much of the evil of the world -- and especially the evil of war -- is not deliberately intended. Holmes rejects the doctrine of double effect by noting that an exclusive focus on intention is insufficient. But he points toward a larger problem, which he names "the Paradox of Evil": "the greatest evils in the world are done by basically good people" (209). Truly evil people are usually only able to harm a few others. But the greatest harms are done by large social organizations that use good people to create massive suffering. Holmes suggests that the worst things happen when basically good people end up sacrificing for and supporting political and military systems. One reason for this is that they have been persuaded that nonviolentism is silly -- by those pernicious and fallacious arguments that consist primarily of contrived imagined cases.

Rather than dwelling on those contrived cases, Holmes emphasizes that we ought to work to develop plausible alternatives to violence and war. He imagines a nonviolent army or peaceforce, consisting of tens of thousands of trained persons, funded and educated at levels equivalent to that of the military. While it may seem that "nonviolent social defense" (as Holmes prefers to call it) is feckless in a world of military power, Holmes points out that there have been successful cases of nonviolent social transformation in recent history: in the Indian campaign for independence from Britain, in the American Civil Rights movement, in the demise of the Soviet Union, and in the end of apartheid in South Africa. This is all useful as a reminder of the fact that nonviolence can work. But one thing missing here is a concrete analysis of how and why nonviolent social revolutions work.

Holmes does argue that in order to complete the work of creating a "nonviolent American revolution" as he puts it, we ought to leave our violentist/realist assumptions about history behind and acknowledge that nonviolence can work to produce positive social change. For example, Holmes points out that national economies are grounded in value judgments and that we could create a nonviolent national economy, rather than our current militarized economy.

This points toward Holmes' basic optimism and idealism. Holmes suggest that our world is based in thought: "much of the world that most of us live in consists of embodied thought" (233). Injustices such as slavery are grounded upon a set of values and concepts that could be otherwise. One of the problems of the ubiquity of militarism in the United States is the feeling that military power is inevitable and normal. But Holmes points out that things could be different -- that we could imagine the social and political world differently and reconstitute it accordingly.

One significant problem is that we are miseducated about the usefulness of violence. Prevailing historical narratives make it appear that progress is usually made by the use of military power. But Holmes is at pains to point out that war and violence have often not worked. "We know that resort to war and violence for all of recorded history has not worked. It has not secured either peace or justice to the world" (197). While we often hear a story touting the usefulness of violence -- as in the Second World War narrative -- it turns out that in reality war merely prepares the way for future conflict -- as the Second World War gave way to the Cold War.

A further problem is that Holmes thinks that we defer too willingly to the narratives told by those in power and that we are too quick to give our loyalty to the state. Holmes espouses loyalty to the truth -- not loyalty to the state -- and a higher patriotism that is directed beyond borders. "It is from love of one's country, and for humankind generally, that a nonviolent transformation of society must proceed" (232). Running throughout his essays is a sort of anarchism, which Holmes sees in the ideas of those authors he admires: Thoreau, Tolstoy, and Gandhi. Holmes concludes, "the consistent and thoroughgoing nonviolentist, as Tolstoy saw, will be an anarchist" (180). To support this idea, Holmes reminds us that there is nothing permanent or sacred about the system of nation-states. "Nation-states are not part of the nature of things. They certainly are not sacrosanct. If they perpetuate ways of thinking that foster division and enmity among peoples, ways should be sought to transcend them" (120).

The just war tradition and political realism appear to go astray when they turn the state into an end in itself, rather than viewing it as a means to be used to create positive social living. Holmes locates one source of this in Augustine, who compromised so much with state power that he ended up closer to Hobbes than to Jesus -- a line of political realism that Holmes claims is picked up by Reinhold Niebuhr.

This train of thought points toward a critique of the logic of militaristic nation-states, which will tend to grow in power and centralized control. This leads to what Holmes calls the "garrison mentality" and "the garrison state" (114). He maintains that under the guise of a realist interpretation of history we end up assimilating military values, thinking that we can solve both international and domestic problems through the use of military tactics. But the development of the garrison state chained to a permanent war economy is an impending disaster, especially in a democracy. Holmes suggests, "This most likely would not happen by design, but gradually, almost imperceptibly, through prolonged breathing of the air of militarism, deceptively scented by the language of democratic values" (114). But in the long run, the growth of militarism comes at the expense of democracy. These prescient ideas were originally published in 1998, prior to 9/11, the war on terrorism, and recent revelations about the growing extent of security agencies and spying. The perceptive insight of Holmes' remarks reminds us that the perspective of nonviolentism is a valuable one, which helps to provide a critical lens on the world.

In general, this book provides a useful collection of essays on the ethics of nonviolence. Some of the earlier essays can be seen as a bit academic and boring. But, as noted above, the metaphilosophical considerations found in these earlier essays are clearly connected to the more concrete considerations on the ethics and philosophy of nonviolence. If one thing is missing, it is a more extensive practical account of how and why nonviolence works. Holmes mentions that some of the evidence for his claims about the effectiveness of nonviolence can be found in the work of authors such as Gene Sharp. However, there are very few details. Nor is there much in terms of a description of what a nonviolent way of life would look like. Would it be vegetarian? Would it include religion? Would a nonviolentist play violent video games or films? How would nonviolence impact gender relations? Would a nonviolentist with anarchist sympathies such as Holmes retreat to a 21 st century version of Walden Pond? Or would nonviolence lead us to a life of activism and social protest? One hopes that Holmes may take up the practical particulars of a life of nonviolence in future work.

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Violence Essay | Essay on Violence for Students and Children in English

February 13, 2024 by Prasanna

Violence Essay: Violence is the intentional use of physical force or power, vulnerable or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a gaggle or community, that either ends up in or incorporates a high chance of leading to injury, death, psychological hurt, and deprivation.

Violence is much more than it means to initiate the harm or exert cynicism to someone, whether verbally, physically, emotionally, sexually, psychologically, spiritually, culturally, and financially or neglect. Violence has been expressly known as a big public ill-health. Violence comes in several forms, and to only outline it as being a physical factor is presenting or forming a haul in our society nowadays.

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Long and Short Essays on Violence for Students and Kids in English

We provide students with essay samples on a long essay of 500 words and a short essay of 150 words on the topic of Minimum wage for reference.

Long Essay on Violence 500 Words in English

Long Essay on Violence is usually given to classes 7, 8, 9, and 10.

Violence is the expression of physical or verbal force against self or different, compelling action against one can on pain of being hurt. The word violence covers a broad spectrum. It will vary from physical words between 2 beings, wherever a small injury could also result, to war and killing, wherever millions might die as a result. Violence could be a comparatively common form of human behaviour that happens throughout the globe. Individuals of any age could also be violent, though older adolescents and young adults are presumed to interact in violent behaviour. Violence features various adverse effects on those that witness or expertise it, and youngsters are particularly liable to its damage. As luck would have it, numerous programs are productive in preventing and reducing violence. Human is a peaceable entity, but greed, passion, misguidance, etc. lead an individual to adopt violent behaviour. Violence has created mayhem throughout the planet. Each country within the world faces some reasonable violence or the opposite.

Violence may be an international development leading to the deaths of over one. Six million folks annually, creating it one of all the leading causes of death worldwide. Violent crimes square measure usually divided into four main classes, supported the character of the behaviour: killing, assault, theft, alternative varieties of violence overlap with these classes, like kid sexual and violence.

Sexual violence will occur at associate degree social or collective level. Sexual violence incorporates non‐consensual sexual contact and non‐consensual non‐contact acts of a sexual nature, like paraphilia and harassment.12 Acts qualify as sexual violence if they’re committed against somebody unable to consent or refuse, as an example, attributable to age, disability, misuse of authority, violence, or threats of violence.

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Gender‐based violence includes violence against girls occurring at intervals the family, geographically, or culturally specific kinds of abuse. For example, feminine sex organ accidental injury, “honor killings” and dowry‐related violence, as varied kinds of sexual violence, rape throughout the warfare, trafficking of ladies, and made harlotry. Although ladies will be violent against their male partners and violence could also be found in heterosexual or homosexual partnerships, it’s well accepted that ladies at the hands of men bear the overwhelming burden of partner violence worldwide.

Family violence refers to kid ill-usage, relation violence, intimate partner violence, and elder abuse. The thought of family violence is progressively being employed to draw attention; however, each of the sub‐types of family violence could cause or be a risk issue for the opposite subtypes. There could also be common underlying risk factors at the family’s amount and the relationship between the family and the wider community and society.

Short Essay on Violence 150 Words in English

Short Essay on Violence is usually given to classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6.

Violence is an associate expression of aggression. There may be numerous reasons that cause this sort of behaviour. Numerous unfavourable social things or circumstances in life affect a private. Those that area unit short-tempered or unable to deal with the ever-changing surroundings realizes it onerous to behave rationally. This frustration comes to call in the shape of anger and violent behaviour. Though, environmental factors area unit accountable, however, solely to associate extent.

Violence may be an important public ill-health and defies easy analysis. Process violence in numerous ways has each ethical and material consequence, like whether a wrongdoer is prosecuted, whether or not a hindrance program is funded, or, however, a victim understands their state of affairs. It’s most vital that public health practitioners perceive the broad scope of violence and area unit to establish points for sure-fire intervention to forestall violence and its health and social impression.

10 Lines on Violence Essay in English

1. The most successful violence prevention programs target all youngsters, not simply people who are thought to be in danger of violence. 2. The most vital outcome of specializing in violence and process is that the potential to additional exactly perceives its scale to stop its prevalence or switch its effects. 3. The primary hindrance is that the handiest variety of hindrances, however, additionally the foremost troublesome to attain. 4. Primary hindrance is widely acknowledged to boost kids’ outcomes and scale back their risk of changing into victims or perpetrators of abuse. 5. The secondary bar aims to reduce hurt once a violent incident has occurred that specialize in immediate responses. 6. The tertiary bar aims to treat and rehabilitate victims and perpetrators. 7. Various programs are developed to cut back or stop violence in people United Nations agency have already shown an inclination toward violence. 8. Universal interventions addressing violence area unit aimed toward the overall population, or teams inside it while not relevant individual risk. 9. Indicated interventions specialize in United Nations agency have detectable issues, like perpetrators of force or sexual offenders. 10. Selective interventions specialize in those at heightened risk of violence. As an example, early intervention programs specializing in folks.

FAQ’s on Violence Essay

Question 1. How can we prevent violence?

Answer:  Report crimes activities or suspicious activity to the police, school authorities, parents, or that person that we can trust.

Question 2. What violence causes?

Answer:  Violence is associated with an extreme degree of variety of aggression, like assault, rape, or murder.

Question 3. What are some real-life examples of violence?

Answer:  There are several examples of violence, which generally occurs like sexual violence, gender-based violence, youth violence, child maltreated violence, etc.

Question 4. Is violence necessary?

Answer:  No. Violence is not good, and it doesn’t solve issues. People sometimes might resort to violence but winning concerning it last for some time or gets converted to enmity. So it is good if we try to solve matters peacefully.

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Essay on “Non-Violence” for Students and Children, Best English Essay, Paragraph, Speech for Class 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12

Non-violence, violence leads to destruction.

Violence brings nothing but destruction. If the nations come out with heavy artillery against each other then the State, which gets more destruction is said to be the loser and that which faces lesser destruction is declared the winner. How strange are the criteria to judge the loser and the winner! It is probably based on the premise that man is primarily born to destroy or get destroyed with no other aim in life.

Mahatma Gandhi who always followed the path of non-, violence proved that even the biggest problems can be solved without resorting to violence He also proved that there are some other weapons that are more effective than bombs and bullets and the most effective among them are truth and nonviolence.

Nehru’s view – Man’s history

About Gandhiji, J.L. Nehru wrote: “Gandhiji was essentially a man of religion, a Hindu to innermost depths of his being, and yet his conception of religion had nothing to do with any dogma, custom or ritual. It was basically concerned with his firm belief in the moral law, which he calls the Law of Truth or love. Truth and non-violence appear to him to be the same thing, and he uses these words almost interchangeably.”

Of course, man’s history through centuries has been a history of bloodshed. There is hardly a page in the entire history of mankind when man lived completely in peace and free from war and turmoil.

Nuclear weapons

With the advent of the Atom bomb, the man began to realize that now there might be no war, since, being afraid of the nuclear holocaust, a state may not venture to start a war against its adversary. No doubt, after World War II there have been no major wars like World War II itself. But we had the Korean War, the Congo War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Indo-China and Indo-Pak Wars, the Cuba crisis, the American operation against Iraq, and then Afghanistan.

Peace – Our goal and Nuclear energy for peaceful purposes

Then, have we really come nearer to the goal of total peace? Have we really gained from the invention of the Atom bomb? It cannot be denied that the nuclear power when used for peaceful purposes is of immense power to man, particularly in the matter of production of energy and curing of several critical ailments and deformities in the human body. That is truly the nonviolent harnessing of the demon of the atom. But what should we say in a nutshell, about nuclear weapons?

Stocks of nuclear weapons and terrorism

At present, a number of countries are having stocks of nuclear weapons which are a danger to the very existence of man.

The world has been coming closer and closer to a nuclear catastrophe. That is the violent aspect of the same atom.

Though terrorism in one form or the other is said to be as old as man, yet in the modern age, its ugly shape has sent a shudder through the frame of even the mightiest nations.

Let us follow Gandhiji

Now, we can say, with confidence that the way of nonviolence as shown by Gandhiji can be the only way out for mankind if it intends to save itself from extinction. Gandhiji brought the mightiest empire in history to its knees through his ways of non-violence. Then why not follow Gandhiji’s philosophy of non-violence in letter and spirit? If mankind remains adamant in not following the way shown by Gandhiji, certainly, the doomsday is going to become a reality rather sooner than later.

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Essay on “Non-Violence ” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Non-Violence

Essay No. 01

POINTS TO DEVELOP

• Many great people have emphasised on the importance of non-violence.
• Various interpretations of the term.
• Non-violence, like other benevolent principles Cannot I be taken to the extreme.
• Gandhi’s Ahinsa.
• Violence has increased in the world today.
• Relevance of non-violence today.

“NON-VIOLENCE IS THE LAW OF SPECIES AS VIOLENCE IS THE LAW OF BRUTE”—

so spoke Mahatma Gandhi, celebrating the need and nature of the principle of non-violence for mankind. All wise men down the ages have preached the doctrine ,of love and non-violence. Zoroaster, Buddha, Mahavira, Christ, Nanak primarily emphasised a moral code that gave due status to non-violence. Non-violence is a philosophy of life, a modus operand which has been accepted as an article of faith in the East as well as the West. But what does the word ‘non-violence’ mean in simple terms? To what extent can and should non-violence be exercised in daily life? And is it not true that the world today is in dire need of nonviolence?

Non-violence has been variously interpreted by different people including philosophers and scholars. Generally, the term means ‘non-injury’ to others. It is a concept based on the fundamental goodness of man. In the fight for what is right and good-freedom, morality, justice and equality, violence must be avoided. All these are to be gained by avoiding use of physical force. One must avoid inflicting pain on others to win one’s goal however true and justifiable it may be. Evil must be resisted in a calm manner and not through violence in thought or action. For almost always violence begets violence-and there will be no end to it. The path of non-violence calls for a great amount of fortitude on the part of the person practicing it to achieve the best of goals. It also calls for courage and a lot of self-sacrifice. Thus non-violence, as Gandhi said, is not the weapon of the coward but of the strong. But to what extreme can the principle of non-violence be extended?

Just like other benevolent principles, non-violence fails to make sense once you take it to an extreme. It is not possible for man to exist at all if he is to ensure that he does not harm or injure a single animal, plant or micro-organism throughout his life. We breathe-and in the mere act of breathing we kill a number of germs and bacteria that cannot be seen by the naked eye. We walk-and the mere act of walking crushes innumerable small, microscopic organisms that abound on the soil. Moreover, injury by itself need not be solely physical in nature; it can be emotional and mental as well. There are no standard and practicable measures by which we can gauge the extent to which an act may cause mental and emotional harm.

Aggression between humans can be repulsed and checked by non-violence. But where the aggressor has no regard for the resulting destruction and bloodshed, total non-violence would only invite aggression. It must be remembered that even Gandhi, the modern profounder of the gospel of ‘non-violence’, allowed the use of violent weapons in the fight for right goals if there was a need.

Mahatma Gandhi is considered the apostle of non-violence. Truly, be expanded the concept so that nonviolence as a principle acquired a totally new meaning and dimension. For him, the path of ahinsa or non-violence was the only way to achieve freedom and truth which was the supreme reality for him. He explained how ahinsa was an active force and not simply a term passive in its meaning. The light through ahinsa was a legitimate struggle that demanded a lot of merit and virtue on the part of its followers. Ahinsa, for Gandhi, was not cowardice. Gandhi encouraged the use of ahinsa so that its practice on an individual level might finally enhance its significance for the nation as a whole-for only individuals constitute a nation! The effectiveness of the message of non-violence preached by Gandhi can be gauged from responses all over the globe-we have self-professed students of the Mahatma in leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi and Nelson Mandela.

In these modern times, it is violence that has emerged as one of the most common causes of human suffering. The pursuit of material benefits has resulted in growing conflicts between individuals, groups and nations New forms of violence have thus emerged. Highly sophisticated and lethal chemical and nuclear weapons have opened up ways .to inflict a maximum of destruction and damage. In truth, one ought to blame the modern ways of living for the violent tendencies that have taken strong roots in man. There is less of patience, perseverance, true courage, dedication and absolutely no sense of values at all. Man today is lost; and wandering souls can be easily misled in the name of anything. Violence has grown to such an extent today that it has almost acquired some kind of legitimacy. One fears that the growing violent attitude will ultimately wipe out mankind as a whole!

The world is desperately in need of non-violence as a way of life, to spread the gospel of love, brotherhood and peace. Man must awaken and realise that the world of violence in which he is living can blow up on his face at any time. Before time runs out, man must realise the folly of indulging in violence and give it up. Only the path of non-violence can truly provide mankind release from all ills and bring about harmony in the world. Only non- violence can restore sanity around us.

Essay No. 02

Non-violence  as  a  doctrine  has  been  preached  by  all  wise  men from  time  immemorial.  The  saints  and  sages  all  over  the  world have  preached  the gospel  of  love  and  understanding.  All differences  among  people  can  be  solved  through  love  without resorting  to  violent  means.  Mahatma  Gandhi,  the  greatest champion  of  non-violence,  defined  it  as  Ahimsa,  that  is  showing goodwill  and  love  to  an  antagonist  while  protesting  in  spirit against  his  unjust  act.  It  is  fundamentally  based  on  the spirituality  of  man.  It is synonymous  with  moral  courage.  It is not  mere  passive  courage,  but  is  the  driving  force  of  a  spirit which  seeks  redress  of  moral  grievances.  In  today’s  world,  non-violence  has  to  be  practised  if  mankind,  is  to  survive.  Non-violence  can-prove  a  panacea  for  all  the  ill  of  the  present-day world.

All  wise  men  down  the  ages  have  preached  the  doctrine  of  non-violence and  love.  The  chief  principles  -enshrined  in  the  teachings  of  Buddha Mahavira,  Christ,  Nanak,  Zoroaster  primarily  Jay  emphasis  on  a  moral code  in  which  there  is  no  place  for  violence  to  others  for  ones,  personal gains.  Non-violence is  a  philosophy  of  life.  It has  been  accepted  in  the East  as  well  as  in  the  West  as  an  article  of  faith.

Mahatma  Gandhi  was  the  greatest  apostle of  peace,  and  non-violence  in this  century.  He  defined  his  principle  as  Ahimsa,  that  is  showing  goodwill and  love  to  an  antagonists  while  protesting  .in  spirit  against  injustice  and violence.  It  was  in  South  .Africa that  he  for  the  first  time  experimented with  this  technique  of  peaceful  protest.  He  was  pained  to  see  the  second class  treatment  meted  .out  to  Indians  by  the  British.  There  was  a  terrible colour  prejudice  which  made  the  life  of  the  Indians  miserable.  He  was deeply  hurt  to  see  the  sorry  plight  of  Indians  and  their  working  and  living conditions.  He  became  preoccupied  with  the  question  of  how  to  change these  conditions.  He decided  to  adopt.  the  path  of  peaceful  agitation  and persuaded  Indians  to  join  him  in  his  struggle  for  the restoration  of  their rights.  His  success  in  his  crusade  only  strengthened  his  belief  in  non-violence.

The  first  article  of  non-violence  is  avoidance  of  physical  force  and  pain on  others.  The  other  aspect  lays  emphasis  on  the  moral  courage  and  attitude towards  life  of  an  individual.  It implies that  everyone,  who  is  a  seeker  of truth  must  be  ready  to  undergo  any  trial  of  hardship  in  pursuit  of  his inquiry.  In  this  sense,  non-violence  implies  that  man  must  face  or  resist the  evil  in  his  adversaries  in  a  calm  manner  and  not  resort  to  violence  in thought  or  action  at  any  time.  It  requires  rigorous  training  both  of  mind and  body.  Obviously,  non-violence  is  based  on  the  fundamental  goodness of  man  .and  is  deeply  grounded  in  the  belief  that  given  suitable  opportunity the  conscience  of  man  which  is  basically  good  is  likely  to  prevail  over evil.

In  his  Experiments  With  Truth,  Mahatma  Gandhi  was  convinced  that  non-violence  was  not  the  religion  of  the  coward  but  of  the  strong  and  morally determined.  He  certainly  did  not  advocate,  as  is  often  misunderstood  by his  critics,  cowardly  self-surrender.  On  the  contrary  he  advised  people  to resist  evil  with  determination  in  self-defence.  He  once  said,  non-violence does  not  imply  running  away  from  danger,  leaving  near  and  dear  ones  unprotected.  In  fact,  given  a  choice  between  cowardice  and  violence,  he chose  Violence  any  way.  It  is  only  the  truly  brave  who  can  defy  the  others without  inflicting  injury  on  them.  A  non-violent  person  gives  patient  hearing to  his  opponent;  reasons  with  him  respectfully  and  if  need  be,  expresses his  opinion  on  the  subject  and  firmly  refuses  to compromise  on  his principles.  He  adopts  the  technique  of  non-violence  and  non-cooperation to  fight  injustice  of  any  kind.

Today,  when  the  world  is  almost  on  the  verge  of  a  nuclear  holocaust,  non-violence  as  a  means  of  solving differences  among  civilized  people  is extremely  relevant.  Pandit  Nehru,  one  of greatest  disciples  of  Gandhi, had  admitted  that  he  was  convinced  about  the  futility  of  violence  in  the aftermath  of  war  and  partition  of  the  country  on  the  eve  of  independence. The  human  agony  and  suffering  that  the  world  had  been  Witness  to  after the  partition  of  India  seem  Meaningless  today.  The  communal  passions which  Were  aroused  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  still  have  not  been  resolved. They  continue  to  raise  their  ugly  heads  and  lead  to  countess  deaths  without resolving  the  issues  at  all.  Violence, therefore,  cannot  yield  any  positive result.  It  never  has Sooner  the  mankind  realises  it,  better  it  is  for  its  own preservation.

Super  powers  boast  possessing  weapons  which  can  destroy  the  entire continents  at  one  stroke.  One  constantly  lives  under  the  feat.  of  .a  third world  war  .breaking  out,  which  many  strike  the  death  toll  for  the  entire human  race.  The  amount  of  money  that.  is  spent  on  developing  military Weapons  and  acquiring  most,  sophisticated  aunts  by  almost all  the  countries all  over  the  world  is  simply  outrageous.  If  only  one  were  to  consider  the use  this  colossal  wealth  of  the  world  could  be  put  to  for  the  benefit  of the  mankind!  It  is  never  too late to learn  from  the  lessons  of  history. Aggression  and  violence  have  never  brought  about  any  permanent  solution to  issues.  They only end  up  in  causing  misery  and suffering.  So far violence has been  the  history  of  man.  It cannot be  allowed  to  continue.  The  vain, power-hungry  people  Who  indulge  in  wars  simply  for  the  satisfaction  of their  ambitions  and  greed  must  be  curbed.

The  world  is  desperately  in  need  of  a  Messiah  of  peace,  who  can  once again  preach  the  gospel  of  love,  understanding  and  universal  brotherhood. Man  must  awaken  from  his slumbet and  take  stock  of  the  explosive situation  he  is  living  in.  Before  the  time  runs  out,  man  must  come  to  his senses  and  realise  the  folly  of  indulging  in  wars  and  violence.  Ultimately, non-violence  alone  can  provide freedom  from  all  the  ills  of  the  society and  bring  about  harmony  in  the  life  of  the  people.  It  is  the  only  means  of restoring  sanity  in  the  world.

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